Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation

Almandi v. Minister of Defense

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 3451/02
Date Decided: 
Thursday, May 2, 2002
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

Facts: This petition was submitted during IDF operations against the terrorist infrastructure in the areas of the Palestinian Authority. (“Operation Defensive Wall.”) It concerns the situation in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, in which armed Palestinians had fortified themselves. In the church compound there were also unarmed Palestinians civilians, as well as clergymen. The clergymen, who were not in the same part of the compound as the Palestinians, received food, though the Palestinians did not. Petitioners requested that food be allowed into the compound. They asserted that preventing food from entering the compound was a violation of international law. Respondents reply that they are not preventing the civilians from exiting the compound—indeed, they are encouraging them to do so—and assuring them that no harm shall befall them. In response, petitioners asserted that the armed Palestinians were preventing the civilians from exiting the compound, and that they only way to ensure that food reached the civilians was to allow food into the compound for all inside.

 

Held: The Supreme Court held that Israel, finding itself in the middle of difficult battle against a furious wave of terrorism, is exercising its right of self defense under the Charter of the United Nations. This combat is being carried out according to the rules of international law, which provide principles and rules for combat activity. The Court found that, regarding the treatment of the armed Palestinians, the State had not violated international law. The problem was with the unarmed civilians inside the Church compound, those that were not connected to terror. The Court held that, in view of the reality in the compound, in which there was a well providing a certain amount of water, and food, even if it was only basic, and in view of the willingness of the respondents to provide extra food to the civilians even if they do not leave the compound, the respondents had fulfilled their obligation under international law.

 

 

 

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
Author
concurrence
Full text of the opinion: 

HCJ 3451/02

1.  Mohammed Almandi

2.  MK Ahmed Tibi

3.  MK Mohammed Barakeh

v.

1.  The Minister of Defense, Mr. Benjamin Ben-Eliezer

2.  The Chief Of Staff

3.  The Commander of the Central Command of the Israeli Defense Forces

 

The Supreme Court Sitting as the High Court of Justice

[April 25, 2002]

Before President A. Barak, Justices D. Beinisch, I. Englard

 

Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice.

 

Facts: This petition was submitted during IDF operations against the terrorist infrastructure in the areas of the Palestinian Authority. (“Operation Defensive Wall.”) It concerns the situation in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, in which armed Palestinians had fortified themselves. In the church compound there were also unarmed Palestinians civilians, as well as clergymen. The clergymen, who were not in the same part of the compound as the Palestinians, received food, though the Palestinians did not. Petitioners requested that food be allowed into the compound. They asserted that preventing food from entering the compound was a violation of international law. Respondents reply that they are not preventing the civilians from exiting the compound—indeed, they are encouraging them to do so—and assuring them that no harm shall befall them. In response, petitioners asserted that the armed Palestinians were preventing the civilians from exiting the compound, and that they only way to ensure that food reached the civilians was to allow food into the compound for all inside.

 

Held: The Supreme Court held that Israel, finding itself in the middle of difficult battle against a furious wave of terrorism, is exercising its right of self defense under the Charter of the United Nations. This combat is being carried out according to the rules of international law, which provide principles and rules for combat activity. The Court found that, regarding the treatment of the armed Palestinians, the State had not violated international law. The problem was with the unarmed civilians inside the Church compound, those that were not connected to terror. The Court held that, in view of the reality in the compound, in which there was a well providing a certain amount of water, and food, even if it was only basic, and in view of the willingness of the respondents to provide extra food to the civilians even if they do not leave the compound, the respondents had fulfilled their obligation under international law.

 

Treaties Cited:

The Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of August 12, 1949

 

Israeli Supreme Court Cases Cited:

[1]HCJ 3436/02 La Custodia Internazionale di Terra Santa v. Government of Israel (unreported decision)

[2]HCJ 168/91 Marcus v. The Minister of Defense IsrSC 45 (1) 467

[3]HCJ 3114/02 Barake  v. The Minister of Defense IsrSC 56(3) 11

[4]HCJ 320/80 Kawasma v. The Minister of Defense IsrSC 35 (3) 113

 

Israeli Books Cited:

[5]Y. Dinstein, The Laws of War (1983)

 

For the petitioners—Saadi Usama

For the respondent—Yochi Jensin

 

 

Judgment

President A. Barak

 

1. On March 29, 2002, the government decided to carry out a military operation—“Operation Defensive Wall”—against the Palestinian terror infrastructure in Judea and Samaria. The goal of the operation was to prevent the recurrence of the terror attacks which have plagued Israel. In the context of this operation, IDF forces entered Bethlehem on April 14, 2002. As IDF forces entered Bethlehem, approximately thirty to forty wanted Palestinians terrorists list broke into the Church of the Nativity, shooting as they entered. According to information in the hands of the security services, these men are responsible for the murder of Israeli civilians. Scores of armed Palestinian security services personnel also burst into the church compound. In addition, a number of civilians, unarmed and unconnected to the others, also entered the church.  In total, approximately two hundred Palestinians entered the compound. The armed Palestinians positioned themselves in the Basilica of the church.

 

2. The IDF surrounded the church compound. Several times, the IDF requested of all Palestinians, especially of the ill requiring medical care, to exit the compound. The message was conveyed to those in the compound that those who were not involved in terror activity, and who were not wanted by Israel, could leave the compound and go free. Those who were wanted—and these constituted a minority of the armed persons in the compound—were given the options of either standing trial in Israel or leaving Israel and the areas of the Palestinian Authority.

 

3. Many of those who entered the compound of the Church of the Nativity have since left. Those who left the compound included the wounded and the ill. These were examined by a medical team which had been set up adjacent to the church compound, and were evacuated to hospitals when necessary. Two bodies of armed persons were taken out for burial.  In addition, a number of civilians, including nine youths, took advantage of the opportunity they were given and left the compound. 

 

4. Initially, there were approximately forty eight clergymen in the Church of the Nativity. They congregated outside the basilica, in several compounds. The IDF, of course, allowed all clergymen the opportunity to leave the compound. Seventeen of them left the church. Water and food is being inserted into the compound for the clergymen, as per their needs. See HCJ 3436/02 La Custodia Internazionale di Terra Santa v. Government of Israel (unreported decision) [1]. 

 

5.  Currently, negotiations toward a resolution of the situation are being conducted between the Palestinians in the compound and the State of Israel.  The negotiations are being conducted by special teams that were established for that purpose.  During these negotiations, the La Custodia [1] petition was filed. That petition contained demands to provide food, water, medicine, and other necessary items to the clergy in the church, to connect the compound to electricity and water and bring a doctor into the compound, and to allow two bodies in the compound to be removed. The petition was filed by the owner and possessor of the compound. 

 

As arguments in the petition were being heard, negotiations were also being conducted on these same issues. As such, the La Custodiai [1] petition was rejected. There, Justice Strasberg-Cohen stated that “at the moment, the sides are in contact for the purpose of arriving at an arrangement. In the middle of a military operation, the Court should not interfere in such developments. In addition, as clarified by respondents, the IDF is doing all that is necessary to care for the clergy in a sensitive and humane manner.” Regarding the substantive issue, this Court noted that the clergymen were already receiving all assistance that they had requested.  We have already noted that seventeen priests, out of the forty eight in the compound, left of their own volition. Water and food are being brought in as necessary. Medication was brought in to the compound, according to prescriptions relayed by the clergymen to the IDF.

 

6.  The petition before us was filed by the Governor of Bethlehem (petitioner 1), who is inside the compound, and by two Israeli Members of Knesset (petitioners 2 and 3). They request that medical teams and representatives of the Red Cross be allowed to enter the compound, in order to provide food and medicine. In addition, they request that medical teams and representatives of the Red Cross be allowed to collect the bodies in the compound, and to provide medical care to the ill. They also request that ill persons requiring medical care be allowed to leave the compound. As noted, the solution to the problem of collection and burial of bodies has already been found. The problem of the ill that required medical treatment has also been solved. The only remaining problem is the issue of water and food for those in the compound. Even this problem has been solved, as far as the clergymen are concerned. As such, the problem reduces to the question of the Palestinians in the basilica.

 

7.  Respondents has notified us that the IDF has disconnected most of the compound from water and electricity. However, to the best of the army’s knowledge, there is a well in the compound, from which water is being pumped.  In addition, in certain areas of the compound, electricity is being provided by a generator. Furthermore, Palestinians who left the compound reported that there are bags of rice and beans inside. It is clear, however, that there is a shortage of food, and the petition here concerns that shortage. 

 

8.  Petitioners, during oral arguments of April 24, 2002, argued that the fact that Palestinians in the compound are being deprived of food is a severe breach of international law. Respondents reply that the petition is not justiciable. They assert that there is no justification for judicial intervention when the parties are in the middle of negotiations. Substantively, respondents argue that they are acting according to international law.

 

9.  Israel finds itself in the middle of difficult battle against a furious wave of terrorism. Israel is exercising its right of self defense. See The Charter of the United Nations, art. 51. This combat is not taking place in a normative void. It is being carried out according to the rules of international law, which provide principles and rules for combat activity.  The saying, “when the cannons roar, the muses are silent,” is incorrect.  Cicero’s aphorism that laws are silent during war does not reflect modern reality. I dealt with this idea in HCJ 168/91 Marcus v. The Minister of Defense [2], at 470-71, noting:

 

When the cannons roar, the muses are silent. But even under the roar of the cannons, the Military Commander must uphold the law. The strength of society in withstanding its enemies is based on its recognition that it is fighting for values that are worth defending. The rule of law is one of those values

 

In HCJ 3114/02 Barake, v. The Minister of Defense [3], decided only a few days ago, during the height of combat activities in “Operation Defensive Wall,” we stated

 

Even in a time of combat, the laws of war must be followed.  Even in a time of combat, all must be done in order to protect the civilian population. 

 

The foundation of this approach is not only the pragmatic consequence of a political and normative reality. Its roots lie much deeper. It is an expression of the difference between a democratic state fighting for its life and the aggression of terrorists rising up against it.  The state fights in the name of the law and in the name of upholding the law. The terrorists fight against the law and exploit its violation. The war against terror is also the law’s war against those who rise up against it. See HCJ 320/80 Kawasma v. The Minister of Defense [4], at 132.  Moreover, the State of Israel is founded on Jewish and democratic values. We established a state that upholds the law—it fulfills its national goals, long the vision of its generations, while upholding human rights and ensuring human dignity. Between these—the vision and the law— there lies only harmony, not conflict.

 

10.  Indeed, the State argues that it is acting according to the rules of international law. These are humanitarian laws, which Israel honors. Respondent asserts that “the means used by the IDF towards the Palestinians in the Church of the Nativity are not forbidden by international law. These means are proportionate—we have refrained from the use of military force in order to enter the compound, and allow armed Palestinians to leave the compound at any time that they wish to do so and, if they do so without their weapons, they will not be hurt, but rather arrested.” See para. 32 of respondents’ brief. On this issue we were referred to Articles 17 and 23 of the Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, Aug. 12, 1949 [hereinafter - the Fourth Geneva Convention].

 

11. We examined the arguments of the parties regarding international law. We are convinced that as far as the armed Palestinians are concerned, there is no breach of these rules. The majority of our attention was directed towards the Palestinian civilians in the compound.  These civilians are not armed, they are not government authorities, and there is no charge that they are connected with terrorism.  How can their rights be ensured? Respondents’ answer is that they are not preventing Palestinian civilians from exiting the compound, and are encouraging them to exit, while promising them that no harm shall befall them. Petitioners respond that, according to their information—information from Israeli sources, they claim—the armed Palestinians are preventing these civilians from exiting the compound, and the only way to ensure the provision of food to the civilians is by providing enough food for all who are in the compound.  To this the State replies that there is enough food inside the compound now and that, in any case, there is no possibility to ensure that additional food brought into the compound will be consumed by the civilians only, and that, clearly, additional food will also be consumed by the armed persons.

 

This situation troubled us. On April 30, 2002, we held a special session in order to be updated on this issue. We asked how it can be ensured that extra food—beyond the essentials—be provided to the civilians who remain in the compound.  We asked whether respondents would be willing to allow civilians to leave the compound, receive extra food, and return to the compound.  We received a positive answer.  Like the clergy, who exit the church to tend to religious matters and then return, so unarmed civilians will be allowed to leave the compound, receive extra food according to their needs outside of the compound, and then return to the church. It appears to us that, in view of the reality in the compound, in which there is a well providing a certain amount of water, and food, even if it is only basic, and in view of the willingness of the respondents to provide extra food to the civilians even if they do not leave the compound, the respondents have fulfilled their obligation under international law. See Article 23(a) of the Fourth Geneva Convention; see also A. Rogers, Law on the Battlefield 62 (1996); Y. Dinstein, The Law of War 140 (1983).

 

12.  Like many others, we hope that the events in the compound of the Church of the Nativity will come to an end quickly.  It is difficult to describe the gravity of the taking of a holy place by armed Palestinians, the desecration of its sanctity and the holding of civilians hostage. Negotiations between the two sides are taking place in order to find a solution to the difficult situation which has been created.  A solution to the problem must be found in the framework of these negotiations. Clearly, just as “this Court will take no position regarding the manner in which combat is being conducted,” see HCJ 3114/02 [3], we will not conduct the negotiations, and will not guide them. Responsibility for this issue rests on the shoulders of the executive branch and those acting on its behalf.

 

The petition is rejected.

 

Justice D. Beinisch

 

I agree.

 

Justice I. Englard

 

I agree with the opinion of my colleague, President A. Barak, and with his reasons. I would only like to add a few comments regarding the causes of this intolerable situation of the desecration of a Christian holy place—and not just any holy place, but one of the most ancient and significant holy places to the Christian communities.  Who is responsible for the fact that thugs burst in, by force, to the ancient basilica and did “things that ought not to be done?” Cf. Genesis 34:7. Who had the obligation to protect this holy place and prevent its invasion by armed men?  Who is responsible for the breach of the international law, which requires the protection of religious and cultural treasures from combat activities, and forbids their use for the purposes of war? See the provisions regarding holy places and cultural treasures in Geneva Protocol I, Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts, 1977; and Geneva Protocol II, Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts, 1977.  Does this responsibility not rest on the shoulders of the Palestinian Authority which obligated itself to protect the holy places in areas under its control?  Did the Palestinian Authority take substantial steps to prevent this desecration, and did it make an effort to end it immediately?  We all deserve answers to these questions!

 

Decided according to the opinion of President  Barak. 

May 2, 2002

Lam v. Dal

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 5936/97
Date Decided: 
Thursday, September 2, 1999
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

Facts: Diagnosticians of children’s learning disabilities and a nonprofit organization representing them challenged a decision by the Ministry of Education to cease recognizing diagnoses of learning disabilities, generally conducted for students seeking eligibility for special governmental conditions and services, unless the diagnoses are conducted by educational psychologists. Petitioners alleged that the decision violated the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation.

 

Held: The decision to cease recognizing diagnoses conducted by the petitioners violates the freedom of occupation and does so neither by force of a statute nor or in accordance with any statute, by virtue of express authorization therein, as required by the Basic Law. The Education Ministry is the primary consumer of educational diagnoses and as such, its decision to stop recognizing the diagnoses effectively prevents the petitioners from working in that field, constituting an infringement on the freedom of occupation. This infringement is not authorized by statute, as the relevant statutes make no mention of the diagnosis of learning disabilities or of the standards by which they are to be recognized. The decision is also invalid because it did not include transitional provisions required in light of the reliance and legitimate expectation interests of the petitioners and others. 

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
Author
concurrence
Author
concurrence
Full text of the opinion: 

   HCJ 5936/97

1.Dr. Oren Lam

2.Amutat Amal – Organization of Learning Disabilities Diagnosticians

3.Nira Noi

v.

  1. Mr. Ben Tzion Dal, Director-General Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport
  2. Minister of Education Culture and Sport

 

The Supreme Court Sitting as the High Court of Justice

[2 September 1999]

Before President A. Barak and Justices D. Dorner, D. Beinisch

Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

 

Facts: Diagnosticians of children’s learning disabilities and a nonprofit organization representing them challenged a decision by the Ministry of Education to cease recognizing diagnoses of learning disabilities, generally conducted for students seeking eligibility for special governmental conditions and services, unless the diagnoses are conducted by educational psychologists. Petitioners alleged that the decision violated the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation.

 

Held: The decision to cease recognizing diagnoses conducted by the petitioners violates the freedom of occupation and does so neither by force of a statute nor or in accordance with any statute, by virtue of express authorization therein, as required by the Basic Law. The Education Ministry is the primary consumer of educational diagnoses and as such, its decision to stop recognizing the diagnoses effectively prevents the petitioners from working in that field, constituting an infringement on the freedom of occupation. This infringement is not authorized by statute, as the relevant statutes make no mention of the diagnosis of learning disabilities or of the standards by which they are to be recognized. The decision is also invalid because it did not include transitional provisions required in light of the reliance and legitimate expectation interests of the petitioners and others.

 

Legislation Cited

Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation, ss.2, 4.

Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, s.4.

National Education Law, 1953, s.34.

Interpretation Law, 1981, s.17 (b).

Land Brokers Law, 1996, ss.20 (a), 20 (b), 21.

Bar Association Law, 1961, 2.112.

Dentists Ordinance (Amendment), 1951, s, 1.

Dentists Ordinance (Amendment) (No.2), 1992, s.7.

Dentists Ordinance (New Version), 1979.

 

Israeli Supreme Court Cases Cited:

 

[1] HCJ 6300/93 Institute for Qualification of Rabbinical Advocates v. Minister of Religious Affairs, IsrSC 48 (4) 441.

[2] HCJ 726/94 Clal Insurance Company Ltd v. Minister of Finance, IsrSC 48(5) 441.

[3] CA 294/91 Chevra Kadisha v. Kestenbaum,  IsrSC  46 (2) 464.

[4] HCJ 4541/94 Miller v. Minister of Defense, IsrSC 49(4) 94.

[5] HCJ 5016/96 Chorev v. Minister of Transportation, IsrSC 51(4) 1.

[6] HCJ 1/49 Bzarno v.Minister of Police, IsrSC 2 80.

[7] HCJ 337/81 Mitrani v.Minister of Transport, IsrSC 37(3) 337.

[8] HCJ 3267/97 Rubinstein v. Minister of Defense, IsrSC 51 (5) 481.

[9] HCJ 953/87 Poraz v. Mayor of Tel-Aviv-Jaffa, IsrSC 42 (2) 309.

[10] HCJ 1715/97 Bureau of Investments Directors in Israel v. Minister of Finance, IsrSC 51(4) 367.

[11] HCJ 450/97 Tenufa Manpower and Maintenance Services Ltd v. Minister of Labor and Welfare, IsrSC 52(2) 433.

[12] HCJ 2832/96 Banai v. National Council of Advocates, IsrSC 50(2) 582.

[13] HCJ  3930/94 Gizmavi v.Minister of Health,  IsrSC 48(4) 778.

[14] FHCJ 3299/93 Vixenblaum v.Minister of Defense, IsrSC 49(2) 195.

[15] FHCJ 3872/93 Mitral Ltd. v. Prime Minister and the Minister of Religion, IsrSC 47(5) 485.

[16] HCJ 1452/93 Igloo Contracting Company for Building Installation and Development v. Minister of Industry and Trade, IsrSC 47(5) 610.

[17] HCJ1 703/92 K.A.L. Consignment Airways v. Prime Minister, IsrSC 52(4) 193.

 

 

 

JUDGMENT

 

Justice D. Dorner

The facts, the procedure and the claims

1.   Petitioners 1 and 3 (hereinafter – the petitioners) work as diagnosticians of children’s learning disabilities. Petitioner 1 is a doctor in neuro-psychology. He lectures in Haifa University on learning disabilities, their diagnosis and their treatment. For the last eight years he has been the owner of a diagnostic clinic, dealing, inter alia, with the diagnosis of learning disabilities. Petitioner 3 has worked in special education for about twenty years.  She completed a special course dealing with learning disabilities, under the aegis of the Education Ministry, and also specialized in field-work for two years.  After passing the examinations, she received her license from the Education Ministry authorizing her to diagnose learning disabilities. Petitioner 2 is a nonprofit organization currently in formation, which will amalgamate the diagnosticians of learning difficulties, among them petitioners 1 and 3.

Learning disabilities, including a broad range of learning difficulties, generally result from defects in cognitive processes, presumably of neurological origin. They are distinct from learning difficulties, which occur in the natural cross section of the population, consummate with each person’s talents, motivation, and environment.

Even those with above average intellectual capacities experience difficulty in achieving basic learning skills, e.g. reading (dyslexia) writing (dysgraphia) and arithmetic as a result of a learning disability. People with learning disabilities also suffer from disturbances in cognitive functions: language conceptualization, memory, concentration and the like. Treatment of learning disabilities includes, among other things, adapting syllabi and tests to the specific disability from which each particular pupil suffers, to enable students to exploit their capacities and intellectual talents to the fullest extent.

Since the beginning of the 1990’s, there has been an increased demand for trained, professional diagnosticians of learning disabilities. This is the result of the educational system becoming increasingly aware that students at all levels, including universities, suffer from learning difficulties.  Between 1992 and 1994, the Ministry of Education encouraged the training of diagnosticians in courses conducted in the colleges it supports. Graduates of these courses (hereinafter – the diagnosticians) received a license from the Ministry of Education as “didactic diagnosticians”, after completing a period of supervised practical work and passing examinations.  Until September 1996, the Ministry of Education officially recognized the diagnoses given by diagnosticians.

2.   In September 1996, the Ministry of Education issued a circular, signed by its Director-General Ben-Tzion Dal, and distributed it in educational institutions at all levels.  The circular provided that the Ministry of Education would only recognize a diagnosis of a learning disability (differential diagnosis) if given by an expert educational psychologist (as defined in the Psychologists Regulations (Approval of Degree as Expert), 1979).

Once the Ministry of Education stopped recognizing the diagnoses of the diagnosticians, there was no longer any reason for students in need of a diagnosis to request their services, and the demand for their services declined significantly. 

In November 1996, a number of diagnosticians whose livelihoods had suffered, including Petitioner 1, applied to Mr. Dal by way of their attorney.   Protesting the circular, they argued that it was the Education Ministry that had encouraged them to undergo training for work in diagnosis; that diagnosis of learning disabilities demands special training, which educational psychologists do not have; and that in any event there was no ground for limiting such diagnosis to educational psychologists.

In January 1997 the Minister of Education and the Minister of Science appointed a committee of experts, headed by Prof. Malka Margalit, to examine how to help students suffering from learning difficulties to realize their potential fully.  The letter of appointment directed the committee to submit its recommendations within six months, in other words, by June 1997.

Prior to the due date, on 26 February 1997, the Education Ministry issued a second director-general circular, in which it once again provided:

“As of the publication date (of the director-general’s circular of September 1996), the definition of learning disabilities shall only include those which have been diagnosed as such by an expert educational psychologist”.

On the other hand, in the committee’s report submitted in June 1997 (hereinafter –the Margaliot Committee Report), it expressed its opinion that diagnosis of a learning difficulties requires special academic training, not offered within the framework of the regular training of educational psychologists. Its conclusion was that recognition of diagnoses should not be reserved for educational psychologists who had not been specially trained for that purpose.

The committee therefore recommended that diagnosis of learning difficulties be performed by an interdisciplinary committee of psychologists, teachers and educational consultants who had received training for that purpose in a Master’s level program specializing in learning difficulties. The members of the committee would divide the tasks involved in diagnosis among themselves.  In other words, in order to approve a student’s educational framework, the psychologist, who was an expert in learning disabilities, would conduct a differential diagnosis, examining the disparity between function and intellectual capacity as measured by intelligence tests, the gap which defines a learning disability.  At the same time, the teacher would assess the components of the learning disability in order to construct an appropriate didactic program.

The diagnosticians again applied to the director-general of the Ministry of Education, relying on the Margalit Committee’s report.  The Ministry of Education responded that educational psychologists undergo courses under the auspices of the Psychological Service in the Pedagogical Center of the Ministry of Education (P.A) in which they also learn about learning difficulties.  In the Ministry’s view, these courses provide the expertise required under the recommendations of the Margalit commission. Consequently, the Ministry of Education saw no reason to amend its guidelines.

3.   The petition before us challenged this decision.  The petitioners asked that the Ministry of Education be directed to annul the guidelines prescribed by the director-general of the Ministry of Education.  Alternatively, they asked that we determine reasonable and egalitarian criteria for recognizing diagnoses of a learning disability when performed by persons specifically trained for that purpose. As an alternative to the alternative, they requested that transitional provisions be enacted until the new guidelines came into force.

In their petition, the petitioners claimed that preferring educational psychologists untrained in the diagnosis of learning disabilities, over diagnosticians who were experts in the field, violates the diagnosticians’ freedom of occupation and therefore violates the provisions of the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation.  In this context, they claimed that the director-general’s circulars have no basis in Knesset legislation.  They further claimed that the director general’s circulars were not issued for an appropriate purpose, as they are based on irrelevant considerations.  Furthermore, they submitted that the director general’s circulars violated their freedom of occupation to an extent greater than necessary.  In that context, the petitioners appended to their petition the expert opinion of a psychologist who had specialized in the area of learning difficulties. The gist of the opinion is that a psychologist’s training does not include specialization in diagnosis of learning disabilities and of those suffering from such disabilities; that the tools used by psychologists for assessing intellectual ability (I.Q tests) are inappropriate for assessing examinees suffering from learning disabilities; and that the entire area of diagnosis constitutes a distinct discipline necessitating specific and basic professional training.

At the petitioner’s request, an interim order (order nisi) was issued.

In their response to the petition, the respondents claimed that the director-general’s decision reflected the professional stance of the competent authorities in the Ministry of Education and that there was no cause to annul it.   In that context, they too submitted the expert opinion of an educational psychologist, the thrust of which is that educational psychologists are best equipped to diagnose learning difficulties and that their required courses train them for that purpose.  The respondents further contended that the director-general’s circulars do not, in any way, abridge the petitioners’ freedom of occupation, because they do not prevent them from working as diagnosticians of learning disabilities.  Nor do the circulars restrict their work in any manner, for example, by requiring a license.  The only thing decided by the circulars was that the Ministry of Education would no longer accept their diagnoses.  This, they submitted, does not infringe upon their freedom of occupation. Moreover, the circulars themselves still provided the petitioners with plenty of work, given that the entire realm of the specific diagnosis of particular disabilities (as opposed to the diagnosis in principle of a learning disability) remained open to them.  And so, absent a violation of the freedom of occupation, there is no need to enact transitional provisions that enable diagnosticians previously engaged in diagnosis of learning disabilities to continue working in their professions. In any event, regarding the transitional provisions, the respondents further claimed that they were unnecessary with regard to the petitioners.  A transitional provision is intended for persons occupied in a field who must, in order to continue working in the field, make adjustments in light of new conditions.  The transitional provision allows them to continue their work in that field while simultaneously adjusting to the new conditions.  In the case before us, there was no intention to require the petitioners to satisfy certain conditions in order to qualify for diagnosis of learning disabilities.  Rather, the intention was that their diagnoses would not be accepted by the Ministry of Education.  Finally, the respondents claimed that continued diagnoses by diagnosticians who are not psychologists would harm the pupils and therefore should not be allowed, even during a short transition period.

4.   My view is that the petition should be granted. I say that for two reasons: first; the decision challenged violates the freedom of occupation and does so neither by force of a statute nor or in accordance with any statute, by virtue of express authorization therein. Second; the decision does not establish the necessary transitional provisions required, in light of the reliance and legitimate expectation interests of the petitioners and others.

In view of these conclusions, we need not rule on the question of whether the decision violated the freedom of occupation to a greater extent than necessary.

The decision violates the freedom of occupation

5.   As stated, the respondents claimed that the director-general’s circulars do not involve any infringement on the freedom of occupation, because they do not prohibit the petitioners or others from continuing to work in their occupations.

This claim cannot be accepted.

Whether or not an administrative agency’s decision violates the freedom of occupation is a question that must be examined substantively and not formally.  The freedom of occupation is violated not just where an agency directly restricts the right to engage in any work or vocation, for example, by imposing a prohibition on the occupation or the requirement of a license. Effectively preventing the possibility of engaging in particular work or a particular profession also constitutes a violation of the freedom of occupation.

For example, we have held that imposing limitations on studies necessary to qualify for work in a particular profession constitutes a violation of the freedom of occupation. See HC 6300/93 Institute for Qualification of Rabbinical Advocates v. Minister of Religious Affairs (hereinafter – Rabbinical Advocates Institute), [1]).  Even when an agency grants a subsidy to only a portion of those engaged in a particular area, while denying the same subsidy to others, it violates the freedom of occupation (see HC 726/94 Clal Insurance Company Ltd v. Minister of Finance [2] at 471).

Similarly, an agency violates the freedom of occupation by agreeing to receive exclusively the occupational product of those with particular training, even without prohibiting the actual engagement in the occupation for those with different training.   An agency practicing this kind of policy will be regarded as having violated the freedom of occupation if in practice it prevents, or seriously restricts, the possibility of working in the occupation.  An agency violates the freedom of occupation if it imposes restrictions on the employment of those engaged in a particular profession or occupation, or upon the use of their products, when it has a monopoly over the employment of persons engaged in that profession or occupation, or it is the sole consumer of their products.   The agency’s monopoly status enables it to prevent engagement in an occupation without imposing a formal prohibition.  Cf. C.A. 294/91 Chevra Kadisha v. Kestenbaum [3] per Shamgar, P. at 484.  Under those circumstances, the exclusive utilization of the service of particular sources grants them monopoly status as a matter of fact, if not formally.  This too violates the freedom of occupation of the other sources, whose services the agencies decline to utilize. Cf A. Barak Interpretation in Law, vol.3 “Constitutional Interpretation” [18] at 613 – 614.  On the other hand, if engagement in a particular occupation is open to a person despite the agency’s refusal to accept the products of his occupation, that refusal will not be regarded as a violation of freedom of occupation.

This conclusion is dictated by the underlying goals of the freedom of occupation. Freedom of occupation is a particular instance of the general principle of human dignity and liberty. “It is by way of his occupation that a person shapes his personality and his social status. When you take away a person’s freedom of occupation you take away his human image. Take away a person’s freedom to choose a profession and you have taken away his reason for living” (see Barak, supra [18] at 583).  Freedom of occupation also has an economic aspect.  It is intended to protect peoples’ ability to pursue their livelihoods. These goals are frustrated not only when the State prohibits engagement in a particular profession or occupation or makes the engagement therein conditional upon receiving a license; they are also frustrated when the State, enjoying monopoly status over employment in a particular profession, refrains from employing particular people, or imposes restrictions on their employment.

Indeed, as a rule, the freedom of occupation does not compel the State or its authorities to employ.  Freedom of occupation means the freedom to employ or not to employ.  See A. Barak “The Economic Constitution of Israel” [20] at 369.  In all instances, the State must exercise its power as an employer and as a purchaser of services on the basis of equality, and on the basis of reasonable, relevant considerations. The State may refuse to employ certain persons or refuse to purchase their services, and may even refuse to use their products. Generally speaking, however, none of these actions denies people the ability to engage in their profession, and therefore they do not constitute a violation of their freedom of occupation.  The situation changes, however, when the State enjoys a monopoly over employment in an occupation, or over the use of the products of an occupation, and its refusal to employ precludes the possibility of engagement in the occupation.  This kind of violation is substantively an infringement on the freedom of occupation.

6.   In the case before us, the State has not only refrained from employing the petitioners and their colleagues as diagnosticians of learning disabilities, but it has also refused to recognize their diagnoses, even when their services are procured by others. 

The Ministry of Education’s failure to recognize the petitioners’ diagnoses bars the entire profession to them.  The Ministry of Education is the only institution in the country that requires these diagnoses and controls the large part of the education network of the entire country. The Ministry requires the diagnoses in order to create special educational frameworks for pupils suffering from learning disabilities, mostly in order to determine special conditions for taking various examinations, especially the university matriculation examinations.  The directives of the Ministry of Education guide universities, too, which also use these diagnoses to determine special conditions and concessions for paths of study and examinations.  The refusal of the Ministry of Education to recognize the petitioners’ diagnoses means they are excluded from that realm of occupation and that their freedom of occupation has been violated. Essentially, there is no real difference between non-recognition and the establishment of a condition under which only those trained as educational psychologists can be occupied in the diagnosis of learning disabilities. 

7.   As stated, the respondents claimed that even after the petitioners are excluded from the field of diagnostics, plenty of work is available for them in other related fields (such as the diagnoses of specific disabilities and formulating programs of study for those suffering from learning disabilities).  This, however, does not vitiate the infringement on the petitioners’ freedom of occupation, which is expressed by their exclusion from the occupation as diagnosticians.  The diagnoses themselves are of critical importance and of great economic value, for they determine the entire course of treatment, and most importantly - the pupil’s entitlement to concessions and special conditions in his studies. We therefore cannot belittle the importance of the diagnostic process in the overall treatment of learning disabilities.   

 

The decision is subject to the limitation provision

8.  Having determined that director-general’s circulars infringe upon the petitioners’ freedom of occupation, we must examine whether this violation comports with the conditions prescribed by the limitation provision of section 4 of the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation, namely, that it be by statute, or in accordance with a statute, by virtue of express authorization in that statute; that it befit the values of the State; that it is enacted for a proper purpose; and that the freedom is violated to an extent no greater than necessary.  These criteria, prescribed in the limitation provision of the Basic Law, also apply to cases in which an administrative agency violates a person’s basic rights (see HC 4541/94 Miller v. Minister of Defense [4] at 138; HC 5016/96 Chorev v. Minister of Transport).

 

The violation was neither by statute nor in accordance with a statute

9.   Under section 4 of the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation, a violation of the freedom of occupation is legal only if effected by a statute or in accordance with a statute, by virtue of express authorization therein.  This principle was already incorporated into our legal system in the early days of the State, in HC 1/49 Bzarno v. Minister of Police [6]. Years passed, and the Supreme Court reiterated its holding, per President Shamgar:

“…the starting point accepted in a free society is that a person is permitted to engage in any work or occupation, as long as no restrictions or prohibitions have been determined in respect thereof, and the latter cannot be enacted and maintained except pursuant to a specific legislative provision.”  (HC 337/81 Mitrani v. Minister of Transport (hereinafter – Mitrani [7]) at 353, emphasis added – D.D).

This principle was entrenched in 1994, even receiving constitutional force in section 4 of the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation.  Its basic rationale is that a norm violating the freedom of occupation, like any norm that violates a basic right, constitutes a primary arrangement.  In accordance with the principles of separation of powers, the rule of law and democracy, primary arrangements must be statutorily prescribed by the legislative branch. See HC 3267/97 Rubinstein v. Minister of Defense [8].

“:…violation of human rights, even when it promotes the values of the State, even when for a worthy purpose, and even when not exceeding the required degree, must be established in a law that prescribes primary arrangements and the formal delegation of legislative agency to the executive branch is insufficient.  Hence, the requirement that primary legislation establish primary arrangements and that administrative regulations, or administrative provisions, should deal exclusively with arrangements for its implementation, derives from the imperative of protecting individual liberty.  Indeed, in a democracy it may happen that the violation of individual rights is necessary for the realization of the general interest.  Even so, the requirement is that such a violation even where justified, must be established in primary legislation and not be delegated to the executive branch itself…”

Conceivably, violating the freedom of occupation via administrative regulations, and a fortiori in the director general’s circulars or other forms of administrative directives, would be more efficient.  The reason is that, generally speaking, the legislative process in the Knesset is more complex, protracted and expensive than the administrative process.  Nonetheless, efficiency is not necessarily an advantage where there is a question involving infringement of the freedom of occupation.  It is precisely the “cumbersome” nature of primary legislation and the requirement of a majority of the people’s representatives in order to pass a statute which provide a kind of institutional guarantee that basic rights will not be violated except where necessary.

10. In our case, the relevant statutes – the National Education Law, 1953, and the Special Education Law, 1988 – make no mention of the diagnosis of learning disabilities or of the standards by which the Education Ministry is to recognize these and other diagnoses.

It might be argued that these matters fall within the framework of the general authorization provisions in these statutes, which establish the Minister of Education as supervisor over their implementation. See section 34 of the National Education Law and section 23 of the Special Education Law.  That is to say: these provisions empower the Minister to adopt all measures necessary for the efficient implementation of the laws and the realization of their goals, and this is sufficient to satisfy the principle of administrative legality.  See A. Gazal, “Violation of Basic Rights ‘by statute’ or ‘in accordance with a statute’” [21] at 384 – 385.

We reject this claim.  As a rule, a law will not be construed as violating or as granting power to violate the freedom of occupation unless it is explicitly determined therein. This was stressed by President Shamgar in HC Mitrani, supra [7]  at 358 – 359:

“authorization for this purpose, means express authorization, and for my part, I refer  exclusively to a case in which the primary legislator states clearly and expressly that he authorizes the secondary legislator [the administrative agency – ed.] to enact regulations that establish prohibitions or restrictions on occupation in a particular profession.

When dealing with subjects touching upon the restriction of basic freedoms, the secondary legislator cannot, in my opinion, act in the particular realm, unless the primary legislator has clearly conferred it clear, visible and express authority to deal with the matter by way of restriction or prohibition, whichever is relevant…”

This is the rule for administrative regulations adopted by virtue of express authority to enact regulations, and the same applies, perhaps even a fortiori, with regard to administrative directives of the kind being challenged in this petition, which purport to have been enacted by force of the general executive authority under the law.

This is also the law governing the scope of the auxiliary powers under section 17 (b) of the Interpretation Law, 1981.  The provision that “any empowerment [authorization – trans.] to do or enforce the doing of something, implies the conferment of auxiliary powers reasonably required therefore” - does not authorize an administrative agency to violate human rights”. See Y. Zamir, Administrative Authority (vol. 1) [19] at 253.

Admittedly, there is a less stringent approach, also with some basis in our case law, under which the administrative agency is empowered to violate basic rights even without specific legislative empowerment, provided that such empowerment is required for the realization of the particular purpose of the law. See HC 953/87 Poraz v. Tel-Aviv Jaffa Mayor, [9]. Yet it is doubtful whether this approach is applicable to a violation of freedom of occupation, in view of the requirement of section 4 of the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation, which provides that any violation of the freedom of occupation must be either by statute, or in accordance with a statute, by virtue of express authorization in that law. Either way, even under the second approach, the director-general’s circulars challenged here are illegal, inasmuch as nothing in the purposes of the relevant laws compels the Ministry of Education to withhold recognition from diagnoses of learning difficulties performed by diagnosticians.

The diagnosticians’ freedom of occupation to engage in the diagnosis of learning disabilities cannot therefore not be negated exclusively on the basis of the director general’s circulars, which were issued within the framework of his general executive powers as prescribed in the Education Laws.  This kind of violation of the freedom of occupation, regardless of its substantive justification, must be determined by statute, and at the least requires express authorization therein.

Consistency with the values of the state, an appropriate purpose, and no greater a violation than necessary.

11. As stated, the values of democracy provide a central justification for the requirement that the violation of the freedom of occupation be by or in accordance with a statute, by virtue of express authorization therein.  In a democratic state, violations of human rights must receive the approval of the nation’s representatives. Hence, a violation of human rights exclusively by force of an administrative guideline is inconsistent with the values of the State of Israel, which, as stated in section 2 of the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation, are the values of a Jewish and democratic state.

12. On the other hand, the purpose of the decision upon which the petition is based is proper.  It purports to ensure that the diagnosis of learning disabilities is performed correctly, by appropriately qualified professionals.  A mistaken diagnosis can harm those being diagnosed and even cause disruptions in the educational system.  Measures should be taken to prevent cases of mistaken diagnoses or prevent them from being given consideration.   Should the Knesset decide to enact a law on the matter, it would certainly be entitled to regard this as one of its goals.  Accordingly, for example, one could not challenge the legitimacy of a statute prohibiting unqualified persons from engaging in the diagnosis of learning disabilities.

13. Does the decision being challenged infringe upon the freedom of occupation to an extent greater than necessary?  The question has a number of dimensions.

On the one hand, when gauged by the parameter of proportionality, which, for violations of freedom of occupation, is a relatively broad parameter, the tendency is not to interfere in the assessment of the competent authorities regarding the professional training required for a profession or trade, even if there are divergent views.  See my comments in HC 1715/97 Bureau of Investments Directors in Israel v. Minister of Finance (hereinafter - Bureau of Investments Directors [10], at 419 – 423 and HC 450/97 Tenufa Manpower and Maintenance Services Ltd v. Minister of Labor and Welfare [11], especially where the administrative authority determines that the employment of those who have not received specific training is liable to cause damage.

On the other hand, the inadequacy of a particular kind of training is generally insufficient grounds to justify violating the freedom of occupation.  The Margalit committee determined that the ideal training for this occupation is the study of educational psychology together with specialization in the area of learning disabilities as part of an academic masters program.  Nonetheless, because of practical constraints, the respondents did not adopt its recommendation. The respondents were content with diagnoses been performed by educational psychologists, even those who lacked the appropriate specialization.  Nor have the respondents themselves even attempted to prohibit diagnosticians who are not educational psychologists from working in the diagnosis of learning abilities.  Their failure to do so raises doubts as to whether they really believe - as they contend  - that diagnoses performed by diagnosticians who are not educational psychologists are potentially harmful.   As stated, the diagnosticians were trained and specialized under the supervision, and even with the encouragement, of the Ministry of Education.  This too raises doubts as to whether there is any justification for violating the freedom of occupation, even within the relatively broad parameter of proportionality.

In any event, and whatever the result, because we invalidate the decision on the grounds that it lacks a legislative basis, we need not decide the question within this particular case. Should the issue be presented for its consideration, the Knesset will assess the different options and ensure that any legislative arrangement does not violate the freedom of occupation to an extent greater than necessary.

The decision is invalid because no transitional provisions were enacted.

   14. The decision challenged in the petition is also invalid because it took effect immediately, with no transitional provisions.

Transitional provisions are necessary to protect the interest of reliance, which is a legitimate interest of the individual, the protection of which forms the basis of a number of rules in constitutional and administrative law.  See D. Barak-Erez “Protection of Reliance in Administrative Law,” [22].  Administrative authorities have an obligation to protect reliance, and to a certain extent, anticipation as well, and to establish transitional provisions where reasonably required for their protection; this obligation is grounded, inter alia, in the rules of fairness, estoppel, reasonability and proportionality.  See HC 2832/96 Banai v. National Council of Advocates (hereinafter – Banai [12]) at 594.  Where a governmental norm violates the freedom of occupation (or one of the rights established in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty), the obligation to enact transitional provisions is particularly important, in order to meet the requirement of proportionality.  Justice Zamir stressed this point in the Banai case, in which we granted a petition challenging a decision that violated the freedom of occupation without enacting transitional provisions. Justice Zamir wrote:

“The immediate commencement (of the decision), considering the need and its expected result, constitutes a violation in excess of what is necessary.  This is especially true when the violation is upon the freedom of occupation, because the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation (in section 4) bars it from being violated, unless, inter alia, the harm is to no greater extent than necessary.

The obligation to refrain from violating the freedom of occupation without enacting appropriate transitional provisions is therefore a constitutional obligation which is binding upon the Knesset itself in its adoption of laws.  Indeed, to date there has been just one case in which this Court invalidated a legislative arrangement for violating the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation, on the basis of the inadequacy of its transitional provisions, which violated the freedom of occupation to a greater extent than necessary. See HC Bureau of Investments Directors[10].

15.  In the case before us, the respondents argued that, with respect to the petitioners, there was no need for transitional provisions, because there was no intention to make their engagement as diagnosticians dependent upon conditions to which they would need to adjust; the intention was rather to deprive them altogether of the opportunity to work in the field, vis a vis the Ministry of Education.

The Court rejects this claim.

There are a number of reasons for enacting transitional provisions, when a new normative arrangement takes effect. They may also find expression in a variety of forms, depending on the specific circumstances of each particular arrangement. See Banai  [12] at 594.  This is true of transitional provisions regulating an arrangement restricting work in a particular occupation.

Indeed, transitional provisions may be enacting for those currently working in a particular occupation, granting them time to adapt and prepare to meet the requirements established by the new normative arrangement.  In those cases, the new arrangement generally takes effect only at the end of a specific period, or it is applied to those already working in a particular occupation only at the end of a specified period, during which they can adjust to the new arrangement. See e.g. Land Brokers Law, 1996, section 20 (a):

“…a citizen or resident of Israel who immediately prior to the acceptance of this Law dealt in land brokerage, may continue to deal in land brokerage – even without a license – for two additional years following the enactment of this Law”.

See also section 21 of the law which states:

“This Law shall come into force six months after the date of  its publication”.

However, transitional provisions may exempt certain people altogether from the the provisions of the new normative arrangement, rather than just grant them an adjustment period.

Provisions of this kind are usually prescribed for people who have worked in a particular occupation for many years and gained extensive experience; as a result, either there is no need to subject them to the new qualifying conditions or doing so would be unjust.  For example, when a statute barred drafters of certain kinds of requests who did not hold a lawyer’s license from engaging in certain occupations, it included a transitional provision. The provision held that a person who had been continuously engaged in drafting requests beginning prior to 1949 and until the adoption of the Bar Association Law 1961 could continue doing so with the approval of the Minister of Justice, even without a license to practice law.  See section 112 of the Bar Association Law.  Similarly, when persons without an academic degree in dentistry were excluded from the occupation of dentistry, a transitional provision was enacted which, inter alia, permitted persons above the age of 35 to continue working in dentistry without academic qualification, provided that dentistry had been their main occupation for at least fifteen years, See section 1 of Dentists Ordinance (Amendment), 1951.

A similar provision appears in section 20 (b) of the Land Brokers Law, 1996, which states:

“Where a person is over the age of 60, or has a complete academic education and has proven to the Registrar’s satisfaction that he was engaged in land brokering for a period of three years prior to the commencement date of this Law, the Registrar may exempt him from the examination.”

Transition provisions completely exempting certain persons from a normative arrangement regulating a particular occupation sometimes also apply to persons who relied upon the previous qualifying conditions for the occupation and qualified themselves accordingly, sometimes devoting extensive resources to that purpose.  For example, section 7 of the Dentists Ordinance (Amendment) (No.2), 1992 states that the previous provisions of the Dentists Ordinance (New Version), 1979 concerning professional examinations and granting of license “will continue to apply to a person who on the commencement date of this Law was studying in a dentistry course.”  This Court ruled in a High Court case, Institution for Training of Rabbinical Advocates [1], that the new conditions for recognizing an institution for training rabbinical advocates, which were applied without transitional provisions for those currently studying, were unreasonable.  Similarly, the Court ruled that amendments in the rules governing the recognition of comprehensive grades awarded in preparatory courses for medical specialization would not apply to those who had already participated in the courses.  See comments of Justice Tova Strasbourg-Cohen in HC 3930/94 Gizmavi v.Minister of Health [13] at 789:

“The desire to maintain an appropriate academic level motivates all experts responsible for the subject to establish criteria for success in examinations, and such desire is understandable and appropriate.   But this goal does not relieve the authorities from their obligation to adopt suitable and appropriate measures to avoid violating individual rights or limiting the options of medical interns without appropriate advance notice”.

In another case in which this Court adjudicated the issue of the immediate effect of amendments to the conditions regulating qualifying examinations for lawyers, it ruled:

“Under the circumstances, the goal of maintaining the standards of the profession did not justify applying the new rules immediately … the immediate effective date of the rules, considering the justification and the anticipated result, constitutes a violation greater than is necessary” (Banai, supra [12] at 603).

Furthermore, sometimes, even when it is not possible to allow those not complying with new conditions to continue permanently in their occupations, there must still be a period of adjustment to enable them to adjust to the changes or to find another livelihood.

16.  And yet, according to the response they filed to the petition, the respondents did not so much as consider the question of transitional provisions.  This omission per se justifies invalidating the decision on grounds of failure to consider relevant considerations (see FHC 3299/93 Vixenblaum v.Minister of Defense [14]).

In any case, the total absence of any transitional provisions in the director-general’s circulars demonstrates a violation of the freedom of occupation beyond the extent necessary.   I am not convinced that the balance between the violation of the petitioners’ rights and the need to regulate the area of diagnoses justifies applying the new normative arrangement immediately.  As stated, the petitioners have worked in diagnosis for years, and no persuasive argument was given for the necessity of immediately discontinuing their performance of diagnoses.  The respondents’ claim that the petitioners must immediately stop performing diagnoses, in view of the potential damage to pupils diagnosed in a manner that they consider unprofessional, is unfounded.  As stated, the persons concerned were trained in diagnosis by the Ministry of Education itself, and they engaged in the practice for many years.  No evidence has been submitted showing that diagnoses performed by them have thus far caused any damage.  As stated above, apparently the respondents themselves do not ascribe tremendous weight to the claim of damage, because they did not attempt to prevent the diagnosticians continuing in their occupations.  Furthermore, even if there was any fear of damage, the transitional provisions by definition strike a balance between the danger of potential damage and the other pertinent considerations, and they do so even for occupations where the potential damage is far more serious.  See, for example, the above-noted transitional provisions regarding medicine, dentistry and law.

17. I therefore propose that the petition be granted and that the director-general’s circulars at the heart of the petition be annulled.

The respondents will pay the petitioners' expenses in the sum of NIS 30,000.

 

President A. Barak

I concur with the judgment of my colleague Justice Dorner. I wish to add a few comments regarding the scope of the freedom of occupation.

1.   The key question in the petition before us is: does the provision in the circular issued by the director-general of the Ministry of Education, under which the Ministry will only recognize the diagnoses of learning disabilities performed by an expert educational psychologist, infringe upon the freedom of occupation of those engaged in diagnosing learning disabilities?  Should the answer be yes, then that provision is valid only if it satisfies the requirements of the limitation provision (section 4 of the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation) and of administrative law.   If the answer is no, then the director-general’s directive does not raise any constitutional question but must still comply with the requirements of administrative law. These two tests (constitutional law and administrative law) mostly overlap.  This is certainly true of an administrative provision which is not part of primary legislation.  The case before us is such a case. Both the constitutional analysis (under the limitation provision) and the administrative law test require that a norm which is not part of primary legislation but which violates the freedom of occupation be enacted by virtue of express authorization in primary legislation.  Indeed, this is the stipulation of the limitation provision itself (“by virtue of express authorization therein” in section 4 of the Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation).  This is also dictated by general principles of administrative law (see HC 337/81, supra [7] at 358, holding that the freedom of occupation may be violated only if “the primary legislator clearly and expressly proclaims that he has authorized the administrative authority to enact regulations that establish prohibitions or restrictions on engaging in any particular profession” (Deputy President, Shamgar J)).

2.   Does the provision in the director general’s circular violate the freedom of expression of those engaged in the diagnosis of learning disabilities? The answer would seem to be no, for two reasons. First, freedom of occupation is not freedom of employment.  A diagnostician of learning disabilities is not entitled to ask the education system to employ diagnosticians of learning disabilities.  Conceivably, general principles of administrative law, such as the requirement of reasonableness, may compel the employment of diagnosticians of learning disabilities.  Even so, this kind of obligation to employ cannot be derived from the diagnostician’s right to freedom of occupation.  Freedom of occupation is the individual’s freedom to be engaged (or not be engaged) in an occupation which he regards as appropriate.  In essence it is a “defensive” right, a right against governmental infringement.   Freedom of occupation does not, as a rule, confer an “active” right which compels the government to act (for this distinction, see Barak, supra [18] at 597).  Nevertheless, that kind of “active” right may stem from other freedoms granted to the individual, for example, human dignity (“every person is entitled to protection of his life, body and dignity”, section 4 of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty). In fact, freedom of occupation is a Hofeldian freedom, which only materializes when violated and which then creates a “duty” (HC 3872/93 Mitral Ltd. v. Prime Minister and the Minister of Religion [15] at 514; HC 1452/93 Igloo Contracting Company for Building Installation and Development v. Minister of Industry and Trade [16] at 614).   Even so, situations arise in which the freedom of occupation becomes the right to an occupation.  For example, this would be the case when the state is the sole venue for a particular occupation, and refusal by the state to employ would effectively mean barring the occupation itself.   Under those circumstances, when the state functions as a monopoly, the freedom of occupation should be translated into the right to occupation.  Further examination of this point is beyond the scope of the case before us, since it is not the state (Ministry of Education) which employs those engaged in the diagnosis of learning disabilities but rather the parents themselves. 

3.   Second, freedom of occupation is violated if conditions (subjective or objective) are established for entering an occupation, profession or craft; or if conditions are established which regulate the freedom to engage in the occupation, profession or occupation. Accordingly, a determination by the director-general that only an expert educational psychologist may diagnose learning disabilities would certainly violate the freedom of occupation of the diagnosticians of learning disabilities (who are not educational psychologists).  This is not the case before us. The director-general’s circular does not prescribe requirements for engaging in the diagnosis of learning disabilities.  Diagnosticians of learning disabilities are permitted to pursue their occupations even if they are not educational psychologists.  The Ministry of Education limited itself to saying that it would not recognize the results of their diagnoses. 

4.   But what is the rule where a governmental decision, as a practical matter, affects a person’s ability to engage in his occupation with respect to others?  As we noted, the extreme example of this is when the State enjoys monopoly status in the particular occupation.  But what if the State is not the employer, yet its decisions, as a matter of fact, affect the possibility of actualizing the freedom of occupation?  It seems to me that, in principle, the freedom of occupation can be violated not just directly (for example, prohibiting a person from working as a lawyer or doctor unless he or she meets certain conditions).  It can also be violated indirectly, where a governmental decision indirectly impairs the freedom of occupation in practice.  A person’s freedom of occupation is indirectly violated where a government’s decision affects the willingness of individuals to enter into a contractual engagement with a certain person.  A person’s freedom of occupation is violated where the government grants a subsidy to his competitor (see HC 1703/92 K.A.L. Consignment Airways v. Prime Minister [12]).  A decision that violates the freedom of competition violates the freedom of occupation (see HC 726/94 at 471).  Furthermore, in that case, the decision was not intended to infringe upon the freedom of occupation. Its aim was different (e.g., to restrict competition in a certain realm or grant subsidies to another realm).  Even so, the decision may have a consequence that violates the freedom of occupation.   Indeed, freedom of occupation is the freedom of an individual to express his or her personality and make his or her contribution to society by investing efforts in that occupation, work or vocation. This freedom is violated if arrangements (normative or physical) directly or indirectly prevent him or her from acting according to his or her desire and ability.

5.   The director-general’s circular does not directly restrict the freedom of occupation of the diagnosticians of learning disabilities.  Nevertheless, it does restrict their freedom of occupation in an indirect manner.  The restriction is expressed by the fact that they are, as a matter of fact, excluded from a significant portion of their occupation – contracting with parents to diagnose the learning disabilities of their children.  In a law-abiding state which honors human rights, a violation of that nature cannot be permitted by way of a director-general’s circular, absent a basis in primary legislation or by force of an express authorization therein.  As my colleague Justice Dorner showed, such authorization does not exist.   Accordingly, there is no choice but to rule that the directive of the director-general was illegal and thus invalid.   To be precise: had there been a legislative act which authorized violating the freedom of occupation, it would be necessary to examine whether the violation was for a proper purpose and whether it was justified.  We did not conduct these examinations because the director-general’s circular did not pass the test of acting by force of legislation or authorization therein.

For these reasons I concur with the opinion of my colleague, Justice Dorner.

Justice D. Beinisch

I concur with the judgment of my colleague, Justice Dorner, and with the President’s comments regarding the scope of the freedom of occupation.

I will only add that, in my view, it is doubtful that the director general’s circular absolutely excludes the petitioners from the occupation of diagnosis of learning disabilities.

I am prepared to assume that the diagnosticians of learning disabilities still enjoy significant occupational range of freedom, even in light of the director-general’s circular. This assumption, however, does not resolve the question of whether their freedom of occupation was illegally abridged. 

I accept the President’s observation that even an indirect violation of the freedom of occupation, expressed by the abridgment of their ability to actualize the freedom of occupation, is nonetheless invalid unless it is based in a statute or expressly authorized therein.

Even so, and without taking a stand regarding the nature and the scope of the protected right to freedom of occupation, it could be argued that not every administrative act which may affect a person’s occupation in fact violates the freedom of occupation in the constitutional sense.

Given the circumstances of the petition before us, I am convinced that the harm caused to the diagnosticians, albeit indirect, causes substantial damage to their ability to engage in their profession.  The damage is the restriction of the need for professional services in an area that was open to them prior to director-general’s decision.  As such, the restriction cannot remain intact absent express statutory authorization. 

In any event, I will add that even if the violation does not relate to exclusion from the profession as such or to the possibility of being employed in the profession, the circular should be invalidated for the additional reason which my colleague cites in her opinion.

An act by an administrative agency may affect the occupations of those who have attained professional standing.  If they had a substantial expectation that their standing would be maintained, based on a representation made by the administrative agency, any act by the administrative agency which affects such standing must take into account the reliance interest and legitimate expectations of those it harms.

Prior to the issuance of the circular, the diagnosticians worked in diagnosing learning disabilities for the purposes of recognition by the Ministry of Education.  No transitional provision was enacted regarding the continuation of their work. The absence of such provision is inconsistent with the standards of reasonability and fairness binding upon any administrative agency.

I therefore concur that the petition should be granted.

Decided in accordance with the judgment of Justice Dorner

September 2, 1999

Full opinion: 

Ahmed v. Prime Minister

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 9132/07
Date Decided: 
Wednesday, January 30, 2008
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

[This abstract is not part of the Court's opinion and is provided for the reader's convenience. It has been translated from a Hebrew version prepared by Nevo Press Ltd. and is used with its kind permission.]

 

A petition challenging the Respondents’ decision to reduce or to limit the supply of gasoline and electricity to the Gaza Strip.

 

The Supreme Court sitting as a High Court of Justice rejected the Petition, finding that:

 

The State of Israel has no duty to make possible the transporting of unlimited electricity and gasoline to the Gaza Strip, under circumstances that some of these products is actually used by terrorist organization for the purposes of harming Israeli citizens. The duty imposed upon it derives from the essential humanitarian needs of the residents of the Gaza Strip. The Respondents must fulfill the obligations imposed upon them by the humanitarian international law, and so they must permit the supply of only goods that are necessary in order to meet the essential humanitarian needs of the civilian population.

 

It should be noted that currently, Israel in effect has no control as to what takes place in the Gaza Strip. The military rule that was applied to this area in the past was eliminated, and Israeli soldiers are not located in the area on a regular basis and do not even manage what does on there. Under these circumstances, the State of Israel has no general obligation to care for the welfare of the residents of the Strip or to ensure public order within the Gaza Strip, according to the international law’s rules of occupation, as a whole.

 

The High Court of Justice does not intervene in the security measures taken by those charged with safety – neither in terms of those measures’ efficacy nor in terms of their wisdom – but only in terms of their legality. The Court’s role is limited to applying judicial review on the general implementation of the rules of Israeli law and of international law that bind Israel. On this point, it has already been said, that even in times of combat the law applies and that the law of war should be followed and everything must be done in order to protect the civilian population. In our case, the data presented to the High Court of Justice reveals that the State of Israel accepts and respects the rules established by the law of war, and is committed to monitor the situation in Gaza and to continue and deliver to the Gaza Strip the amount of gasoline and electricity necessary for the essential humanitarian needs of the civilian population in the Strip. 

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
Full text of the opinion: 

HCJ 9132/07

Jaber Al-Bassiouni Ahmed and others

v

1.  Prime Minister

2.  Minister of Defence

 

The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

 [27 January 2008]

Before President D. Beinisch, Justice E. Hayut and Justice J. Elon

 Petition to the High Court of Justice for an Order Nisi and an Interim Order

 Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

[1]       HCJ 3451/02 Almadani v. Minister of Defence [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 30; [20023] IsrLR 47.

[2]     HCJ 168/91 Morcus v. Minister of Defence [1991] IsrSC 45(1) 467.

[3]   HCJ 3114/02 Barakeh v. Minister of Defence [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 11; [2002-3] IsrLR 39.

[4]      HCJ 320/80 Kawasma v. Minister of Defence [1981] IsrSC 35(3) 113.

[5]    HCJ 2901/02 Center for the Defense of the Individual v. Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 19.

[6]    HCJ 2936/02 Physicians for Human Rights v. Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank  [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 3.

[7]     HCJ 2977/02  Adalah - Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 6.

[8]   HCJ 3022/02 LAW - Palestinian Organization for the Defence of Human Rights and the Environment v. Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 9.

 

For the petitioners -   N. Peleg, Prof. K. Mann, F. El-Ajou, H. Jabareen, S. Bashi.

For the respondents -   G. Shirman, O. Mendel

 

JUDGMENT

 

President D. Beinisch

1.  The petition before us is directed against the respondents' decision to reduce or limit the supply of fuel and electricity to the Gaza Strip. In their petition for relief from this court, the petitioners specified primarily the need for various types of fuel (gasoline and diesel) for the proper functioning of hospitals and water and sewage pumps, as well as the need for the supply of electricity, whether via power lines from Israel or through the supply of industrial diesel for operating the Gaza Strip power plant.

2.  The background to the petition is the belligerent actions that have taken place in the Gaza Strip for a long period, and the ongoing campaign of terrorism directed against the citizens of Israel. The terrorist attacks have intensified and worsened since the Hamas organization took control of the Gaza Strip. These attacks include the continuous firing of rockets and mortar shells at civilian targets in the territory of the State of Israel, as well as terrorist attacks and attempted attacks targeting civilians and IDF soldiers at the border crossings between the Gaza Strip and the State of Israel, along the border fence and in the territory of the State of Israel. The respondents' decision to limit the supply of fuel and electricity to the Gaza Strip was made in the framework of the State of Israel's operations against the ongoing terrorism. The following is the text of the decision that was adopted by the Ministerial Committee on National Security Affairs on 19 September 2007:

'The Hamas organization is a terrorist organization that has taken control of the Gaza Strip and turned it into hostile territory. This organization perpetrates acts of hostility against the State of Israel and its citizens, and it bears the responsibility for these acts. It has therefore been resolved to adopt the recommendations made by the security establishment, including the continuation of the military and intelligence operations against the terrorist organizations. Additional restrictions will also be placed upon the Hamas regime, to the effect that the passage of goods to the Gaza Strip will be limited, the supply of fuel and electricity will be reduced and restrictions will be imposed upon the movement of persons to and from the Strip. The restrictions will be implemented bearing in mind the legal ramifications of the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip, in order to prevent a humanitarian crisis.'

The petition is directed against this decision.

3.  The petition against the decision was filed on 28 October 2007 and it was heard on 7 November 2007, in the presence of the parties. On the date of the hearing the state gave notice that a final decision as to the implementation of the restrictions on the supply of electricity to the Gaza Strip had not yet been made; therefore we only heard argument regarding the restrictions on the supply of fuel. During the hearing, counsel for the respondents told the court that the state recognizes that it has an obligation not to prevent the supply of basic humanitarian needs to the Gaza Strip, and it therefore announced that it would monitor the situation and ensure that the cuts being made do not affect the supply of basic humanitarian needs. At the end of the hearing, we ordered the state to present, within seven days, the data on which it based its assessment of the impact of reducing the fuel supply to the Gaza Strip, and explain how it would monitor and check the data of which it intends to make  use in safeguarding the humanitarian needs of the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip.

Reduction of the fuel supply to the Gaza Strip

4.  On 29 November 2007 we held, with regard to that part of the petition relating to the reduction of the fuel supply to the Gaza Strip, that the fuel that the Palestinian Energy Authority buys from the Israeli Dor Alon Co., which is distributed by private suppliers to the highest bidder, with no scale of priorities, may also be distributed in another manner. We said that the various types of fuel supplied to the Gaza Strip could be distributed according to a scale of priorities that takes into account the humanitarian needs of the civilian population, as well as the functioning of the generators that operate the water pumps and electricity plants in the Gaza Strip. In our decision we accorded weight to the state's position that at this time, when belligerent acts and missile attacks are being perpetrated against Israeli towns, some of the fuel that enters the Gaza Strip is in fact used for the various purposes of the terrorist organizations; in such circumstances the reduction of the fuel supply, in the controlled manner in which it is implemented, is likely to damage the terrorist infrastructures and affect their ability to operate against the citizens of the State of Israel, since the amount of fuel that enters the Gaza Strip is supposed to suffice only for the humanitarian purposes that require the use of fuel. We were therefore not convinced at that stage, on the basis of the data presented to us, that the respondents' decision to reduce the amount of fuel allowed into the Gaza Strip through the border crossings with Israel violated the basic humanitarian needs of the Gaza Strip at that time. We therefore held that there was no basis for any order nisi or interim order concerning the reduction of the fuel supply (gasoline and diesel). Our decision was based mainly on the state's undertaking, as required by Israeli and international law, to monitor the situation in the Gaza Strip and ensure that the aforesaid reduction is not detrimental to the humanitarian needs of the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip. In those circumstances we concluded our discussion of the issue of the restrictions on the fuel supply to the Gaza Strip, and proceeded to examine the arguments relating to the anticipated harm to the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip as a result of the restrictions on the supply of electricity.

Reduction of the supply of electricity to the Gaza Strip

5.  The hearing of that part of the petition that dealt with the reduction of the supply of electricity to the Gaza Strip required complex factual verification, and we encountered difficulty in obtaining figures on this issue from the state's representatives. Therefore the proceedings on this issue were drawn out while on various dates we received detailed applications from the petitioners and written and oral responses from the respondents. On 15 November 2007 the petitioners filed an urgent application for an interim order in the petition, and on 23 November 2007 they applied for an urgent hearing of the petition in view of the state's notice that as of December 2007 it would begin to restrict the amount of electricity supplied to the Gaza Strip. The petitioners argued that it is physically impossible to reduce the electricity supply to the Gaza Strip without causing power stoppages in hospitals and interrupting the pumping of clean water to the civilian population in Gaza, and without causing serious disruption to basic needs. Their main argument was that implementation of the decision would cause certain, serious and irreversible damage to the essential humanitarian needs of the Gaza Strip, its hospitals, the water and sewage system, and the entire civilian population.

6.  According to figures that are not disputed by either party, the amount of electricity needed for the Gaza Strip at peak times is slightly more than 200 megawatts. Approximately 120 megawatts are supplied by Israel, and approximately 17 megawatts are supplied by Egypt. The remainder is supplied by the Gaza Strip power plant. Electricity is supplied to the Gaza Strip by the State of Israel via ten power lines, on four of which load limiting devices have been installed. The respondents' intention was to gradually reduce the supply of electricity through those four power lines, by a total of 5% of the amount of electricity transferred through each of the lines. The respondents claimed that this step would obligate the authority controlling the Gaza Strip to manage the load and reduce the actual consumption of electricity in the area to which the relevant line supplies electricity, and to prevent the supply of electricity for terrorist purposes such as workshops in which Qassam rockets are made. According to the respondents, if the authorities in Gaza would manage the consumption of electricity properly, the flow of electricity from Israel to the Gaza Strip could be expected to continue uninterrupted. But if consumption exceeds the permitted amount, the supply of electricity will cease automatically, due to the load limiting devices installed upon the four power lines described above. The respondents emphasized in their response that the aforesaid reduction of electricity is not detrimental to the basic humanitarian needs of the residents of the Gaza Strip.

7.  The petitioners argue that there is no physical way of reducing the supply of electricity to Gaza without causing power stoppages in hospitals and interruptions in the pumping of clean water to the civilian population of Gaza; consequently, the implementation of this decision will cause certain, serious and irreversible harm to the vital humanitarian needs of the Gaza Strip, its hospitals, the water and sewage systems, and the entire civilian population. In their supplementary pleadings of 27 November 2007, the petitioners presented detailed arguments regarding the future reduction of electricity to the Gaza Strip. According to the petitioners, even at this stage, since the bombing of the local power plant by the Israeli Air Force in 2006, the Gaza Strip has suffered from a shortage of electricity that compels the Electricity Distribution Company in Gaza to introduce electricity stoppages for several hours each day. They argue that even now the frequent power stoppages affect the functioning of essential services in Gaza, such as hospitals, because the infrastructure in the Gaza Strip does not allow for the disconnection of the electricity supply to the civilian population without disconnecting essential services. Moreover, it was emphasized that withholding the supply of electricity from the homes of Gaza residents denies them the possibility of receiving clean drinking water in their homes and disrupts the functioning of the water and sewage pumps.

8.  At a hearing on the petition held on 29 November 2007 we heard the arguments of the parties. In the course of the hearing we also heard the respondents' deponents, Col. Shlomi Muchtar, head of the Operations Department of the Unit for Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories, and Mr Idan Weinstock, Director of the Electricity Authority at the Ministry of National Infrastructures. For the petitioners we heard the second petitioner, Mr Maher Najar, Deputy-Director of the Water Authority in the Coastal Cities Administration in Gaza. After hearing the arguments of the parties and their deponents regarding the planned reduction of the electricity supply to the Gaza Strip, and after receiving the incomplete facts that were presented to us, we decided to request further pleadings from the respondents on several points concerning the possibility of regulating the flow of electricity to the Gaza Strip so that humanitarian needs will not be harmed. We also issued an order to the effect that until the aforesaid submissions were received, the plan to reduce the electricity supply to the Gaza Strip would not be implemented.

9.  While the petition was pending, the petitioners once again filed applications to compel the state to continue the regular supply of electricity to the Gaza Strip without restrictions. Their arguments focused mainly on the fact that the local power plant, which supplies electricity to essential humanitarian facilities, cannot function properly due to a severe shortage of industrial diesel fuel. They argue that the amount of industrial diesel that the respondents are allowing to enter the Gaza Strip is insufficient for the needs of the power plant and does not allow it to produce the amount of electricity required by the residents of the Gaza Strip during the winter months. It was argued that the shortage of industrial diesel caused a reduction of approximately 30% in the amount of electricity produced by the power plant in the Gaza Strip, which has led to long electricity stoppages. It was emphasized that the industrial diesel supplied to the Gaza Strip is used solely for producing electricity at the power plant. On 9 January 2008 the petitioners filed an update, in which they said that as a result of the severe shortage of industrial diesel at the power plant in the Gaza Strip, power stoppages of eight hours every day were being imposed in central Gaza, and in the city of Gaza itself stoppages were being imposed for eight hours every two days. It was further alleged that as a result of the reduction in electricity production, the central hospital in Gaza was suffering power stoppages of six to twelve hours each day, which disrupted the functioning of the hospital. On 21 January 2008 the petitioners informed the court that due to the shortage of industrial diesel, the power plant in Gaza had stopped the production of electricity entirely, which resulted in a shortage of approximately 43% of the amount of electricity required by the residents of the Gaza Strip. They claimed that on 20 January 2008 the respondents imposed a total ban on the entry of industrial diesel into the Gaza Strip, and in the absence of reserves this led to the shutdown of the power plant. In the prevailing circumstances, the petitioners claimed that many residents of the Gaza Strip had no access to clean drinking water, sewage was overflowing and residents who so required were unable to operate various items of medical equipment in their homes.

10.  In the wake of the aforesaid, the respondents filed a further statement, in which they addressed the various claims and the ongoing changes in the factual position. They said that at a meeting between the Head of the Operations Department of the Unit for Coordination of Government Activity in the Territories, Col. Shlomi Muchtar, and the representatives of the Palestinian Energy Authority, the Palestinians had said that they were able to regulate loads by reducing the consumption of electricity in the distribution area of a certain line, and that such regulation had already been activated; thus, for example, the Palestinian authorities confirmed that they were able to reduce the consumption on a particular power line in order to allow the proper functioning of a hospital. We were also informed that as a result of an arrangement between the Israel Electric Corporation and the Palestinian Authority in 2005, the supply of electricity through two of the lines providing electricity from Israel to the Gaza Strip was limited to eleven megawatts. The respondents admitted that the Nachal Oz crossing, through which the industrial diesel fuel needed to run the Gaza power plant enters the Gaza Strip, had indeed been closed for several days, and therefore the supply of industrial diesel to the power plant in the Gaza Strip had been withheld during those days. The respondents explained that the closure of the crossing and the stoppage in the supply of industrial diesel to the power plant occurred as a result of a very serious rocket barrage against Israel from the fifteenth and eighteenth of January 2008, during which 222 mortar shells had been fired at Israeli towns near the Gaza Strip, Ashkelon and Sederot, causing the wounding of seven civilians, many victims of trauma and considerable damage. Despite that, we were told that it has now been decided that the amount of industrial diesel supplied to the Gaza Strip will be set at 2.2 million litres a week, as it was before the reduction plan. Regarding the supply of electricity from Israel, the respondents said that they intend to implement a gradual reduction in only three power lines, in an amount of 5% of the total current in each of those lines, so that the amount of electricity supplied through them will total 13.5 megawatts in two of them and 12.5 megawatts in the third. The respondents emphasized in this context that the Palestinians themselves have said on several occasions that they are able to carry out load reductions if restrictions are imposed on the power lines, so that humanitarian purposes and needs are not affected. Finally, the respondents said that the opening of the Rafah crossing into Egypt, which was an action taken unilaterally by the Palestinians, is likely to affect the entire situation in the Gaza Strip and all of the obligations of the State of Israel towards the Gaza Strip, but they added that this is a new development and the matter is being examined from a factual, legal and political perspective. On 27 January 2008 we held a hearing that focused on the supply of industrial diesel fuel to the Gaza Strip, at which the parties reiterated their main arguments, as set out above, and the state announced, as aforesaid, that industrial diesel fuel was being supplied to the Gaza Strip in the same format as it had in the past.

Deliberations

11.  The question confronting us is whether the various restrictions upon the supply of fuel and electricity to the Gaza Strip harm the essential humanitarian needs of the residents of the Gaza Strip. As we said in our decision of 29 November 2007, the State of Israel is under no obligation to allow an unlimited amount of electricity and fuel to enter the Gaza Strip in circumstances in which some of these commodities are in practice being used by the terrorist organizations in order to attack Israeli civilians. The duty of the State of Israel derives from the essential humanitarian needs of the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip. The respondents are required to discharge their obligations under international humanitarian law, which requires them to allow the Gaza Strip to receive only what is needed in order to provide the essential humanitarian needs of the civilian population.

12.  The State argued before us that it acts in accordance with the rules of international law and fulfils its humanitarian obligations under the laws of war. Counsel for the state argues that these obligations are limited, and they are derived from the state of armed conflict that exists between the State of Israel and the Hamas organization that controls the Gaza Strip, and from the need to avoid harm to the civilian population that finds itself in the combat zone. We should point out in this context that since September 2005 Israel no longer has effective control over what happens in the Gaza Strip. Military rule that applied in the past in this territory came to an end by a decision of the government, and Israeli soldiers are no longer stationed in the territory on a permanent basis, nor are they in charge of what happens there. In these circumstances, the State of Israel does not have a general duty to ensure the welfare of the residents of the Gaza Strip or to maintain public order in the Gaza Strip according to the laws of belligerent occupation in international law. Neither does Israel have any effective capability, in its present position, of enforcing order and managing civilian life in the Gaza Strip. In the prevailing circumstances, the main obligations of the State of Israel relating to the residents of the Gaza Strip derive from the state of armed conflict that exists between it and the Hamas organization that controls the Gaza Strip; these obligations also derive from the degree of control exercised by the State of Israel over the border crossings between it and the Gaza Strip, as well as from the relationship that was created between Israel and the territory of the Gaza Strip after the years of Israeli military rule in the territory, as a result of which the Gaza Strip is currently almost completely dependent upon the supply of electricity from Israel.

13.  In this context, the respondents referred in their pleadings to various provisions of international humanitarian law that apply to this case. Inter alia, the respondents referred to art. 23 of the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949 (hereinafter: "the Fourth Geneva Convention"), which requires a party to a conflict to allow the free passage of consignments intended for the civilians of the other party. They said, however, that this is a very limited obligation, since it only requires a party to a conflict to allow the unlimited passage of medical equipment, and to allow the passage of foodstuffs, clothing and medicine intended for children under the age of fifteen and pregnant women. The respondents also referred to art. 70 of the Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 and relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts, 1977 (hereinafter: ''the First Protocol"), which in their opinion constitutes customary international law, and which imposes a general and broader obligation whereby parties to a conflict are required to allow the rapid and unimpeded passage of essential goods for the civilian population. Finally, the respondents also referred in their pleadings to art. 54 of the First Protocol, which prohibits the starvation of civilians as a method of warfare, as well as any attack, destruction, removal or rendering useless of installations required by the civilian population, including foodstuffs, agricultural areas and drinking water installations.

14.  The state's pleadings in this regard are based upon norms that are part of customary international law, which set out basic obligations that govern combatants engaged armed conflict, and require them to ensure the welfare of the civilian population and respect its dignity and basic rights. It should also be noted that under the rules of customary international humanitarian law, each party to a conflict is obliged to refrain from disrupting the passage of basic humanitarian relief to populations in need of such relief in areas under its control (J. Henckaerts & L. Doswald-Beck, Customary International Humanitarian Law (ICRC, vol. 1, 2005), at pp. 197, 199). In the commentary to art. 70 of the First Protocol, too, it is stated that arts. 54 and 70 of the First Protocol should be read together, to the effect that a party to a conflict may not refuse to allow the passage of foodstuffs and basic humanitarian equipment necessary for the survival of the civilian population (Commentary on the Additional Protocols of 8 June 1977 to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 (Y. Sandoz, C. Swinarski, B. Zimmermann, eds., (ICRC, Geneva, 1987), at p. 820).

15.  It transpires from the aforesaid that the respondents do not in any way deny the existence of their humanitarian obligations, which require the State of Israel to allow the passage of essential humanitarian goods to the Gaza Strip, and to refrain from deliberately inflicting damage on humanitarian facilities. According to the respondents' arguments, which they supported with affidavits and statements of the responsible authorities, not only are the respondents allowing the transfer essential goods to the civilian population in the Gaza Strip, but they also regard this as a humanitarian obligation for which they are liable pursuant to international law and to a cabinet  decision. The respondents emphasized, however, that this does not require them to allow the passage of non-essential goods or of goods in amounts that exceed what is required for basic humanitarian needs: this is the core of the disagreement between them and the petitioners.

16.  In this last respect, Col. Nir Press, the commander of the Coordination and Liaison Authority, appeared before us during the final hearing and supplied details of the relevant data and information upon which the respondents rely. Col. Press clarified the statements made on behalf of the state, and insisted that the amount of fuel and electricity entering the Gaza Strip is sufficient for the proper functioning of all the humanitarian services in the territory; Col. Press further told us of contact that he made with Palestinian representatives for the routine monitoring of the functioning of the humanitarian services in the Gaza Strip. Inter alia, he described how the State of Israel allows the safe conduct of the sick for treatment in the State of Israel, and the unrestricted passage of food and medicine, in order to avoid harming the residents of the Gaza Strip beyond the extent necessitated by the state of armed conflict between the State of Israel and the Hamas organization. Col. Press admitted to us that the situation of the civilian population in the Gaza Strip is indeed difficult, but he also gave examples of exaggerated descriptions published by the Hamas organization regarding a humanitarian crisis in the region.

17.  The main issue remaining before us, as became clear from the last hearing, is the amount of industrial diesel fuel required for the operation of the power plant in the Gaza Strip. As stated above, we were convinced by the respondents' declarations that they intend to continue to allow the supply of industrial diesel fuel at the same level as prior to the implementation of the reductions, namely 2.2 million litres per week. Since it has been clarified that industrial diesel can be, and is in fact, used solely for the power plant in the Gaza Strip, it can be assumed that the supply of industrial diesel will not fall short of this amount. Our enquiry into the matter revealed that the supply of industrial diesel to the Gaza Strip during the winter months last year was similar to the amount that the respondents promise to allow into the Gaza Strip at present, and this fact, too, indicates that it is a reasonable amount that is sufficient for the basic humanitarian needs of the Gaza Strip. Admittedly, for several days the border crossings were closed and consequently the required amount of diesel was not delivered, but as we explained, this was due to a temporary security need caused by a very fierce rocket attack launched against Israeli towns from within the Gaza Strip. Needless to say  that even during this period, when there was a specific security need to close the border crossings, the State of Israel continued to supply the Gaza Strip with the same amount of electricity that it usually provides.

18.  As for the revised plan presented to us, which concerns a five per cent reduction of the supply of electricity through three of the ten power lines supplying electricity to the Gaza Strip, to a level of 13.5 megawatts in two of the lines and 12.5 megawatts in the third, we are convinced that this reduction does not breach the State of Israel's humanitarian obligations within the context of the armed conflict taking place between it and the Hamas organization that controls the Gaza Strip. This conclusion is based, inter alia, upon the fact that the respondents' deposition reveals that the relevant Palestinian authorities have said that they have the capability of carrying out load reductions if limits are placed on the power lines, and they have made actual use of this capability in the past.

19.  It should be emphasized that during the hearing of the petition the state reiterated its undertaking to monitor the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip, and in this context we were informed, in various affidavits filed on behalf of the respondents, that this commitment is being discharged very responsibly and seriously, and that the security establishment carries out a weekly assessment of the position in this regard, which is based, inter alia, upon contacts with Palestinian authorities in the fields of electricity and health, and on contacts with international organizations. It should be noted in this context that from the hearing of this issue before us, as well as from other cases in which an immediate response was required on matters regarding humanitarian concerns, it became clear that the parties are capable of reaching understandings and arrangements in these matters. Indeed, a solution in the form of communication between persons designated by the security establishment and those entities who maintain contact with them and inform them of the essential basic needs is the best way of finding speedy solutions to concrete problems that arise from time to time; that is evident from the fact that even before the matter came to court, the state announced, of its own initiative, that it was renewing the supply of regular diesel fuel, which is required, inter alia, for ambulances and operating generators in hospitals, in the same amount as prior to the reduction, as well as the supply of industrial diesel. These facts show that the state is indeed monitoring the situation in the Gaza Strip, and allowing the supply of the amount of fuel and electricity needed for the essential humanitarian needs in the region.

20.  We have said on more than one occasion that we do not intervene in the question of the effectiveness or the wisdom of the security measures adopted by those responsible for security, but only in the question of their legality. Our role is limited to judicial review of compliance with the provisions of Israeli and international law that bind the State of Israel, which, according to the declaration of the respondents, are being scrupulously observed by the state. In this regard it has been said in the past that in times of war legal norms continue to apply, and the laws of war should be observed. In HCJ 3451/02 Almadani v. Minister of Defence [1] we held, in a similar context, that:

'Israel finds itself in severe combat with rampant terrorism. Israel acts pursuant to its right to self-defence (see art. 51 of the Charter of the United Nations). This combat is not conducted in a normative void. It is conducted pursuant to the rules of international law, which determines principles and rules for conduct of combat' (Almadani v. Minister of Defence [1], per President Barak; see also HCJ 168/91 Morcus v. Minister of Defence [2], at p. 470).

And in a judgment concerning the humanitarian obligations of the State of Israel during the combat operations carried out in the 'Defensive Shield' campaign, we said:

'Even during periods of combat the laws of war should be upheld. Everything should be done in order to protect the civilian population (see HCJ 2901/02 Center for the Defense of the Individual v. Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank [5]; HCJ 2936/02 Physicians for Human Rights v. Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank  [6] ; HCJ 2977/02  Adalah - Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank [7]; HCJ 3022/02 LAW - Palestinian Organization for the Defence of Human Rights and the Environment v. Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank [8])' (HCJ 3114/02 Barakeh v. Minister of Defence [3] ).

21.  Indeed, in times of war, as in our case, the civilian population unfortunately finds itself in a combat zone, and it is the first and main victim of the state of hostilities, even when efforts are made to limit the harm caused to it. In the territory of the State of Israel too, in an era of terrorist attacks that have been continuing for years, the immediate and main victim of the state of hostilities is the civilian population. But as far as the acts perpetrated against Israel are concerned - this is not accidental harm or collateral damage, but frequent terrorist attacks that directly target the civilian population with the intention of harming innocent civilians. This is the difference between the State of Israel, a democratic state fighting for its survival by the means that the law provides, and the terrorist organizations that seek to destroy it:

'The state is fighting in the name of the law and in order to preserve it. The terrorists fight against the law and in violation thereof. The war against terrorism is also the struggle of the law against those who seek to undermine it' (HCJ 320/80 Kawasma v. Minister of Defence [4], at p. 132; see also Almadani v. Minister of Defence [1]).

In this case, the facts that were presented to us, as set out above, show that the State of Israel accepts and respects the rules prescribed in the laws of war, and it is committed to continuing to supply the amount of fuel and electricity needed for the essential humanitarian needs of the civilian population in the Gaza Strip.

22.  In conclusion, we reiterate that the Gaza Strip is controlled by a murderous terrorist organization, which acts relentlessly to inflict harm on the State of Israel and its inhabitants, violating every possible rule of international law in its violent acts, which are directed indiscriminately at civilians - men, women and children. Despite this, as we said above, the State of Israel is committed to fighting the terrorist organizations within the framework of the law and in accordance with the provisions of international law, and to refrain from intentional harm to the civilian population in the Gaza Strip. In view of all of the information presented to us with regard to the supply of electricity to the Gaza Strip, we are of the opinion that the amount of industrial diesel that the State said it intends to supply, as well as the electricity that is continually supplied through the power lines from Israel, are capable of satisfying the essential humanitarian needs of the Gaza Strip at the present.

Therefore, for the reasons set out above, the petition is denied.

Justice E. Hayut

I agree.

Justice J. Elon

I agree.

Petition denied.

23 Shevat 5768

30 January 2008

Adalah Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Attorney General

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 3292/07
Date Decided: 
Thursday, December 8, 2011
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

Facts:  In 2004, following a series of murderous terrorist attacks on Israeli civilians in 2004, as well as continual rocket launches against Israeli civilian targets, the Israel Defense Forces conducted two military campaigns in the Gaza Strip – Operation Rainbow (May, 2004) and Operation Days of Repentance (September-October, 2004). More than a year after the end of the second campaign, Adalah – Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights (petitioner 1) requested of the Attorney General and the Military Advocate General (respondents 1 and 2) that  criminal investigations be opened in the matter of Operation Rainbow, due to the civilian casualties and the destruction of homes that had occurred in the course of its conduct. The request was denied by the Military Advocate General. The request was repeated and again denied; the third request, in January 2007 – more than two years after the end of hostilities –  included a demand to open a criminal investigation in the matter of Operation Days of Repentance as well. The petitioners claimed, based primarily on newspaper reports surveying the situation in the Gaza Strip after the operations, as well as on reports by international organizations and statements by international bodies criticizing the Israeli actions, that the extensive damage necessarily indicated criminal violations of human rights such as the rights to life and bodily integrity, as  well as violations of International law relating to treatment and protection of civilians and civilian structures in times of war. The Military Advocate General again declined to open criminal investigations, and in April, 2007, this petition was filed, asking that the Attorney General and Military Advocate General show cause why a criminal investigation should not be opened for the purpose of prosecuting those responsible for the civilian casualties and damage that resulted from the operations.

 

Held: The generality of the petition, in that it did not specify individual cases in which criminal offenses were allegedly committed, but rather referred to the damage, per se, to civilians and civilian objectives in the course of the two operations,  was to its detriment: the High Court of Justice ruled in the past that it cannot adjudicate a petition tainted by generality in the definition of the dispute, in the factual basis that it lays and in the requested relief. No proof was offered here of invalid, unlawful motives for launching the operations – on the contrary, the respondents argued for a right of self-defense and that it was their duty to defend the citizens of Israel. The determination that there was a security need put the actions in the realm of security policy, within the clear discretion of the security authorities and not justiciable by the High Court. 

 

A demand to conduct a criminal investigation must be supported by a suitable prima facie foundation, answering to the provisions of the domestic penal laws. In cases in which the laws of war have been violated, charges will be filed pursuant to Israeli domestic law for the appropriate criminal offense, the principles of which, as a rule, parallel the principles of international criminal law. The opening of a criminal investigation is not an automatic process in every case in which there is a grave outcome, such as the deaths of civilians and wide-spread destruction of houses. It must arise from a real suspicion that criminal violations were, indeed, committed. An investigation of that type must be conducted when a prima facie suspicion arises of conduct that deviates from Israeli law or of serious violations of international law that amount to criminal offenses under the domestic penal laws. In view of the absence of such a suspicion and of the required evidentiary foundation, the criminal law is not the appropriate tool for investigating issues such as the subject of the petition.  Other means of investigation and review may exist, such as commissions of inquiry; as a rule, the discretion granted to the investigative and prosecutorial bodies with regard to the establishment of a commission of examination or inquiry in general, and with regard to the selection of a particular type of examination mechanism in particular, is extremely broad, and judicial review of a decision of that type is limited and restricted to an examination of the feasibility of the choice.

 

The “principle of distinction”, which imposes on the fighting army an obligation to refrain from intentionally harming the civilian population, is a basic principle of the laws of war that govern armed conflicts between Israeli security forces and the terrorist organizations that control the Gaza Strip. However, the laws of war also recognize the existence of “collateral damage” – damage caused to civilians indirectly, as a result of an attack aimed at the military targets of the enemy – and such damage does not constitute a violation of the laws of war, even if it is foreseeable, provided that it meets the requirements of the law, among which are the proportionality of the anticipated harm that would be caused to the civilians vis-à-vis the benefit anticipated from the military action, and refraining from deliberate attacks on civilians. Therefore, the fact that citizens were harmed is not sufficient to establish a real suspicion that criminal offenses were committed in violation of the laws of war.

 

Regarding one particular incident described in the petition, in which civilians were killed as a result of artillery fire at an abandoned house towards which a procession of Palestinian civilians was moving, the Court did not find cause to intervene in the conclusion of the MAG, affirmed by the Attorney General, that the erroneous decision of the squadron commander was not unreasonable to the point of justifying the conduct of criminal proceedings against him.

 

The extensive delay in filing the petition also militated against granting the sought relief: here, not only did the delay imply a waiver of the right to apply to the courts (subjective delay), but changes had occurred in the actual situation on the ground, making it difficult to establish what actually happened (objective delay).  Even though the Court accepted that as a rule, the claim of delay should not be allowed when the rule of law and the violation of human rights is at stake,  nevertheless it held that in the present case, the delay actually negated the ability to address the petition, and there was no longer any point to it.

 

In short, the sweeping petition and the serious claims made therein did not lay a proper factual or legal foundation for a practical and concrete deliberation. The petition mixed legal claims and claims that belong in the arena of public discourse, and not in a legal proceeding. The petition was denied.

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
Full text of the opinion: 

 HCJ 3292/07

 

1. Adalah – Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights

2. The Palestinian Center for Human Rights – Gaza

3. Al-Hak

v.

1. Attorney General

2. Military Advocate General

3. Shmuel Zakai

4. Dan Harel

5. Moshe Ya’alon

6. Shaul Mofaz

7. Israel Defense Forces

8. Government of Israel

 

The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

[May 6, 2009]

Before President D. Beinisch, Justices E. Rubinstein, H. Melcer

 

 

Israeli legislation cited:

Commissions of Inquiry Law, 5729-1968, s. 1, 28

Military Jurisdiction Law, 5715-1955,  s. 537

Penal Law, 5737-1977.

 

Foreign legislation cited:

Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949, & § 146.

 

Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

[1]        HCJ 4694/04 Abu Atara v. Commander of IDF Forces in the Gaza Strip [unreported, May 18, 2004].

[2]        HCJ 4969/04 Adalah v. GOC Southern Command [unreported, July 13, 2005].

[3]        HCJ 7178/08 Forum of the Heads of the Druse and Circassian Councils in Israel et al. v. Government of Israel (not yet reported, November 18, 2009).

[4]        HCJ 6001/97 Amitay – Citizens for Good Governance and Integrity v. Prime Minister (October 22, 1997) [unreported, Oct. 22, 1997].

[5]        HCJ 7232/01 Yusuf v. State of Israel  [2003] IsrSC 57(5) 561.

[6]        HCJ 2624/97 Adv. Yedid Ronel v. Government of Israel  [1997] IsrSC 51(3) 71.

[7]        HCJ 6728/06 Ometz Association (Citizens for Good Governance and Social Justice) v. Prime Minister of Israel [unreported, Nov. 30, 2006].

[8]        HCJ 7195/08 Abu Rahma v. Military Advocate General (not yet reported, July 1, 2009).

[9]        HCJ 9594/03 Betzelem v. Military Advocate General (not yet reported, August 21, 2011).

[10]      HCJ 425/89 Zufan v. Military Advocate General  [1989] IsrSC 43(4) 718.

[11]      HCJ 4550/94 Isha v. Attorney General [199 5] IsrSC 49(5) 859.

[12]      HCJ 7053/96 Amcor Ltd. v. Minister of the Interior  [1999] IsrSC 53(1) 193.

[13]      HCJ 170/87 Asulin v. Mayor of Kiryat Gat [1988] IsrSC 42(1) 678.

[14]      HCJ 8517/07 Bassam Aramin v. Attorney General (not yet reported, July 10, 2011).

[15]      HCJ 1901/94 MK Uzi Landau v. Jerusalem Municipality [1994] IsrSC  48(4) 403.

[16]      AdminAppA 7142/01 Haifa Local Planning and Building Committee v. Society for the Protection of Nature [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 673.

[17]      HCJ 769/02 Public Committee Against Torture v. Government of Israel [unreported].

 

 

For the petitioners — H. Jabarin, O. Cohen

For respondents — A. Helman

 

Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice for an Order Nisi and an Interim Order

 

Facts:  In 2004, following a series of murderous terrorist attacks on Israeli civilians in 2004, as well as continual rocket launches against Israeli civilian targets, the Israel Defense Forces conducted two military campaigns in the Gaza Strip – Operation Rainbow (May, 2004) and Operation Days of Repentance (September-October, 2004). More than a year after the end of the second campaign, Adalah – Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights (petitioner 1) requested of the Attorney General and the Military Advocate General (respondents 1 and 2) that  criminal investigations be opened in the matter of Operation Rainbow, due to the civilian casualties and the destruction of homes that had occurred in the course of its conduct. The request was denied by the Military Advocate General. The request was repeated and again denied; the third request, in January 2007 – more than two years after the end of hostilities –  included a demand to open a criminal investigation in the matter of Operation Days of Repentance as well. The petitioners claimed, based primarily on newspaper reports surveying the situation in the Gaza Strip after the operations, as well as on reports by international organizations and statements by international bodies criticizing the Israeli actions, that the extensive damage necessarily indicated criminal violations of human rights such as the rights to life and bodily integrity, as  well as violations of International law relating to treatment and protection of civilians and civilian structures in times of war. The Military Advocate General again declined to open criminal investigations, and in April, 2007, this petition was filed, asking that the Attorney General and Military Advocate General show cause why a criminal investigation should not be opened for the purpose of prosecuting those responsible for the civilian casualties and damage that resulted from the operations.

Held: The generality of the petition, in that it did not specify individual cases in which criminal offenses were allegedly committed, but rather referred to the damage, per se, to civilians and civilian objectives in the course of the two operations,  was to its detriment: the High Court of Justice ruled in the past that it cannot adjudicate a petition tainted by generality in the definition of the dispute, in the factual basis that it lays and in the requested relief. No proof was offered here of invalid, unlawful motives for launching the operations – on the contrary, the respondents argued for a right of self-defense and that it was their duty to defend the citizens of Israel. The determination that there was a security need put the actions in the realm of security policy, within the clear discretion of the security authorities and not justiciable by the High Court. 

A demand to conduct a criminal investigation must be supported by a suitable prima facie foundation, answering to the provisions of the domestic penal laws. In cases in which the laws of war have been violated, charges will be filed pursuant to Israeli domestic law for the appropriate criminal offense, the principles of which, as a rule, parallel the principles of international criminal law. The opening of a criminal investigation is not an automatic process in every case in which there is a grave outcome, such as the deaths of civilians and wide-spread destruction of houses. It must arise from a real suspicion that criminal violations were, indeed, committed. An investigation of that type must be conducted when a prima facie suspicion arises of conduct that deviates from Israeli law or of serious violations of international law that amount to criminal offenses under the domestic penal laws. In view of the absence of such a suspicion and of the required evidentiary foundation, the criminal law is not the appropriate tool for investigating issues such as the subject of the petition.  Other means of investigation and review may exist, such as commissions of inquiry; as a rule, the discretion granted to the investigative and prosecutorial bodies with regard to the establishment of a commission of examination or inquiry in general, and with regard to the selection of a particular type of examination mechanism in particular, is extremely broad, and judicial review of a decision of that type is limited and restricted to an examination of the feasibility of the choice.

The “principle of distinction”, which imposes on the fighting army an obligation to refrain from intentionally harming the civilian population, is a basic principle of the laws of war that govern armed conflicts between Israeli security forces and the terrorist organizations that control the Gaza Strip. However, the laws of war also recognize the existence of “collateral damage” – damage caused to civilians indirectly, as a result of an attack aimed at the military targets of the enemy – and such damage does not constitute a violation of the laws of war, even if it is foreseeable, provided that it meets the requirements of the law, among which are the proportionality of the anticipated harm that would be caused to the civilians vis-à-vis the benefit anticipated from the military action, and refraining from deliberate attacks on civilians. Therefore, the fact that citizens were harmed is not sufficient to establish a real suspicion that criminal offenses were committed in violation of the laws of war.

Regarding one particular incident described in the petition, in which civilians were killed as a result of artillery fire at an abandoned house towards which a procession of Palestinian civilians was moving, the Court did not find cause to intervene in the conclusion of the MAG, affirmed by the Attorney General, that the erroneous decision of the squadron commander was not unreasonable to the point of justifying the conduct of criminal proceedings against him.

The extensive delay in filing the petition also militated against granting the sought relief: here, not only did the delay imply a waiver of the right to apply to the courts (subjective delay), but changes had occurred in the actual situation on the ground, making it difficult to establish what actually happened (objective delay).  Even though the Court accepted that as a rule, the claim of delay should not be allowed when the rule of law and the violation of human rights is at stake,  nevertheless it held that in the present case, the delay actually negated the ability to address the petition, and there was no longer any point to it.

In short, the sweeping petition and the serious claims made therein did not lay a proper factual or legal foundation for a practical and concrete deliberation. The petition mixed legal claims and claims that belong in the arena of public discourse, and not in a legal proceeding. The petition was denied.

 

JUDGMENT

 

 

President D. Beinisch

The subject of this petition is the decision of the Military Advocate General (hereinafter: MAG), which was approved by the Attorney General, to refrain from opening a criminal investigation following the injury to civilians and destruction of homes in the Gaza Strip that occurred in the course of Operation Rainbow, from May 18-24, 2004, and in the course of Operation Days of Repentance, from September 28, 2004 to October 16, 2004.

Factual Background and Course of Events in the Petition

1.    The background to the petition before us, which was filed on April 15, 2007, lies in a period of time in which a difficult security situation pertained and the activities of the Palestinian terrorist organizations were at their peak. The military operations that are the subject of the petition were preceded by a series of murderous events that occurred in the area of the Gaza Strip in May 2004. On May 2, 2004, Tali Hatuel, who was in the late stages of pregnancy, and her four daughters were murdered by a gunfire attack on their car while they were driving on the Kisufim Road. On May 11, 2004, an Israel Defense Forces armored personnel carrier was hit by an RPG rocket, and six soldiers riding in it were killed. On May 12, 2004, another five soldiers were killed, also as a result of an RPG fired at the armored personnel carrier in which they rode. Two days later, on May 14, 2004, another two soldiers were killed in the same area as they were engaged in an operation to locate the body parts of those soldiers who had been killed previously. These heavy losses were apparently caused by weapons that were suspected of having been smuggled into the Gaza Strip through underground tunnels that had been dug beneath the Philadelphia Corridor. Against that backdrop, a decision was made to launch Operation Rainbow, in which a division was sent into the southwestern neighborhoods of Rafiah for the purpose of preventing the transfer of weapons, finding wanted persons and tunnels, and preventing repetition of the sniper fire aimed at forces moving along the Philadelphia Corridor. As the State explained, during the military campaign IDF forces encountered strong opposition from terrorists operating out of residential buildings throughout Rafiah. 

 In addition to the incidents that took place along the Philadelphia Corridor, over the course of 2004 there was a significant increase in the number of Kassam rockets that were fired from the northern Gaza Strip into Israeli territory. In June 2004, a man and a four-year-old child were killed by a Kassam rocket that landed near a kindergarten in Sederot, and in September, two other toddlers were killed as a result of the direct hit of a Kassam rocket on a residential building in Sederot. That month, 46 Kassam rockets were fired at Israel. The Government stated that on that basis, it had become necessary to conduct a preventive operation in the area of the Kassam rocket launches in the northern Gaza Strip. Operation Days of Repentance, which was conducted in the northern Gaza Strip from September 28, 2004 until October 16, 2004, was designed to reduce the scope of Kassam rocket launches at Israeli towns and to strike at the terrorist organizations behind that activity. 

2. Subsequent to those operations, in July 2005 the Israeli Government implemented the disengagement plans from the Gaza Strip, the military administration of that region ended, and the Hamas organization seized power in the Gaza Strip. In November 2005, petitioner 1 (hereinafter: the petitioner) requested that respondents 1 and 2 order that a criminal investigation be opened in the matter of Operation Rainbow. About a month later, the MAG informed the petitioner that its request had been denied. In May 2006, following another request by the petitioner, the MAG again informed the petitioner of his decision not to open a criminal investigation regarding Operation Rainbow. On January 16, 2007, the petitioner applied for the third time to the MAG, and that time the application also included a demand to open a criminal investigation with regard to the events that took place during Operation Days of Repentance. On February 7, 2007, the MAG informed the petitioner that its request to open a criminal investigation for Operation Days of Repentance had also been denied. On April 15, 2007, the present petition was filed, in which the petitioners requested that the Court instruct the Attorney General and the MAG to explain why they should not order the opening of a criminal investigation to prosecute those responsible for the deaths of civilians and the widespread destruction of civilian houses and property in the Gaza Strip during Operation Rainbow and Operation Days of Repentance. On May 6, 2009, a hearing was held, in which we heard the arguments of the parties.

 

Pleadings of the Parties

3. According to the petitioners, the respondents or those acting on their behalf blatantly violated human rights law and international humanitarian law by launching Operation Rainbow and Operation Days of Repentance, and in the framework of incidents that occurred during those operations, they committed acts that constitute criminal offenses under both International law and the Penal Law, 5737-1977. The petitioners therefore argue that respondents 1 and 2 were obliged to order the opening of a criminal investigation of the incidents that occurred during the two said military operations. The petitioners argue, inter alia, that the right to life and the right to bodily integrity were violated; that widespread destruction of civilian houses and structures was perpetrated; that the prohibition on reprisals against civilians and civilian structures was violated; and that during the military operations, cautionary measures necessary for protecting the civilian population that happened to be in the area of the fighting were not adopted. The petitioners stated that these claims were based on the public statements of IDF soldiers and commanders after the end of the fighting, and primarily on newspaper reports that surveyed the situation in the Gaza Strip after the Operations  and their outcomes; they argue that such extensive destruction could not be the result of legal activity that meets the requirements of the law. The petitioners also based their arguments on reports by international organizations and statements by international bodies that criticized the conduct of the IDF in the Operations. 

4. In their response to the petitioners’ pleadings, filed on April 30, 2009,  respondents 1-2 and 7-8 (hereinafter jointly: the State or the respondents) argued that the petition should be denied in limine since it was tainted by generality and given the considerable delay in its filing. According to the State, this is a petition that seeks to order the opening of a criminal investigation for two military operations that were conducted in 2004 – over two and a half years before the petition was filed. It was argued that the petitioner first contacted respondents 1 and 2 in the matter of Operation Rainbow only in November 2005 – a year and a half after the Operation – and that already in December 2005 – over a year before the filing of the petition – respondent 2 informed petitioner 1 that its request to open a criminal investigation in the matter of Operation Rainbow was denied. With regard to Operation Days of Repentance, the petitioner first contacted the respondents in January 2007 – over two years after the end of the Operation. According to the respondents, this delay is exacerbated by the complexity of the large-scale military operations that are the subject of the petition; the lack of any basis for individual suspicion; and implementation of the disengagement plans and departure of IDF forces from the Gaza Strip, which now makes it difficult, if not impossible, to conduct an effective investigation in that area. The respondents further argue that the petitioners are attempting to bring about the investigation of the former Minister of Defense, the former Chief of General Staff and other senior officers for their responsibility for the consequences of two complex and dangerous operations that extended over more than 24 days in total, and which took place over a large area in the Gaza Strip –  all on the basis of general descriptions that rely mainly on newspaper reports which do not constitute a proper factual basis for obtaining relief from the court. Additionally, the respondents claim that the issue of the destruction of houses in the course of fighting has already been adjudicated in HCJ 4694/04 Abu Atara v. Commander of IDF Forces in the Gaza Strip [1], and HCJ 4969/04 Adalah v. GOC Southern Command [2]. In Abu Atara v. IDF Commander [1], the Court dismissed a petition in which it was asked to order cessation of the demolition of buildings in the area of the Gaza Strip. In Adalah  v. GOC Southern Command [2], a petition on the general question of the legality of demolishing houses in the framework of a military operation was denied. According to the respondents, denial of the abovementioned petitions indicates that the Court had accepted the position of the State whereby, in general, the demolition of houses in the framework of the fighting in the Gaza Strip does not constitute a “war crime”, as claimed by the petitioners, and insofar as this petition deals with the issue of demolishing houses, it should be dismissed in limine in view of the precedent on the matter.

In essence, in their response the respondents argued that the Court’s intervention in the discretion of the Attorney General and the MAG with regard to opening a criminal investigation is extremely limited. In the present matter, it was argued that in the absence of a factual basis for claims regarding criminal suspicions, and in view of the special characteristics of the war against terrorism and the complexity of the military operations that are the subject of the petition, and since, at the end of the operations, the IDF conducted operational inquiries at the various levels of command, there is no cause for intervening in the discretion of the competent authorities.

Deliberation and decision

5. This petition clearly presents the substantive rationales behind measures from the area of procedural law. Thus, from among three threshold arguments presented by the respondents, two of them do not permit us to conduct an in-depth discussion of the issues raised in the petition, let alone to grant the remedy sought therein. The petitioners argued that a petition dealing with the rule of law ought not to be denied due to threshold arguments. While the Court has said more than once that threshold arguments per se would not constitute cause for denying a petition that raises substantive questions, in the case before us the causes for denying the petition are not merely threshold arguments; rather, they touch upon the essence of the matter.

6. First, it must be said that the generality of the petition is to its detriment. As stated, in the framework of the petition we were asked to grant relief directed at the Attorney General and the MAG, whereby they are requested to explain why they should not order a criminal investigation for the purpose of prosecuting those responsible for the deaths of many civilians and the extensive destruction of civilian houses and property in the southern Gaza Strip during Operation Rainbow, and in the northern Gaza Strip during Operation Days of Repentance. As stated, these operations took place over twenty-four days, during which there were many exchanges of fire and incidents. The petitioners argue in their petition that in their opinion, the respondents – senior officers in the security forces, from the Commander of the Gaza Division during the operations, through the GOC Southern Command and the Chief of General Staff, to the Minister of Defense, the IDF and the Government of Israel – are responsible for the outcomes of the Operations, which, the petitioners claim, “cannot be described as anything other than war crimes” (section 7 of the petition). The petition, in accordance with this perception on the part of the petitioners, does not specify individual cases in which criminal offenses were allegedly committed but, rather, refers to the damage, per se, to civilians and civilian objectives in the course of the two operations. The question that it raises is whether the State of Israel should be obligated at present to open a criminal investigation pertaining to the entire conduct of the operations, while, according to counsel for the petitioners, the specific actions serve only as indications of the modus operandi that was adopted during the operations.

 We are therefore dealing with relief that is formulated in the broadest and most general language. In this context, we have already stated in the past that “the generality of the petition – in defining the dispute, in the factual basis that it lays and in the requested relief – is to its detriment, and, as such, it cannot be adjudicated by this court in its existing format” (HCJ 7178/08 Forum of the Heads of the Druse and Circassian Councils in Israel et al. v. Government of Israel [3]).

 7. We should further state that we did not accept the argument that the operations – as such – constituted action that was not justified from a security standpoint and, therefore, should be deemed war crimes. As we described above, the situation in the Gaza Strip prior to the launching of Operation Rainbow enabled the terrorist bodies to strike again and again at IDF soldiers and civilians living in the region, with weapons that had been smuggled into the region through tunnels. This attack by the terrorist bodies, which continued to escalate, and the use of increasingly dangerous weapons, are what led to the launching of the campaigns. We have not been convinced – and neither have the petitioners laid any factual foundation for this far-reaching claim, except for one newspaper interview – that the purpose of the operation was reprisal or collective deterrence for the civilian population in Gaza to refrain from cooperating with the terrorist elements. Clearly, justifications of this type for military actions are invalid but, as stated, in the circumstances of the matter, it was not proven that they were the basis for launching the operations. On the contrary – the State argues that it regarded itself as obligated to protect its residents against harm and against the murder of women and children, and it acted out of recognition of its right to self-defense, which includes defending its citizens. It also considered itself obligated to defend the residents living in towns adjacent to the Gaza Strip against the Kassam rockets and other missiles that were aimed at them from the northern Gaza Strip and, to that end, it deemed that there was an operational need to strike at the terrorist entities that were using those missiles, and at their weapons and launching sites. The determination that there was a security need for a massive operation – aimed at thwarting, or at least reducing, the activities of the terrorists in the southern Gaza Strip and their access to advanced weapons that were smuggled through the tunnels into the Gaza Strip for their use – is a matter of security policy, which is within the clear discretion of those responsible for security, and it is not a matter suitable for review by this Court. 

8. The relief sought in the petition is that a criminal investigation be initiated. Under the circumstances and with the data before us, recourse to the tools of criminal law is not appropriate for addressing the problematic nature of this issue, for reasons related to the nature of criminal law. First, relief in the form of criminal prosecution is relevant in Israel with regard to cases in which there is a suspicion that an offense has been committed. The suspicion of violation of the law that amounts to an offense cannot be considered in isolation from the protections afforded by the penal laws with regard to actions in war, and this question is, of course, a complex one which depends on the circumstances of a particular case. A demand to conduct a criminal investigation requires that there be a proper preliminary factual foundation. It should be emphasized that a criminal investigation is not the only tool through which violations of the law can be investigated, when they do not amount to criminal offenses. Our system also offers other means of examination and review, which enable us to deal with large-scale events, or with examining the policy of deploying the defense forces. Secondly, criminal law in Israel is confined by the bounds of the penal laws and criminal investigations related to offenses under those penal laws, but not necessarily to violations of other norms that are not part of the positive law. Under various laws, military or government activities that are not necessarily criminal may be investigated and examined and they may even be criticized, and operative recommendations that are not anchored, ab initio, in criminal law may also be made, even though they may sometimes entail conclusions about violations of the penal laws.

 Thus, for example, s. 537 of the Military Jurisdiction Law, 5715-1955 states that the minister of defense or the chief of general staff may appoint a commission of inquiry to investigate any matter pertaining to the military, and the Commissions of Inquiry Law, 5729-1968 states that in cases in which the government sees that there is a matter of public importance requiring clarification, it may also order the establishment of a commission of inquiry (s. 1). Section 28 of this Law also anchors the government’s authority to establish investigative committees for clarifying issues that it does not necessarily consider appropriate for clarification by means of a state commission of inquiry (in this matter, see HCJ 6001/97 Amitay – Citizens for Good Governance and Integrity v. Prime Minister [4]). Various types of commissions of inquiry and investigation were established in the past when claims were made concerning events whose consequences necessitated clarification and the examination of issues of public interest, among which, of course, have been military and combat actions. Indeed, the common perception in our system is that commissions of inquiry do not deal with “legal” liability, but rather, with “public” responsibility and, in certain cases, they may constitute only one stage on the road to a decision about whether criminal proceedings should be initiated. At times, a problem may even arise when events for which criminal liability may be assigned are reviewed by a commission of inquiry instead of, or before, the judicial criminal process (Amnon Rubinstein and Barak Medina,  Constitutional Law of the State of Israel (6th ed., 5765-2005), pp. 1033-1034 (hereinafter: Rubinstein and Medina).

9. It must be emphasized that the decision as to whether a certain matter gives rise to a suspicion that would justify a criminal investigation lies first and foremost with those who head the prosecution system, who have the authority and the power to press criminal charges for the commission of a criminal offense. As a rule, the attorney general is in charge of the investigative and criminal prosecution system, and the MAG has broad discretion in matters pertaining to the military. When the subject of the examination is primarily of an operational nature, the decision as to the mechanism of the investigation is usually in the hands of military entities, but the military system’s tools of examination cannot block additional investigations in accordance with the substance of the matter in question. In this regard we must distinguish insofar as possible between an investigation with the predetermined intention of reaching a particular criminal or civil legal result, and other issues that require examination concerning public or individual responsibility and accountability. When the investigation is one in which the dominant aspect requiring examination is public, the political echelons are authorized to decide on the examination. In certain situations, our case law has indeed recognized the fact that the authority to establish a commission of inquiry or examination in relation to a particular matter may become an obligation (Rubinstein and Medina, at p. 1037). However, these are unusual cases (HCJ 7232/01 Yusuf v. State of Israel  [5], at p.  573). As a rule, the discretion granted to the investigative and prosecutorial bodies with regard to the establishment of a commission of examination or inquiry in general, and with regard to the selection of a particular type of examination mechanism in particular, is extremely broad, and judicial review of a decision of that type is limited and restricted to an examination of the reasonability of the choice (HCJ 2624/97 Adv. Yedid Ronel v. Government of Israel  [6], at p. 79; HCJ 6728/06 Ometz Association (Citizens for Good Governance and Social Justice) v. Prime Minister of Israel [7], per Justice Hayut, para. 3).

Beyond what is required in the present case, we should note that this Court exercises its judicial review bearing in mind the investigative bodies and the laws that our legal system makes available, and the petitioners, too, have focused their petition on the demand to make use of only the criminal tool. The issue of adapting the investigation and examination mechanisms that exist within the Israeli legal system to comport with alleged violations of the laws of war and the obligations imposed on Israel under international law, which are external to Israeli criminal law and positive law, is the subject of various discussions in the international arena, and not only in relation to Israel. This issue is also at the center of academic writing, which adopts various positions on the independence of the mechanisms in our system for investigating and examining claims about violations of the laws of war and their ability to investigate the alleged violations (see Amichai Cohen and Yuval Shani, The IDF Investigates Itself: Investigating Suspicions of Violations of the Rules of Warfare, Policy Study 93, Israel Democracy Institute (2011) (hereinafter: Cohen and Shani)). That is not the question before us and we do not need to address it, since we are dealing with a petition to invoke criminal law, which does not establish a basis for  the arguments it raises. We have also noted the fact that the fundamental question about the suitability of the investigative mechanisms for the claims and complaints made about violation of the laws of war is currently being examined by the Public Commission for Examination of the Maritime Incident of May 31, 2010, headed by Justice (Emeritus) J. Turkel, which is still looking into the matter. 

10. In addition, the relief sought by the petitioners is not practical, as stated, for another reason. The petitioners demand that a criminal investigation be opened and that those responsible for the apparent “crimes” face criminal prosecution. They do so on the basis of alleged violations of international humanitarian law, from which, they claim, violations of Israeli criminal law can be deduced (secs. 174 and 178 of the petition). Indeed, in our legal system, charges based on Israeli law are filed with the military and civil courts in the appropriate cases. In cases in which the laws of war have been violated, charges will be filed pursuant to Israeli law for the appropriate criminal offense, the principles of which, as a rule, parallel the principles of international criminal law. In cases of this type, the prosecution must establish the elements of the specific offense, just as in any other criminal trial. It is important to clarify that this Israeli policy, even when the international law, per se, is not applied as part of Israeli criminal law, does not violate Israel’s obligations under the Geneva Convention, since it allows for the imposition of effective criminal sanctions for violators of substantive sections of the Convention (Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949) (hereinafter: the Geneva Convention), § 146; and see HCJ 7195/08 Abu Rahma v. Military Advocate General [8], paras. 35-44; Ward Ferdinandusse, “The Prosecution of Grave Breaches in National Courts”, J Int’l Criminal Justice 7 (4) (2009) 723-729, 741). This is the case when the charges express the criminal nature of the act attributed to the accused and the punishment imposed in the event of conviction reflects the aggravated circumstances of committing an offense against protected civilians under the laws of warfare (Knut Dörmann and Robin Geiβ, “The Implementation of Grave Breaches into Domestic Legal Orders”, J Int’l Criminal Justice 7(4) (2009) 703-721, 710). Moreover, various scholars argue that the decision to handle war crimes within the existing domestic criminal system (as opposed to legislating new war crimes offenses, or assimilating the laws of war into the local legal system verbatim) has clear advantages, such as the familiarity of the prosecution authorities with the elements of the offense and, accordingly, their enhanced ability to conduct an effective trial in such cases (ibid., at p. 709). 

11. Above and beyond the aforementioned difficulties, even in specific aspects pertaining to events that occurred in the course of the operations discussed in the petition, the petitioners do not establish cause for attacking the decision not to open a criminal investigation dealing with any specific event. The petition, as stated, is based on newspaper interviews and reports, which cannot serve as evidence in a criminal proceeding, and on the reports of international organizations that deal primarily with examining the outcome of the events and not with analyzing the occurrences, the threats and the responses of security forces during the operations. This meager evidentiary foundation cannot form the basis of a criminal charge at the high level of proof required for a trial of this type. The petition itself relates to dozens, if not hundreds, of incidents which resulted in the destruction of the homes of Palestinian civilians, and more than a few cases that resulted in the deaths of civilians who were not involved in the fighting. Even the petitioners themselves are not claiming that criminal acts brought about the demolition of every house among the hundreds of houses that were demolished. It should be emphasized that even according to the norms of international humanitarian law, the very obligation to investigate, which arises in cases of a suspected violation of the law as will be elucidated below, does not arise when complaints are not based on an initial factual foundation, even if only prima facie. The scholar Michael Schmitt explains:

Not every allegation requires an investigation; only those sufficiently credible to reasonably merit one do (Michael N. Schmitt, “Investigating Violations of International Law in Armed Conflict”, Harvard National Security Journal 2 (2011) 31,  39). 

12. With regard to specific events that ostensibly give rise to concrete suspicions of criminal offenses, even the State does not dispute the obligation to investigate suspected violations of the law. This obligation is derived directly from Israel’s obligation to defend the lives of the protected civilians in territories under belligerent occupation against intentional harm, and it is also anchored in the provisions of international humanitarian law, e.g., in § 146 of the Geneva Convention. There are those who claim that this is also required by the Human Rights Conventions (see, e.g., Cohen and Shani, at pp. 22-24). However, the parties before us are divided on the question ofwhat would be a sufficient indication of the existence of a suspicion that would justify opening a criminal investigation with regard to a certain event. While the petitioners claim that the  outcome of the operations as such – the deaths of civilians and the destruction of many houses – should lead to the opening of a criminal investigation, the respondents argue that the circumstances of every incident should be examined individually and a determination should be made as to whether there is a suspected violation of the laws of war and Israeli law in the matter.

The question of whether a criminal investigation should be opened automatically in every case in which the death of a civilian resulted from actions by security forces was dealt with in a parallel petition that was filed with this Court on this issue, i.e., HCJ 9594/03 Betzelem v. Military Advocate General [9], and we do not see fit to elaborate on this here. We should briefly clarify that the opening of a criminal investigation is not an automatic process in every case. It must arise from a real suspicion that criminal violations were, indeed, committed. The picture that emerges from a description of the fighting in a situation of armed conflict with a murderous terrorist organization, whose operatives took shelter among the civilian population, is certainly a harsh one, and the consequences of the fighting were painful for the civilian population in whose vicinity or among whose houses the terrorists operated. However, even that harsh general picture does not constitute, per se, cause for an investigation of a criminal nature. An investigation of that type must be conducted when a prima facie suspicion arises of conduct that deviates from Israeli law or of serious violations of international law that amount to criminal offenses under the penal laws.

 13. It should be borne in mind that the laws of war, which apply to armed conflicts between Israeli security forces and the terrorist organizations that control the Gaza Strip, provide protection to civilians who are not involved in the fighting, and the “principle of distinction” – which imposes on the fighting army an obligation to refrain from intentionally harming the civilian population – is a basic principle of those laws. However, alongside the principle of distinction, the laws of war also recognize the existence of “collateral damage” – damage caused to civilians indirectly, as a result of an attack aimed at the military targets of the enemy. The recognition of collateral damage derives from the understanding that the requirement to refrain completely from harming civilians during combat would negate the ability to fight in the modern era. Collateral damage does not constitute a violation of the laws of war, even if it is foreseeable, as long as it meets the requirements of the law, among which are the proportionality of the anticipated harm that would be caused to the civilians vis-à-vis the benefit anticipated from the military action, and refraining from deliberate attacks on civilians. No-one disputes the fact that unfortunately, innocent people may also be harmed during the fighting. This is particularly true in modern-day wars, in which boundaries are blurred between the front and the rear, between military targets and civilian targets, and between innocent civilians and those involved in terrorism and armed conflict. In the matter at hand, combat actions are often undertaken – for lack of choice – in the midst of civilian neighborhoods, from which and from within which the terrorist organizations operate. In such situations, an army must make every effort to refrain from harming innocent civilians. Nevertheless, sometimes harm to the civilian population cannot be avoided completely. We must not forget that the fighting occurs under conditions of pressure and uncertainty, with soldiers’ lives being at risk. Intensive combat is sometimes conducted against armed terrorists who operate knowingly and intentionally from within the civilian population. This combat activity is sometimes required by the laws of human rights, which charge the State of Israel with the obligation to protect its citizens and residents against terrorist attacks that endanger their lives. Therefore, the fact that citizens were harmed is not sufficient to establish a real suspicion that criminal offenses were committed in violation of the laws of war. In the absence of evidence that criminal offenses were committed, there is also no obligation to conduct a criminal investigation of the events.

 The State’s notice in response to the petition states that when there is doubt as to whether conduct that caused harm to civilians was within the boundaries of the law, the MAG refers to a preliminary factual examination that is conducted in the framework of an operational investigation, which is submitted to him for review. The operational investigation has additional purposes, such as examining the conduct of the forces and deriving lessons in order to avoid grave consequences in the future, even if these consequences did not stem from criminal behavior on the part of the combat forces. It also serves other internal operational needs. The question of the independence of this investigative mechanism and its suitability for establishing the basis for the data used by the MAG in the initial decision about opening a criminal investigation is not at issue in this petition because, as stated, no concrete cases were presented to us in which there was, indeed, a suspected violation of criminal law. Even with regard to specific events that were presented, incidentally, in the petition by means of newspaper reports, the manner in which they were handled by the security forces was not elucidated, and the petitioners did not present any arguments regarding their initial handling by means of an operational investigation. Moreover, even the State agrees that when a suspicion does, indeed, arise concerning criminal behavior, the operational investigation is not sufficient to fulfill the obligation to investigate violations of the law. It should be noted in this context that the reporting and factual examination procedures used by the MAG to make decisions have undergone changes in recent years, and a preliminary report is now submitted to the MAG himself within 48 hours from the time that harm was caused to any civilian who was not involved in the fighting. This report enables effective and immediate handling of the incident, either by way of a criminal investigation or by way of review and deriving other lessons.

14. Moreover, we have not seen fit to intervene in the decision regarding one particular incident, which was presented in the petition as an example of the general argument regarding the conduct of the security forces – an incident in which civilians were killed when tank artillery was fired at an abandoned house toward which a procession of Palestinian civilians was moving. As emerges from the detailed position of the State in this context, the incident was investigated at all levels of the IDF and the briefings were submitted to the MAG, who found that the commander of the squadron made a professional mistake with regard to the extent of the shooting, but the decision to actually shoot was justified under the conditions that existed in the field. The MAG determined that the mistake was made during the fighting and under conditions of pressure and uncertainty, and that the intention of the squadron commander was actually to prevent casualties. He therefore reached the conclusion, which was affirmed by the Attorney General, that the erroneous decision of the squadron commander was not unreasonable to the point of justifying the conduct of criminal proceedings against him. We would clarify that conditions of pressure and combat situations do not justify – per se – the firing of artillery shells at civilians, but the details of the investigation that was conducted and the array of circumstances that led to the MAG’s conclusion on that matter were not before us. As we know, the principle of maximum restraint in judicial intervention in the decisions of the executive authority regarding investigation and prosecution is deeply rooted in the judicial tradition of this Court.  Similar to the Attorney General, the discretion of the MAG on the question of whether to initiate criminal proceedings is extremely broad. Inter alia, he must act fairly, honestly and in good faith; he must act reasonably and with proportionality; he must take into account the relevant considerations and only those considerations; he must refrain from any illegitimate discrimination; and he must exhibit independence in his decision, as the person responsible for the rule of law in the military (Abu Rahma v. Military Advocate General [8], para. 66). Accordingly, intervention in the professional decisions of the MAG is implemented only rarely, in extremely exceptional circumstances (HCJ 425/89 Zufan v. Military Advocate General  [10], at pp. 727-728; HCJ 4550/94 Isha v. Attorney General [11], at pp. 871-872). As an aside, it may be noted that as a rule, the decision to terminate the handling of an incident as a criminal matter does not obviate other treatment – disciplinary, systemic or educational – of an incident that has had grave consequences.

15. Another factor that negates the ability to examine the decisions of the MAG, both with regard to the specific incident described above and with regard to the other incidents that occurred during the two operations – even if the petitioners had provided substantiated claims in relation to specific incidents – is the amount of time that passed from the time of the occurrence of the events requiring examination until the exercise of judicial review, i.e., the extensive delay that afflicts the petition. As stated above, the petitioner first contacted respondents 1 and 2 with a request to order a criminal investigation following Operation Rainbow in November 2005, about a year and a half after the end of the operation. The request to investigate the events of Operation Days of Repentance was first filed by the petitioner only in January 2007, over two years after the end of that operation. The petition itself was filed about sixteen months after the petitioner received a response from respondent 2 denying the request, and almost three years after the events.

 According to case law, acceptance of an argument of delay against an administrative petition requires the presence of two cumulative elements – one, the existence of a subjective delay, i.e., does the actual conduct of the petitioner indicate an implied waiver on its part of its right to apply to the courts; and two, the existence of an objective delay, i.e., did a change occur in the actual situation on the ground, and did the delay in filing the petition harm the interests of other parties. In this case, there was, indeed, both a subjective and an objective delay, when the petitioners asked the respondents to open a criminal investigation for events that occurred in the course of Operation Rainbow, about a year and a half after the end of the Operation. The petition itself was also filed a long time – over a year – after receipt of the respondents’ reply, and that delay was not explained by the petitioners. Moreover, the petitioners first contacted the respondents with a request to prosecute those responsible for Operation Rainbow in November 2005 – several months after implementation of the disengagement plan, during which the IDF left the Gaza Strip. 

 The petitioners argue, and there appears to be substance to the argument, that as a rule, the claim of delay should not be allowed when what is at stake is the rule of law and the violation of human rights. This is particularly true where the respondents had an obligation to investigate, even absent the request of the petitioners, and irrespective of any necessary connection to the filing of the petition. In principle, we accept this approach, and it is anchored in the case law of this Court. Indeed, the accepted law in our judgments is that the Court will not dismiss a petition because of a delay, if that entails a grave violation of the rule of law and of an important public interest (HCJ 7053/96 Amcor Ltd. v. Minister of the Interior  [12], at p. 202; HCJ 170/87 Asulin v. Mayor of Kiryat Gat [13], at p. 684). Above and beyond what is necessary, we will say that when such concerns, and even less grave ones, arise, we must not wait for applications by human rights organizations, journalists or other elements in order to initiate an investigation of the event, in a manner that would enable, should it be necessary, the conduct of an effective criminal process. Thus, we have already stated in a series of judgments that in cases in which there is a suspicion of criminal conduct, an investigation should be initiated soon after the event, to allow for the gathering of evidence (see, for example, HCJ 8517/07 Bassam Aramin v. Attorney General [14]).

In the case before us, however, we are not dealing with delay in its regular guise as a threshold argument but, rather, a delay that negates the ability to address the petition. The lengthy period of time that passed from the end of the combat operations which are the subject of the petition to the time of the actual filing of the petition affects the possibility of giving the petitioners the relief requested therein, even if their petition had merit. The more time that passes from the beginning of the fighting in a military arena, the greater the difficulty in gathering evidence, taking testimony and producing factual findings that might constitute a sufficient evidentiary and factual foundation for a disciplinary or criminal proceeding. The arena of the event changes, some of the witnesses are no longer available for questioning and accessibility to the area may change, as actually occurred in the circumstances of the matter before us. It may be said that the request for the remedy of a criminal investigation, or instituting criminal proceedings, always raises the subject of the interest of enforcing the law in its strongest sense but, on the other hand, it is a request with an “expiration date”. When time passes from an event that is the subject of a request of this type, there is no longer any point to the request, although other non-criminal remedies may be relevant in appropriate circumstances. In this case, as a year and a half passed between the Operations and the petitioners’ request to respondent 2 that he initiate a criminal investigation immediately, and certainly as almost three years have passed between the time the events took place and the filing of the petition before us, the relief of opening a criminal investigation is no longer applicable in any case. This is further justified by the absence of a factual basis that might have served as the foundation for a criminal investigation. This matter adds to the sense that the petition is not about an operative remedy but, rather, declarative relief and nothing more. In another matter, this Court stated as follows with regard to declarative relief:

‘…such a declaration, which states the obvious, is completely superfluous. Do the respondents claim that they are exempt from the burden of the law? Do the respondents believe that a declaration by the courts, to the effect that the law must be upheld, will add validity or weight to the law? The court does not issue such declarations for which there is no need, and which have no benefit or dignity’ (HCJ 1901/94 MK Uzi Landau v. Jerusalem Municipality [15], at p. 412). 

 To summarize this issue in general, it may be said that to the balance between the three different elements of the delay in its legal meaning, among which are the extent of harm to the interests of individuals who relied on a given situation and the extent of harm to the values of the rule of law (AdminAppA 7142/01 Haifa Local Planning and Building Committee v. Society for the Protection of Nature [16], at p. 679) must be added the ability to grant the requested remedy which, in effect, is also a general public interest that this Court not grant relief that cannot be realized. Therefore, in certain cases, a delay on the part of the petitioners  becomes a reason to deny the petition, even when substantive issues are involved. This is because it will only be possible to deal with cases of this type, involving these issues, in a partial and incomplete manner, due to the amount of time that has passed and the changes in circumstances.

The Existence of a Judicial Decision in the Matter

 16. Finally, the State claims that the issue of demolishing houses in the course of military operations has already been adjudicated in Abu Atara v. Commander of IDF Forces [1], and in Adalah v. GOC Southern Command [2], and the denial of those petitions shows that the State’s position, whereby, as a rule, the demolition of houses in the framework of military action in the Gaza Strip does not constitute a “war crime”, has already been accepted by the Court. This claim does not reflect the content of the aforementioned judgments. In Adalah v. GOC Southern Command [2], the petition was denied due to the respondents notifying the Court that the State intended to refrain from demolishing the houses at issue. In view of that notice, we found that the petition had become moot and that under those circumstances, “a decision on arguments in principle by the petitioners is not currently required” (para. 5 of the judgment). A similar decision was also rendered in Abu Atara v. Commander of IDF Forces [1]. In that matter, the State declared that if a decision were to be made in the future on the demolition of additional structures, that decision would not be implemented without granting the right to a hearing to all parties liable to be harmed by it, with three exceptions – immediate operational needs, danger to the lives of the soldiers or sabotage of the operation. In its judgment, the Court emphasized that – 

‘We would assume that the respondents are aware of the gravity of the responsibility placed on their shoulders and that they are making every effort to reduce, as far as possible, the extent of the harm done to the general civilian population and the extent of its suffering.’

 In view of the above, it is clear that the judgments mentioned by the State in this context did not establish any case law; rather, they related to the issue in accordance with the situation and the factual representation at that time, and with the principles presented by the State in its declaration to the Court. In the present case, the petitioners are not making a general claim regarding the authority of the military commander to demolish houses for security reasons. They argue that this authority was exercised unlawfully, in a manner that justifies an investigation. In the aforementioned judgments, therefore, general immunity was not given to the demolition, per se, of houses, but the Court recognized the fact that when a house serves as a base for firing at the State of Israel and terrorist activities are being conducted within it, or it is being used as shelter for a terrorist squad, its demolition, even without the right to a hearing, may constitute a legal and justified act. When a house serves as the residence of innocent civilians, under certain circumstances its demolition is prohibited, even during combat. Everything depends on the circumstances of each and every matter, taking into consideration the conditions, the needs and the situation at the scene. 

 

Before Concluding

17. For the reasons we have elucidated, we do not find that the petition has established cause for our intervention in the decision not to conduct a criminal investigation, as requested by the petitioners. The delay in filing the petition, its generality and its reliance on partial information highlight the fact that the legal tool is the least suitable tool for achieving the goals of the petitioners in this matter, whatever they may be. Regarding the substantive issue, the war on terrorism is a difficult one, which poses difficult dilemmas for the combat forces and the defense leadership with regard to avoiding harm to civilians when murderous actions come from among them. The grave, blood-soaked events that preceded the operations illustrate the difficulty involved in making decisions about combat actions and their outcomes. It certainly cannot be said that launching two operations and all the actions that were taken during those operations establish a prima facie suspicion of criminal offenses, as indicated by the arguments in the petition. Moreover, as we have explained above, the decision by the Attorney General or by the MAG with regard to pressing charges is made in light of an isolated incident, and that is also how judicial review on decisions of this type is exercised. Indeed – 

‘If the petitioners leave this Court with empty hands, it is only because they took the wrong path, and therefore did not reach their objective. There are those who say that this Court is the last refuge of the citizen in his dispute with the government. But as opposed to these, there are those who apply to this Court in order to settle such an argument, as the first step on the path, even before turning to the government itself. And there are also those who come to the Court not in order to settle the argument, knowing that the case is not at all amenable to judicial decision and, accordingly, there is also no basis for assuming that the Court will grant them relief’ (MK Uzi Landau v. Jerusalem Municipality [15], at p. 418).

 The sweeping petition and the serious claims made therein do not lay a proper factual or legal foundation for a practical and concrete deliberation. The petition mixes legal claims and claims that belong, perhaps, to a publicist-public discourse, and not in a legal proceeding. It appears on its face to be an attempt to utilize the Court in a debate which seemingly should not be planted in that field. 

 

 

18. In this context, it should be noted that, for its own reasons, the petitioner also saw fit to refer extensively in its arguments to the principle of universal jurisdiction. This principle is not relevant to the proceedings that are held before this Court, nor does it have any relevance to the present proceeding. Claims of that type, in accordance with the manner of their formulation, are in the nature of a veiled “threat” against the respondents and even the Court, and it would have been better had the petitioner not chosen to bring that argument before us.

19. The reality in which we live is dynamic and changing and it seems that the day is still far off when the fighting will end completely. Unfortunately, the armed conflict between the State of Israel and the Palestinian terrorist organizations claims many victims from among the civilian population on both sides, and there is no end in sight. In combat situations, just as in calmer times, the security forces are obligated to refrain, as far as possible, from harming innocent people who are caught up in the fighting through no fault of their own, under both Israeli and international law, and under basic principles of humanity. However, tragically, during the fighting and due to the manner of the fighting conducted by the terrorist organizations, innocent people may be hurt, even when the IDF acts properly. Contending with such tragedies does not necessarily – nor should it always – lead to a criminal trial. We feel that we must emphasize yet again – and the State has not disputed this – that when there is a suspected deviation from the proper norms of behavior, even if there is no reason for a criminal trial, the investigating authorities must conduct an examination of the incident with the appropriate tools for that purpose, in order to establish deterrence that could prevent harmful behavior in the future, to instill an educational message into the fighting forces as to the importance of respecting the legal and moral criteria, and to demonstrate the importance of maintaining the rule of law.

Conclusion

In view of all the above, the petition is denied. Due to the importance of the matter with which the petition deals, however, we have not seen fit to grant an order for costs.

 

 

Justice E. Rubinstein

1. I concur in all that was said by my colleague the President, from beginning to end, and even though any addition would only detract, I would like to add some brief words of my own. 

2. The State of Israel is frequently engaged in a battle against cruel terrorism, which is part of the saga that takes on and sheds the form of a struggle against those who have tried to destroy it in every generation, including this one. This petition, which is 135 pages long, contains no legal reference to this struggle of the State of Israel against ignominious and nefarious people who do not deserve the name human beings, who do not hesitate to slaughter its citizens in buses, in cafes and at the Passover seder table, at bus stations and in any possible place, including in a serene family home on a Sabbath or holiday, and to launch missiles at Sederot and the villages around Gaza year after year, with the aim of hurting civilians and only civilians. I am not even talking about empathy – although the reader of the petition might believe that the matter involved intentional harm to people who were sitting “tranquil and unsuspecting …and had no dealings with any man” (Judges 18:7). What hides behind the learned legal cover with innumerable citations? And the question is whether its true purpose is not the delegitimization of the State of Israel, with the “threat” to which my colleague referred about the exercise of “universal jurisdiction”. The truth is that we are not in a bubble surrounding only one party at which are aimed the arrows of the petition – the State of Israel and its soldiers – and no other party or parties whose hands are covered in blood, who do not act according the humanitarian laws and according to the rules of humanity in general. The sophisticated legal language cannot cover this up. This Court is not oblivious to the harm caused to civilians, as shown by its rulings over many years – and neither are the IDF and the defense establishment in general. This Court deals with this constantly, on an almost daily basis, including judicial review of decisions made by military entities in various contexts that are threaded throughout the judgments. The Court’s decisions have also attracted internal criticism from various circles in Israel; but it will not alter its path, which takes into consideration domestic and international law, but which also recalls that the Court operates amongst its people.

 

3. Indeed, this Court has more than once granted petitions that were directed against the defense establishment (see, inter alia, Abu Rahma v. Military Advocate General [8]). On the other hand, I occasionally visit prisons and meet security prisoners, among them murderers, who are given rights under all the laws and rules, including visits by the Red Cross and their families. Gilad Shalit was held for five years and four months by evil Hamas operatives without the Red Cross being allowed to visit him. In the case of Operation Cast Lead in 2009, this Court heard petitions immediately, while the battles were raging, on humanitarian and other issues connected with the war, which is unique and has no equal in other countries: that the highest court in a country would deal, in real time, while the actual events are occurring, with issues pertaining to the war that is being waged at that time. In addition, I can attest firsthand to innumerable discussions in various fora, among them the very highest, such as the government and the cabinet, during my term as attorney general, and before that as the government secretary, in which the legal entities reminded and warned about the duty of caution under the circumstances vis-à-vis innocent civilians, at the time when terrorists were using civilian neighborhoods and residents for their own criminal actions. This Court will remain on guard, and the military and civilian law enforcement authorities will fulfill their obligations with regard to specific complaints; with regard to their obligation to act in that context and in the context of “government offenses” in general, there is no need to elaborate (in addition to the words of my colleague the President here, extensive case law exists. See, e.g., HCJ 769/02 Public Committee Against Torture v. Government of Israel [17] (para. 40)).

4. My colleague analyzed the petition and the arguments therein, and addressed each one of them, exercising great restraint. I concur, as stated, in all of her words.

 

Justice H. Melcer

I concur in the judgment of the President, Justice D. Beinisch.

I would like to add that allegations similar to those made by the petitioners in this petition were made at the time to the prosecutor who was appointed to examine the NATO bombings in Yugoslavia, which were perpetrated in response to the harm done to the residents of Kosovo. The prosecutor there was assisted by a special committee, which advised her on the issue and determined as follows:

‘… in the particular incidents reviewed by the committee with particular care (…) the committee has not assessed any particular incidents as justifying the commencement of an investigation by the OTP. NATO has admitted that mistakes did occur during the bombing campaign; errors of judgment may also have occurred. Selection of certain objectives for attack may be subject to legal debate. On the basis of the information reviewed, however, the committee is of the opinion that neither an in-depth investigation related to the bombing campaign as a whole nor investigations related to specific incidents are justified. In all cases, either the law is not sufficiently clear or investigations are unlikely to result in the acquisition of sufficient evidence to substantiate charges against high level accused or against lower accused for particularly heinous offences.’ (See: Final Report to the Prosecutor by the Committee Established to Review the NATO Bombing Campaign Against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, §90. Can be viewed at: http://icty.org/sid/10052 ). 

These words also hold true, mutatis mutandis, for the issues here, and thus this petition is also distinguished from what was before us in Abu Rahma v. Military Advocate General [8], in which this Court issued an absolute order (see: my opinion, ad loc.)  

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