Laws of war

Al-Aziz v. Commander of IDF Forces in the West Bank

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 785/87
Date Decided: 
Sunday, April 10, 1988
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

The military commanders of the various occupied territories, acting  pursuant to the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, ordered the deportation of the Petitioners from the territories, on the ground that they are involved in hostile activities against the State of Israel, such as to endanger the security of the state and the public peace. The Petitioners contend that the deportation orders violate Article 49 of the Fourth Hague Convention of 1949. Sitting in a panel of five Justices, the court denied the petitions, holding:

           

1.  Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention must be interpreted against the background of the outrages perpetrated by the Nazis against civilian populations during World War II, the recurrence of which it was intended to prevent. Article 49 protects civilian populations from arbitrary conduct of the occupying power and from inhuman treatment. It does not apply to the deportation of individuals, under law, for legitimate reasons, such as protection of the public peace. A literal interpretation of the Convention so as to forbid deportation of protected individuals absolutely and in all circumstances, would yield unreasonable results. For example, an illegal infiltrator could not be expelled after he has completed service of his sentence for the infiltration. Nor could the authorities extradite a wanted person to another country in order to stand trial for crimes charged.

 

2.  Israeli law distinguishes between international customary law and international conventional law. International treaties that create new rights create such rights and obligations between states, but do not confer them upon individuals. Such treaties do not become part of the country's municipal law in the absence of legislation to such effect by the Knesset. On the other hand, the customary international law is part of the country's municipal law. Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention is part of the international conventional law, not the customary law, and, therefore, is not part of Israeli municipal law.

 

3.     The evidence supports the Respondents' findings that the Petitioners are engaged in hostile activities against the security of the state and the public peace.

 

Justice Bach joined in the court's decision, dissenting, however, from that portion of the opinion which interpreted Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention so as to limit its application to the arbitrary deportation of protected persons for inhuman ends. Agreeing that the Convention was prepared against the background of the Nazi horrors perpetrated against civilian populations, he thought, nonetheless, that the broad language of Article 49 creates an absolute prohibition against expelling a protected person from occupied territory. He agreed, however, that Article 49 of the Geneva Convention is not reflective of international customary law but is rather part of international conventional law and, therefore, it is not part of Israeli municipal law.

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
Author
concurrence
Author
concurrence
Full text of the opinion: 

HCJ 785/87

HCJ 845/87

HCJ 27/88

           

ABD AL NASSER AL AZIZ ABD AL AZIZ ABD AL

    AFFO ET AL                                                                                               

v.

COMMANDER OF I.D.F. FORCES IN THE WEST BANK

H.C. 785/87

 

ABD AL AZIZ ABD ALRACHMAN UDE RAFIA  ET AL                        

v.

COMMANDER OF I.D.F. FORCES IN THE GAZA STRIP

H.C. 845/87

 

J'MAL SHAATI HINDI                                             

v.

COMMANDER OF I.D.F. FORCES IN THE JUDEA AND

   SAMARIA REGION

H.C. 27/88

 

 

 

 

The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

[April 10, 1988]

Before Shamgar P., Ben-Porat D.P., S. Levin J., Bach J. and Goldberg, J.

 

 

 

Editor's synopsis -

            The military commanders of the various occupied territories, acting  pursuant to the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, ordered the deportation of the Petitioners from the territories, on the ground that they are involved in hostile activities against the State of Israel, such as to endanger the security of the state and the public peace. The Petitioners contend that the deportation orders violate Article 49 of the Fourth Hague Convention of 1949. Sitting in a panel of five Justices, the court denied the petitions, holding:

           

1.  Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention must be interpreted against the background of the outrages perpetrated by the Nazis against civilian populations during World War II, the recurrence of which it was intended to prevent. Article 49 protects civilian populations from arbitrary conduct of the occupying power and from inhuman treatment. It does not apply to the deportation of individuals, under law, for legitimate reasons, such as protection of the public peace. A literal interpretation of the Convention so as to forbid deportation of protected individuals absolutely and in all circumstances, would yield unreasonable results. For example, an illegal infiltrator could not be expelled after he has completed service of his sentence for the infiltration. Nor could the authorities extradite a wanted person to another country in order to stand trial for crimes charged.

 

2.  Israeli law distinguishes between international customary law and international conventional law. International treaties that create new rights create such rights and obligations between states, but do not confer them upon individuals. Such treaties do not become part of the country's municipal law in the absence of legislation to such effect by the Knesset. On the other hand, the customary international law is part of the country's municipal law. Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention is part of the international conventional law, not the customary law, and, therefore, is not part of Israeli municipal law.

 

3.     The evidence supports the Respondents' findings that the Petitioners are engaged in hostile activities against the security of the state and the public peace.

 

            Justice Bach joined in the court's decision, dissenting, however, from that portion of the opinion which interpreted Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention so as to limit its application to the arbitrary deportation of protected persons for inhuman ends. Agreeing that the Convention was prepared against the background of the Nazi horrors perpetrated against civilian populations, he thought, nonetheless, that the broad language of Article 49 creates an absolute prohibition against expelling a protected person from occupied territory. He agreed, however, that Article 49 of the Geneva Convention is not reflective of international customary law but is rather part of international conventional law and, therefore, it is not part of Israeli municipal law.

           

           

Israel cases referred to:

[1] H.C. 606,610/78, Ayub  et al. v. Minister of Defence  33P.D.(2)113.

[2] H.C. 97/79, Abu  Awad  v. Military Commander of the Judea  and Samaria Region 33P.D.(3)309.

[3] H.C. 698/80, Kawasma  v. Minister of Defence  35P.D.(1)617.

[4] H.C. 629/89, Mustafa  v. Military Commander of the Judea  and Samaria Region 37P.D.(1)158.

[5] H.C. 513,514/85, M.A.256/85, Nazal v. Military Commander of the Judea and Samaria  Region 39P.D.(3)645.

[6] C. A. 31/63, Feldberg  v. Director for the Purposes of the Land Appreciation Tax Law, 17P.D.1231.

[7] H.C. 442/71, Lansky  v. Minister of interior  26P.D.(2)337.

[8] Cr. A. 94/65, Turjeman  v. Attorney General 19P.D.(3)57.

[9] C. A. 165/82, Kibbutz Hatzor  v. Rehovot  Assessment Officer 39P.D. (2)70.

[10] C.A. 282/73, Haifa  Assessment Officer  v. Arison  25P.D.(1)789.

[11] H.C. 47/83, Tour Aviv (Israel) Ltd. v. Chairman of the Restrictive Trade Practices Control Board 39P.D. (1)169.

[12] Cr. A. 174/54, Stampfer  v. Attorney-General 10P.D.5.

[13] Cr. A. 336/51, Eichmann  v. Attorney-General 16P.D.2033.

[14] C.A. 25,145,148/55, Custodian of Absentee Property v. Samara 10P.D.1825.

[15] Cr. A. 131/67, Kamiar v. State of Israel  22(P.D.)(2)85.

[16] H.C. 69,493/81, Abu Aita et al. v. Military Commander of the Judea and Samaria Region et al. 37P.D.(2)197; S.J. vol. VII, p. 1.

[17] H.C. 393/82, J'mait Askan ... Cooperative Society Registered with the Judea and Samaria Region Command Headquarters v. Military Commander of the Judea and Samaria  Region 37P.D. (4)785.

[18] H.C. 390/79, Diukat  v. State of lsrael  34P.D.1.

[19] Motion 41/49, "Shimson" Ltd. v. Attorney  General 4P.D.143.

[20] C.A. 65/67, Kurz  v. Kirschen  21P.D.(2)20.

[21] H.C. 103/67, "American-European Bet-El Mission" v. Minister of Welfare 21P.D.(2)325.

[22] H.C. 102,150,593,690/82, 271/83, Tzemel v. Minister of Defence 37P.D.(3)365.

[23] H.C. 574/82, El Nawar  v. Minister of Defence  39P.D.(3)449.

[24] C.A. 303/75, State of Israel  v. Raphael 29P.D.(2)601.

[25] H.C. 609/82, Fantomb Overseas (1981) Ltd. v. Investments Center 38P.D.(1)757.

[26] C.A. 586,626/82, Insurance Corporation of ireland Ltd. v. State of Israel - Ministry of Communications; El-AI lsrael Airlines Ltd. v. Insurance Corporation of Ireland 41P.D. (2)309.

 

American case referred to:

[27] Ex  parte Quirin 317 U.S.1(1942).

 

English cases referred to:

[28] Reg. v. Governor of Brixton Prison. Ex parte Soblen  [1963]2Q.B.243(C.A.).

[29] Porter v. Freudenberg  [1915]1K.B.857(C.A.).

[30] West Rand Central Gold Mining Company v. Rex. [1905]2K.B.391.

[31] The Cristina  [1938]1 All E.R.719(H.L.).

[32] Chung  Chi  Cheung  v. The King [1939]A.C.160(P.C.).

 

International cases referred to:

[33] Re  Rizo and Others [1952]Int'l. L.R.478.

[34] I.M.T. Judgment [1946] Cmd.6964.

 

L. Tzemel  for Petitioner no. 1, H.C. 785/87;

D. Kretzmer  for Petitioner no. 2, H.C. 785,845/87;

D. Nasser for Petitioner no. 1, H.C. 845/87;

G. Bulus  for Petitioner in H.C. 27/88;

D. Beinish, Deputy State Attorney, and N. Arad, Director of High Court Department, State Attorney's Office, for Respondents.

 

 

JUDGMENT

 

          SHAMGAR P.: 1. These three petitions, which we have heard together, concern deportation orders under Regulation 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, which were issued with respect to each of the Petitioners by the Commander of I.D.F. Forces in his region (with respect to the Petitioners in H.C. 785/87 and H.C. 27/88, the Commander of I.D.F. Forces in the Judea and Samaria Region; with respect to the Petitioner in H.C. 845/87, the Commander of I.D.F. Forces in the Gaza Strip).

 

            The Association for Civil Rights in Israel joined the petitions in H.C. 785/87 and 845/87.

           

            This court has issued an interim order staying the execution of the deportation orders.

           

            The parties have agreed to argue these petitions as if an order nisi had been given in respect of each of them.

            On 13 March 1988 we decided to dismiss the petitions and to set aside the orders issued in consequence thereof. The following are the reasons for the judgment.

           

            2. In these petitions general legal arguments were raised concerning the legality of a deportation order under public international law and under the law applying in the above-mentioned territories. Also, objections were raised regarding the substantive justification for issuing a deportation order in each of the cases upon which these petitions are based.

           

            As for the order in which these submissions will be discussed, we shall first examine the general contentions which essentially negate the existence of a legal basis for the issue of a deportation order against a resident of the above-mentioned territories. For if the conclusion is that under the relevant law the issue of a deportation order is forbidden, then obviously there will be no need to examine whether a substantive justification exists for the issue of the specific order, through the application of this question to the factual data pertaining to each of the Petitioners. Therefore, we will now turn to the general contentions which are common to the three petitions.

           

            3.(a) The Petitioners raised, as a central reason for their petitions, the argument that Article 49 of the Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949 (hereinafter: the Fourth Geneva Convention) forbids the deportation of any of the Petitioners from Judea, Samaria or the Gaza Strip, as the case may be. According to the argument, an absolute prohibition exists, with regard to a resident of one of the territories occupied by the I.D.F., against the application of Article 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945 or of any other legal provision (if such exists) whose subject is deportation. This is due to the provisions of the above-mentioned international convention which, according to the contention, should be seen as a rule of public international law, binding upon the State of Israel and the Military Government bodies acting on its behalf and granting those injured the right of access to this court.

           

            The legal premise underlying this argument has been raised time and again before this court and has been discussed either directly or partially and indirectly in a number of cases - see principally: H.C. 606,610/78 [1], 121; H.C. 97/79 [2], 309; H.C. 698/80 [3] H.C. 629/82 [4], at 161; H.C.513,514/85 and M.A. 256/85 [5]. In order to complete the legal picture, see also Professor Y. Dinstein's article "The Rafiah Salient Judgment" 3 (1973) Iyunei  Mishpat , 934.

           

            This court's statement in H.C. 513,514/85 and M.A. 256/85 [5] mentioned above is apposite to the present matter, allowing for slight changes deriving from the material itself. It is said at pp. 649-650:

           

As a sort of general introduction to an analysis of the Petitioners' arguments, it should be noted that the first argument mentioned above has been raised already - with slight variation - in a hearing before this court in H.C. 698/80 at p. 623 and was rejected. The repeated raising of this and other arguments regarding the legal validity of Regulation 112 and the force and nature of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention stems from the premise - founded in error - that this court has not already decided the issue whether it is possible to implement Regulation 112 in the Judea and Samaria Region, and that this court has not yet expressed itself on both the reasons based on the internal legislation of the Region and the those resting on rules of public international law. As was said, the proposition of the Petitioners 'learned counsel, that these issues have not been resolved, is founded in error. This court has dealt with the above legal questions at length both in H.C. 97/79, and in H.C. 698/80 mentioned above, which completed the examination of a series of contentions that had not been raised or discussed in H.C. 97/79. The decision in H.C. 698/80 was in fact rendered by the majority opinions of Landau P. and Kahan J. as against the dissenting opinion of Cohn D.P. But this of course does not detract from its validity, nor does it nullify the status of the judgment as a substantive decision on the arguments. We shall follow in its path as long as no weighty material reasons are presented to us justifying a change in the law. That is the difficulty. The decisive majority of the submissions heard by us were nothing more than a quasi-repetition of what has already been argued before this court on the previous occasions mentioned above and which has already been dealt with explicitly and in detail. If we have listened patiently to a repetition of these long arguments, it is mainly because more than five years have passed since the authority to deport was last exercised, and we thought it proper to examine carefully whether in the meantime there has not been any legal development bearing on our case or any renewed argument affecting the matter before us, which would have, no doubt, far-reaching personal consequences for the Petitioners. To summarize, in the judgments of this court in H. C. 97/79 and H.C. 698/80 a clear position was taken on the validity of Regulation 112 in Judea and Samaria after the end of the Mandate, based on the later Jordanian legislation. All aspects of the issue were discussed and decided there.

 

            (b) As was stated, the Petitioners' submission rests first and foremost on the provisions of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. The court's attitude thereto was fully detailed in H.C. 97/79 [2] and in H.C. 698/80 [3], and has been already mentioned in H.C. 513,514/85 [5], the opinions expressed therein are acceptable to me on the issue before us and I see no reason to add to what has already been said by this court. As may be recalled, the statements of Landau P. in H.C. 698/80 [3] complement those of Sussman J. in H.C. 97/79 [2], so far as they concern certain legal aspects of the provisions of the 1952 Jordanian constitution, whereas the decision in H.C. 513,514/85 and M.A. 256/85 [5] touches on additional alternate objections, which were raised regarding the above-mentioned legal question.

           

            Since there have been no developments of any possible bearing on the assessment of the legal situation, as expressed in various ways in the above-mentioned judgments, I would see no need to go back and deal with the varied reasons for the interpretation of Article 49 above, which have already been presented in the previously cited decisions, to which I subscribe. Nonetheless, I have read the remarks of my esteemed colleague, Bach J., and as he does not tend to follow the legal paths that were paved in H.C. 97/79 and H.C. 698/80, and as I disagree with his approach to this issue, I will present the gist of my view on this subject.

           

            Afterwards I will also deal with the new argument raised by the Petitioners' learned counsel regarding the assimilation into our law of some of the rules of conventional international law.

           

                        (c) My comments will relate to the following areas:

           

(1) The accepted approach to interpretation under internal Israeli law;

 

(2) Principles of interpretation applicable to international conventions;

 

(3) Interpretation of the above-mentioned Article 49.

 

            (d) The accepted interpretation in our law. We accept that the interpretive rules applied in a given legal system are peculiar to that system and are not necessarily identical with those applied in another legal system. In the words of Justice Barak in Judicial Discretion (Papyrus, 1987), at pp. 339-340:

           

Every legal system has its doctrine of interpretation. The interpretive approach of English law (based in great measure on the language of the law, and where importance is attached to the purpose of the legislation, it can be discovered mainly from the language of the law), differs from that in American law (based on the purpose of the law, which may be learned also from sources outside the law itself)....Rules of interpretation are legal rules which are based on logic, but not solely on logic. Thus for instance, the answer to the question whether the purpose of the law is to be sought only through the language of the law, is not an answer which can be given based solely on logic.... Deciding from amongst the different possibilities is not a matter of logic, but of legal policy. At times this decision is made by the legislator himself, who determines the rules of interpretation that are to be followed. Generally legislators do not operate in this manner and entrust the formation of rules of interpretation to the judiciary.

 

            The author also refers in this regard to W. Friedman, "Legal Philosophy and Judicial Lawmaking", 61 Colum.  L. Rev. (1961) 821.

           

            The method of interpretation which our courts have applied for quite some time is that which attributes to the wording of the law the meaning which realizes its purpose; this is the interpretative method based on the legislative purpose which has recently received a thorough and penetrating examination in Justice Barak's book cited above.

           

            The formation of rules of interpretation is not effected in a vacuum; rather it is adapted, as stated, to the system of law in which and from which these rules stem. The application of the said rules, in any concrete case in which the court is asked to give content to an enactment warranting interpretation, is carried out, as is accepted here, by applying judicial discretion. Applying judicial discretion is necessary, mainly, where clarification of the wording of an enactment open to interpretation is required in the context of a decision regarding the weight to be given the words of the text, in determining the definition and scope of the legislative purpose. Justice Barak writes about this in his book (supra at pp. 341-342) :

           

            Any doctrine of interpretation must assume as its starting point the doctrine of linguistics ... however, and as we have seen, language is generally not unambiguous. It has multiple meanings, is unclear and consists of "open tissue". At times, words are given an accepted and regular meaning, an almost primary meaning. But for the most part words also have a special and exceptional meaning, a secondary meaning as it were. The doctrine of interpretation must set standards by which one meaning is chosen over another. From the standpoint of language, one meaning does not have preference over another. Any meaning which is possible in a semantic sense is also permissible semantically. It would be a mistake to base a doctrine of legal interpretation on dictates, as it were, of linguistics.

 

            These conclusions are drawn from this court's consistent approach, which has been expressed in a series of judgments, of which those cited below are but a few.

           

            Thus Cohn J. said in C.A. 31/63 [6], at 1235:

           

            ...the correct interpretation of a given provision in the law stems not only - though primarily - from the language of the provision, but also from the purpose of the law, from the flaw which it comes to correct, and from the circumstances surrounding it.

(Emphasis added - M.S.) See also the comments of Agranat P: on the same subject in H.C. 442/71[7], at p. 349:

 

Each Law has its purpose, in the light of which the given phrase should be interpreted.

 

            In other words, the same word can have different meanings in different laws. *

           

            Sussman J. (as his title then was) stated in Cr.A. 94/65 [8], at p. 80:

           

We have learned that the meanings of words are many, and they change from law to law and from issue to issue. We do not begin with the axiom that every word or text has but one fixed definition; rather when we deal with interpretation we address the question: What is the meaning of a given term in a law in the context in which it appears? Since we have thus phrased the question, it naturally follows that the judge interprets the words with the purpose of the legislation as his guiding light and only in this way can he faithfully serve the legislator. In a similar vein Judge Learned Hand said in Borella  v. Borden Co. (1944):

 

We can best reach the meaning here, as always, by recourse to the underlying purpose, and with that as a guide, by trying to project upon the specific occasion how we think persons, actuated by such a purpose, would have dealt with it, if it had been presented to them at the time.

(Emphasis added M.S.)

 

            In other words, language does not govern the purpose, rather it serves it. The law is an instrument for realizing legal policy, and therefore interpretation needs to aim toward emancipating the wording from its semantic bonds, were these to distance it from the legislative purpose which the words are intended to realize. Thus, for example, the legislative purpose may be reflected in the description of the legal situation which existed on the eve of the legislation being introduced (C.A. 165/82 [9], at 74).

           

            The following remarks of Asher J. in C.A. 282/73 [10] at p. 793 express the same approach; he says:

           

The same word, which in every-day language, is defined in the this nuance is even apt to change from law to law, and from matter to matter within the same law. Therefore it is not sufficient as counsel for the appellant claims, to rely upon a clarification of the "regular" meaning of an expression; rather, the definition must be determined from a variety of factors, including the context in which the legislator used the expression, and the purpose behind the enactment being defined.

(Emphasis added - M.S.)

 

            The approach which attaches central importance, both to the legal substance of the issue as tested by the lancet of the interpreter, and to the purpose which the legal provision aims to serve, is not satisfied with the apparently clear and simple meaning of the language of the law. Barak J. commented on this in words appropriate to our subject in H.C. 47/83 [11]. He states at p. 176:

           

Every law, including that whose language is "clear", requires interpretation. The law is "clear" only after the interpretation has clarified it. It is not clear without interpretation. Words by themselves are not "clear". In fact there is no less clear a statement than that words are "clear".

 

            In a nutshell, what has been said until now may be summarized thus: We have referred to the guidelines used in establishing the relation between the literal meaning of the written word and the correct legal interpretation, as far as this applies to our legal system. Interpretation in this sector seeks, as was said, to pave the way to a revelation of the legislative purpose. Setting the purpose in this form is directed to the sources which one may turn to in order to ascertain the purpose. It is customary in this matter to examine more than the text and, inter alia , also the legislative history; the legal and substantive context, and the meanings stemming from the structure of the legislation (see ibid., at 175).

 

            (e) Interpretation in Public International Law. Now the second question arises, i.e. what are the rules of interpretation relevant to our matter that are used in public international law?

           

            Israel has not yet ratified the Vienna Convention of 23 May 1969 on the Law of Treaties, which came into force in 1980 for those who joined it (hereinafter: the Vienna Convention). As an aside, what is said in Article 4 of the above Convention regarding non-retroactivity, in any case fundamentally limits the provisions relative to the question before us. Nonetheless, there is value, even if only for the sake of comparison, in an examination of the provisions of the Convention regarding interpretation.

           

            On the issue of interpretation, Articles 31 and 32 of the said Convention state :

           

31. General rule of interpretation

           

1. A treaty shall be interpreted in good faith in accordance with the ordinary meaning to be given to the terms of the treaty in their context and in the light of its object and purpose.

 

2. The context for the purpose of the interpretation of a treaty shall comprise, in addition to the text, including its preamble and annexes :

 

(a) any agreement relating to the treaty which was made between all the parties in connexion with the conclusion of the treaty;

 

(b) any instrument which was made by one or more parties in connexion with the conclusion of the treaty and accepted by the other parties as an instrument related to the treaty.

 

32. Supplementary means of interpretation

 

Recourse may be had to supplementary means of interpretation, including the preparatory work of the treaty and the circumstances of its conclusion, in order to confirm the meaning resulting from the application of Article 31, or to determine the meaning when the interpretation according to Article 31:

 

(a) leaves the meaning ambiguous or obscure; or

           

(b) leads to a result which is manifestly absurd or unreasonable.

 

            It seems that from the first part of Article 31(1) one could conclude that the Convention sought to support that school of interpretation which emphasizes the text, as opposed to the alternative school of interpretation, no less accepted, which focuses on the intentions of the draftsmen of the Convention (see I. Brownlie, Principles of Public International Law (Oxford, 3rd ed., 1979) 624). Yet, the second part of Article 31(1) and Article 32 form the bridge to the other theories of interpretation, also familiar to us from the earlier examination of our municipal law. That is, the provisions of the Convention leave ample space to enable examination of the purpose which led to its making. It is even possible to reflect upon the preparatory work describing the background to the making of the Convention, as material which can complement the plain understanding of the text, its purpose and scope of application.

           

            The accepted view is, as was stated, that one of the contributions of the Vienna Convention in this context was expressed in the creation of a closeness and link between the two alternative theories of interpretation. In any event, an examination of the legislative purpose - which is one of the applicable methods of interpretation, unrelated to treaties - is among the recognized principles of interpretation. In the words of J. G. Starke (An Introduction to International Law (London, 8th ed., 1977) at p. 510):

           

The related rules concerning the intention of the parties proceed from the capital principle that it is to the intention of the parties at the time the instrument was concluded, and in particular the meaning attached by them to words and phrases at the time, that primary regard must be paid. Hence, it is legitimate to consider what was the 'purpose' or 'plan' of the parties in negotiating the treaty.

 

(Emphasis added - M.S.)

 

See also: Re Rizzo and Others (1952) [33] at p. 481.

 

            Starke stresses the issue of the intention of the parties to the treaty at the time of its conclusion and refers in particular to the meaning of words and phrases, as intended at the time of the treaty's conclusion.

           

            The Vienna Convention did not purport to list comprehensively and describe all rules of interpretation, which, at times, suggest, in the words of Brownlie (supra, at 624), different and varying solutions which are, as he describes them, "general, question-begging and contradictory".

           

            Starke explains that in order to set out a method of interpretation (supra, at 511):

           

treaties should, it is held, be given an interpretation in which the reasonable meaning of words and phrases is preferred, and in which a consistent meaning is given to different portions of the instrument. In accordance with the principle of consistency, treaties should be interpreted in the light of existing international law. Also applying both reasonableness and consistency, since it is to be assumed that states entering into a treaty are as a rule unwilling to limit their sovereignty save in the most express terms, ambiguous provisions should be given a meaning which is the least restrictive upon a party's sovereignty, or which casts the least onerous obligations...

(Emphasis added - M. S.)

 

            The aim, according to Starke, is to interpret restrictively any provision in a treaty which limits the authority of the states.

           

            Furthermore, it is perfectly clear that any treatment of the subjects of international law, which earn such multifaceted and even contradictory interpretations, cannot be accomplished with the same exacting standards for which we strive in municipal law.

           

            The caveat, by which one is to distinguish between the interpretive approach used in municipal law and that practised in public international law, was presented in an especially detailed and instructive way in the research of Professor Mustafa Kamil Yasseen on interpretation of treaties found in volume 151 of the writings of the Academie De Droit International (M. K. Yasseen, "L'Interpretation des Traites d'apres La Convention de Vienne Sur Le Droit des Traites", 151 Recueil Des Cours,  (1976) 1, 10). He writes:

           

7. La methode d'interpretation peu ne pas etre la meme, elle peut varier selon une serie de considerations; elle est commandee surtout par la conception qu'on a de l'interpretation, la nature de l'instrument a interpreter et les caracteristique de l'ordre juridique dont il s'agit.

 

          8. Aussi, en ce concerne les traites la methode d'interpretation doit viser a exercer une fonction declarative et non creatrice, elle doit prendre en consideration que le traite est une acte de volonte qu'il n'est pas un acte unilateral, que les parties au traites sont des Etats souverains qu'il ne s'agit ni d'une contrat entre individus, ni d'une, loi de droit interne. Enfin cette methode doit tenir compte des caracteristiques de l'ordre juridique international, ou, le formalisme n'est pas de rigueur, ou les Etats jouissent d'une grande liberte, ou ils sont aussi bien les auteurs, que les destinaires des traites, ou le choix des moyens pacifiques des reglements des differends depend en principe de la volonte des Etats. Il ne serait donc pas etonnant que la methode d'interpretation du traite differe de celle de la loi et de celle du contrat.

 

          And freely translated: The method of interpretation cannot be uniform and identical and it may change in accordance with a series of factors. It is fundamentally dictated by the approach of the interpreter to interpretive methodology, by the substance of the instrument being interpreted, and by the characteristics of the particular field of law (i. e. public international law- M. S.) with which one is dealing. This and more, as far as treaties are concerned, a method of interpretation must see itself as a declarative act and not as a formative one (i.e. not judicial legislation - M.S.). The method must take into account that the treaty is an act stemming from the free will of the treaty-makers, and that it is not a one-sided act; that the parties to the treaty are sovereign states, and that it is not a contract between individuals, nor the internal law of the state. Lastly this method must keep in mind the characteristics of the international legal order, a field in which formalism does not have the upper hand, a field in which states enjoy a great deal of freedom of action, a field in which states are not only parties to a treaty, but also the ones to whom the treaty is directed (i.e. the states must be its executors - M.S.), and a field in which the preference for peaceful means to settle disputes depends upon the free will of states. Therefore, it is not surprising that the method of interpreting a treaty is different from that applicable to a law or a contract.

         

          Professor Yasseen's approach is not unique; in the essays of scholars in the field of international law, one can find more than one instance of a tendency to stress the cognitive image of the rules of public international law, and mixing the desirable with the actual is not uncommon. Yet it is also possible to find a sober and realistic viewpoint, such as that of Professor Yasseen, running through the legal literature. In this context O'Connell states in International Law (London, vol.1, 1965) XII:

         

The legal practitioner who is unaware of the theoretical structure of the subject is likely to be misled into supposing that the rules of international law are more concrete and more absolute than they really are.

           

            As a footnote to these remarks, one can cite an obvious example of the diverse and non-uniform application of those rules of international law that should theoretically apply in an identical manner in identical situations: The victorious Allies in World War II, at the time justifiably viewed the Annex to the 1907 Hague Convention Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land (hereinafter: the Hague Regulations) as binding customary international law (see IMT Judgement (Nuremberg,1946) Cmd. 6964 at 65). At the same time they saw themselves free of the obligation to act in accordance with those same Regulations following the occupation of Germany. They based themselves on the Debellatio (subjugation) claim (see G. Schwarzenberger, International Law (London, vol. 2,1968) 167, 467; L. Oppenheim, International Law (London, 7th ed. by H. Lauterpacht, vol. 2, 1952) 603). I see of course no reason to take a stand here regarding these approaches to the application of the Hague Regulations. I mentioned the interpretation which adapts itself to changing circumstances only as a supplement to the above-mentioned theories of Starke. To broaden the picture on the diverse application of these norms, I will add that the German jurists tended not to accept the above legal interpretation of the Allies on the effect of the subjugation in 1945 on the application of the Hague Regulations. Yet it has become evident that during the Allies' military rule of the Rhineland (1920-30), it was the German jurists of that generation who in their essays held that the Hague Regulations were not applicable to the Allied military rule of the said territory (see Fraenkel, Military Occupation and the Rule of Law (London, 1944) 188,189).

           

(f) The treatment of the questions of interpretation in our internal law and in public international law may be summarized by mentioning the conclusion, that not for naught has the subject before us been examined in H.C. 97/79 [2] in the light also of its legislative purpose. This approach was necessitated by the method of interpretation customary in our legal system and by the doctrines of interpretation customary in public international law. As was already mentioned, the two systems do not maintain the exclusiveness of the literal method of interpretation, nor even a preference for it. Moreover, when for the purpose of the issue before us we adopt the interpretive approach as expressed in the specific area of law here discussed, namely public international law, we should recall Professor Yasseen's interpretive guidelines and the remarks of Starke mentioned above, from which emerges, inter alia, a stand rejecting the constriction of state authority and rejecting formalism, or an approach which ignores the special qualities of the field of law that we are discussing.

 

            We shall now proceed to the application of the rules of interpretation to the issue before us.

           

            (g) Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. What is the dispute regarding the interpretation of the above-mentioned Article 49.

           

            The relevant portions of the Article state:

           

Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive.

 

Nevertheless, the Occupying Power may undertake total or partial evacuation of a given area if the security of the population or imperative military reasons so demand....

 

The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies.

 

            In H.C. 97/79 [2] cited above, Sussman P. comments (at pp. 316-317) regarding the argument that the application of Regulation 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations is contrary to Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention:

           

Neither have I found any substance in the argument that the exercise of the above-mentioned Regulation 112 contradicts Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of August 1949 Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. It is intended, as Dr. Pictet in his commentary on the Convention (p.10) writes, to protect civilians from arbitrary action by the occupying army, and its purpose is to prevent acts such as the atrocities perpetrated by the Germans in World War II, during which millions of civilians were deported from their homes for various reasons, generally to Germany to serve the enemy in forced labour, along with Jews and others who were deported to concentration camps for torture and extermination.

 

It is clear that the above-mentioned Convention does not detract from the obligation of the Occupying Power to preserve public order in the occupied territory, an obligation imposed by Article 43 of the 1907 Hague Convention, nor does it detract from its right to employ the necessary means to ensure its own security; see Pictet, Humanitarian Law and the Protection of War Victims,  at p. 115...

 

It has nothing whatsoever in common with the deportations for forced labour, torture and extermination that were carried out in World War II. Moreover, the intention of the Respondent is to place the Petitioner outside the country and not to transfer him to the country, to remove him because of the danger that he poses to public welfare and not to draw him nearer for the purpose of exploiting his manpower and deriving benefit from him for the State of Israel.

 

Landau P. again referred to this subject in H.C. 698/80 [3] mentioned above (at pp. 626-628). The following are the relevant passages:

In H.C. 97/79 at p. 316, Sussman P. explained the background to the enactment of Article 49: to prohibit the acts of arbitrary deportation, based on the experience of the atrocities in the mass deportation of Jews to labour camps and death camps during the Holocaust of European Jewry. It goes without saying that there is no similarity between these atrocities and the deportation of people who endanger security in an occupied territory. Article 49 does not detract from the obligation of an Occupying Power to preserve public order in the occupied territory, as required by Article 43 of the 1907 Hague Convention, nor does it detract from its right to take necessary measures to preserve its own security (ibid., at 316).

 

With the dismissal of the submission founded on Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention in H.C. 97/79 , the Petitioners herein were not granted an order nisi on those grounds during the first stage in their matter in H.C. 320/80. This time Ms. Langer has more forcefully repeated that same argument. In her opinion, the court in H.C. 97/79 ignored the difference between the first and second paragraphs of said Article 49: Whereas the prohibition against evacuating civilian populations generally carried out by displacement within the occupied territory is permitted for purposes of the population's security or for imperative military reasons, as is stated in the second paragraph of the Article, the prohibition against deportation beyond the border is absolute, "regardless of their motive" as is stated in the latter part of the Article. The book The Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949, Commentary (Geneva, ed. by J.S. Pictet, vol. IV, 1958) 279 is cited. Regarding the prohibition against deportations, it states:

 

The prohibition is absolute and allows of no exceptions, apart from those stipulated in paragraph 2.

 

Further, in the commentaries on Article 78 which deal with assigned residence and internment of persons endangering public security, it states (ibid., at 368):

 

As we are dealing with occupied territory, the protected persons concerned will benefit by the provisions of Article 49 and cannot be deported; they can therefore only be interned, or placed in assigned residence, within the frontiers of the occupied country itself.

 

It has been argued before us that one must distinguish between the reason for the prohibitions in Article 49 of the Convention, which was, as was said, founded in the memory of those atrocities, and between that which stems from the unambiguous wording of the prohibition in the first paragraph of the Article, which applies, according to its language, not only to mass deportation, but also to deportation of individuals. As opposed to this, one can say that the deportation of individuals was also carried out occasionally under the Hitler regime for the realization of the same policy which led to mass deportation, and therefore none of the provisions of Article 49 are in any way applicable to the deportation of persons who endanger public welfare - as this court has ruled in H.C. 97/79. In the words of J. Stone in his lecture entitled "No Peace No Law in the Middle East" (Sydney, 1969), at p. 17:

 

...It seems reasonable to limit the sweeping literal words of Article 49 to situations at least remotely similar to those contemplated by the draftsman, namely the Nazi World War II practices of large-scale transfers of populations, whether by mass transfer or transfer of many individuals, to more hostile or dangerous environments, for torture, extermination or slave labour.

 

But whatever the correct interpretation of the first paragraph of Article 49 of the Convention may be, the Convention, as Article 49 in its entirety, does not in any case form a part of customary international law. Therefore, the deportation orders which were issued do not violate internal Israeli law, nor the law of the Judea and Samaria Region, under which this court adjudicates... Ms. Langer recalled to us a passage from G. Schwarzenberger's book, International Law as Applied by International Courts and Tribunals (London, vol. II, 1968) 165-166, which was cited in the above-mentioned H.C. 606,610/78, at p. 121. The learned writer expresses the belief that the prohibition against the deportation of residents of an occupied territory is but "an attempt to clarify existing rules of international customary law". I assume that here too, the reference is to arbitrary deportations of population, akin to the Hitler regime. If the author was also referring to deportation of individuals in order to preserve the security of the occupied territory, then that is the opinion of an individual author, stated in vague terms with no substantiation whatsoever.

           

            After a detailed analysis of the Petitioners' arguments, Landau P. decided, as quoted above, to accept the more far reaching argument of the State regarding the applicability to our legal system of Article 49, which falls within the realm of conventional law, and therefore saw no need for additional comments on the content of the Article.

           

            At the time no basis was given for the argument that Article 49 expresses a customary rule of international law; and given the material presented to us, the armed conflicts that have occurred since 1949 (India-Pakistan, Cyprus and others) have not brought about legal decisions that would shed a different light on the issue. In any case if there are any, they were not brought to our attention by the parties. We will return to the commentary of Dr. J. Pictet on the reason for the inclusion of Article 49 in the Convention; but regarding his interpretation of the scope of the applicability of the Article, I will already note that it has not been explained why we are to prefer the remarks of Dr. Pictet over, for example, those of Prof. J. Stone.

           

            The background which the draftsmen of the Convention had in mind is clearly reflected in the deliberations of the Geneva Conference. The relevance of the background is twofold: It describes the flaw which the Convention seeks to rectify (H. Lauterpacht, "Restrictive Interpretation and the Principle of Effectiveness in the Interpretation of Treaties" 26 Brit. Y.B. Int'l L. (1949) 48, 53 and compare with C.A. 31/63 [6] above); and the purpose that the draftsmen had in mind (O'Connell, supra, at 271; Cr. A. 94/65 [8] cited above and the remarks of Learned Hand J. as there quoted, at 80). It even sheds light on the legal situation for which they strove (C.A. 165/82 [9]). This is also the reason that compelled Landau P. in H.C. 513,514/85 and M.A. 256/85 [5] cited above, to turn to the question of whether the prohibition against deportation is within the realm of law rooted in custom or a conventional innovation.

           

            (h) What were the considerations guiding the draftsmen of the Convention? An examination of Actes de la Conference Diplomatique de Geneve de 1949 (Berne, tome 2) 648, 649, 743, 744, 810, 811, shows unequivocally that in using the term "deportations", the participants in the deliberations referred to deportations such as those carried out during World War II. Thus it is stated for example at p. 810:

           

Bien qu'on se soit prononce a l'unanimite pour condamner les deportations comme  celles  qui  eurent  lieu pendant la derniere guerre, la phrase qui se trouve au debut de l'article 45 [In the draft the current Article 49 bore the number 45 - M.S.] a suscite quelques difficultes, car il etait peu aise de concilier les idees exprimees dans des termes divers, en francais, en anglais et en russe. Finalement, le Comite a decide d'adopter un texte qui interdit les transferts individuels ou collectifs obligatoires ainsi que les deportations de personnes protegees, d'un territoire occupe dans un autre pays, mais qui autorise les transferts volontaires.

(Emphasis added - M.S.)

 

            The Convention draftsmen referred to deportations such as those that took place during the last war and in the framework of the deliberations sought a text that would reflect the ideas that were expressed in different ways and in different languages.

           

            So did Pictet in his article "Convention de Geneve - Protection de Civil" 76 Recuiel des Cours (1950) 1, 96. He pointed to the accomplishments of the Convention in contrast with the situation that prevailed before it, cited the futile attempts of the International Committee of the Red Cross in 1921 to prohibit the execution of hostages and deportations, and described the suffering of the civilian population during World War II:

           

Des centaines de milliers d'entre eux ser virent exposes aux deportations aux prises d'otages, a l'internment dans les camp de concentration, au pires services et a la mort.

 

            In translation: Hundreds of thousands of them were exposed to deportations, to the taking of hostages, to internment in concentration camps, to the most severe brutality and to death.

           

            Article 49, which prohibited deportations was connected therefore with such provisions. As Pictet describes at pp. 109-110:

           

Quand an songe aux millions de personnes transferees de force au cours de dernier conflit et a leurs souffrances physique et morales on ne peut que saluer avec reconnaissance un texte mettant fin a ces pratique inhumaines.

 

            In his words: When one thinks about the millions of people who were forcibly transferred from place to place during the last conflict [i.e. World War II - M.S.], and about their suffering, both physical and moral, one cannot but thankfully bless the text [of the Convention - M.S.] which put an end to these inhuman practices.

 

                      Here then deportations, concentration camps and the taking of hostages were linked together and the word "deportations" was used in the context described above.

         

          Incidentally, parallel to this, Article 34 of the Convention prohibits the taking of hostages, something which Pictet calls "an innovation in international law" ("constitue une innovation dans le droit internationale").

         

          One is not speaking in this regard, not even by inference, about the removal from the territory of a terrorist, infiltrator or enemy agent, but rather about the protection of the entire civilian population as such from deportation, since the civilian population has more and more frequently become a direct victim of war, despite its civilian character and despite its lack of involvement in active fighting.

         

          M. H. Coursier ("Droit Humanitaire: Protection des Personnes Civiles en Temps", 99 Recueil Des Cours (1960) 397, 399) cited the mass attacks against civilians in the context of the situation preceding the development of humanitarian law, when unless expressly prohibited, everything was permitted. He mentions in this context the words of Grotius, according to which:

         

Le massacre des femmes et des enfants est compris dans le droit de la guerre.

         

          (Translation as found in Pradier-Fodere, III ch. 419.) Namely: The massacre of women and children was permissible under the laws of war at the time.

         

          He saw the Convention as a necessity stemming from the numerical increase in civilian victims. In World War I half a million civilians were killed as opposed to nine million soldiers. In World War II a kind of numerical parity was created as 24 million civilians and 26 million soldiers were killed. Coursier mentions the deportations in the context of forced labour, but makes no reference to the broad interpretation which would also apply the deportation prohibition to terrorists or enemy agents, whose deportation is necessary to protect the civilian population, for which the military authority is responsible.

         

          That is also the case in B.M. Jankovici's book "Public International Law" (New York, 1984) 375, 376. In discussing the prohibition against deportation, he refers to the millions of people who were tortured and killed in the concentration camps.

         

          Also F. F. Spangenberg in "Die Zwangsarbeit der Bevolkerung Kriegsbesetzter Gebiete und das Volkerrecht" (Kiel, 1961) (Forced Labour of the Population in an Occupied Territory and The Law of Nations) describes the forced transfers and deportations in the war in connection with Article 49 and points out that -

         

Die "Deportation" als solche ist somit erstmalig absolut verboten.

 

            The reference is to the manner and form of deportation in World War II, about which he writes in his book.

           

            This is also the meaning of the text found in Schlochauer, Worterbuch des  Volkerrechts, De Gruyter (vol. 3, 1962) 560; see the entry entitled "Vertreibung" (Deportation).

           

            R.I. Miller, The Law of War (Lexington) 88, creates the like link between the various tribulations that mankind underwent in World War II, which he details, and the prohibition in Article 49:

           

In World War II at least 5 million persons were deported from occupied territories to Germany as part of the Nazi program of slave labor, persecution and death. Although HR-1907 does not prohibit deportation per se, its articles with respect to the safety and order of the inhabitants and requisitioning of supplies and services lead to the conclusion that forcible deportation is beyond the legitimate activities of an occupying power. The International Military Tribunal and Nuremberg and the Military Tribunals under Control Council Order no. 10, pursuant to their charters that defined "deportation to slave labour or for any other purpose" to be war crimes, held the Nazi deportations to be unlawful.... Nevertheless, forcible deportation alone was held in the Krupp Trial to be a violation of customary law, as well as deportation for an illegal purpose (for example, forced labour in the territory of the occupying power) and deportation that disregards recognized standards of decency and humanity.

 

Accordingly, GC-949 provides that "individual or mass forcible transfers" and deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the occupying power, or any other country, are prohibited regardless of motive. The total or partial evacuation of a given area is permitted if the security of the population or imperative military reasons demand.

 

(The emphasis pointing to the causal link is added - M.S.)

 

            On the developing trend in the laws of war to protect the civilian population as such and to try to distinguish effectively between it and the fighters, see also Prof. F. Kalshoven, The Law of Warfare (Leiden, 1973), 28.

           

            W. O'Brien, The Conduct of Just and Limited War (New York, 1981) presents the subject in a similar context, that is, in connection with the harm caused to a civilian population by transferring it from its location and in connection with the exception regarding evacuation of civilians on security grounds or for imperative military reasons:

 

The last specific prohibition of the positive international law jus in bello to be considered, is that against forced displacement of civilians. With respect to international conflict, Article 49 of the 1949 Geneva Civilians Convention flatly prohibits massed forcible transfers or deportations of protected persons to the territory of the occupying power or to any other country, "regardless of their motive". Article 49 then provides that "the Occupying Power may undertake total or partial evacuation of a given area if the security of the population or imperative military reasons so demand".Conditions for such a transfer are to be limited to what is unavoidable.

 

            It was also pointed out that the 1949 Geneva Convention was in this respect an improvement on and an extension of the agreement on the protection of civilians signed in Berne on 25 April 1918 between Germany and France, which also included provisions on deportation and forced labour (See Coursier, supra,  at 397).

           

            I would add that joining the subject of "evacuation", as it appears in the second paragraph of Article 49, to the subject of "deportations", where the matter of "evacuation" is given as an exception to the "deportation" prohibition and both are linked by the conjunction "nevertheless", also affects the interpretation of the first paragraph of Article 49. In other words, tying the evacuation of a civilian population or portions thereof, which is permissible under certain circumstances, with deportation of the population, which is prohibited, teaches us also about the substance of the subject in the first paragraph. That is, inter alia, an example of an interpretation "based on the context", to which the Vienna Convention refers.

           

            The placing of the subjects of the mass evacuation of a civilian population as such and the prohibition against deportation, side by side, is also discussed in the works of P. la Pradelle, La Conference Diplomatique Et Les Nouvelles  Conventions de Geneve Du 12 Aout 1949 (Paris, 1951) 66-67, 185 and E. Castren, The Present Law of War and Neutrality (Helsinki, 1984). See also J.A.C. Gutteridge, "The Geneva Conventions of 1949", 26 Brit. Y. B. Int'l L. (1949) 294, 323 n. 3.

           

            The conclusion from everything said above, is that the purpose which the draftsmen of the Convention had in mind was the protection of the civilian population, which had become a principal victim of modern-day wars, and the adoption of rules which would ensure that civilians would not serve as a target for arbitrary acts and inhuman exploitation. What concerned the draftsmen of the Convention were the mass deportations for purposes of extermination, mass population transfers for political or ethnic reasons or for forced labour. This concern is the "legislative purpose" and this is the material context.

 

            It is reasonable to conclude that the reference to mass and individual deportations in the text of the Article was inserted in reaction also to the Nazi methods of operation used in World War II, in which mass transfers were conducted, sometimes on the basis of common ethnic identity, or by rounding up people in Ghettos, in streets or houses, at times on the basis of individual summonses through lists of names. Summons by name was done for the purpose of sending a person to death, to internment in a concentration camp, or for recruitment for slave labour in the factories of the occupier or in agriculture. Moreover, it seems that the summons to slave labour was always on an individual basis.

 

            (i) The gist of the Petitioners' argument is that the first paragraph prohibits any transfer of a person from the territory against his will.

           

            The implications of this thesis are that Article 49 does not refer only to deportations, evacuations and transfers of civilian populations, as they were commonly defined in the period of the last war, but also to the removal of any person from the territory under any circumstances, whether after a legitimate judicial proceeding (e.g. an extradition request), or after proving that the residence was unlawful and without permission (see, for instance, Reg. v. Governor of Brixton Prison Ex parte Soblen (1963)[28], which uses the term deportation, and also Starke, supra, at 386), or for any other legal reason, based upon the internal law of the occupied territory.

 

            According to the said argument, from the commencement of military rule over the territory there is a total freeze on the removal of persons, and whosoever is found in a territory under military rule cannot be removed for any reason whatsoever, as long as the military rule continues. In this matter there would be no difference between one dwelling lawfully or unlawfully in the territory, since Article 49 extends its protection to anyone termed a "protected person", and this expression embraces, according to Article 4 of the Convention, all persons found in the territory, whether or not they are citizens or permanent residents thereof and even if they are there illegally as infiltrators (including armed infiltrators), as also follows from Pictet's remarks (The Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949, Commentary, (Geneva, ed. by J.S. Pictet, vol. 4, 1958) 47).

 

            The Petitioners' submission rests essentially on one portion of the first paragraph of the Article, i.e. on the words "...transfers ... deportations ... regardless of their motive". That is, according to this thesis, the reason or legal basis for the deportation is no longer relevant. Although the Petitioners would agree that the background to the wording of Article 49 is that described above, the Article must now be interpreted according to them in its literal and simple meaning, thus including any forced removal from the territory.

 

            (j) I do not accept the thesis described for a number of reasons:

           

            It is appropriate to present the implications of this argument in all its aspects. In this respect we should again detail what is liable to happen, according to the said argument, and what is the proper application of Article 49 in the personal sense and in the material sense.

           

            Ratione personae is appropriate in reference to the term "protected person", while ratione materiae relates to the following two foundations: "deportation" and "regardless of their motive".

           

            From the personal aspect, Article 49 refers-as was already mentioned, and as is universally accepted - to all those falling under the category of protected persons. This term is defined in Article 4 of the Convention, which in the relevant passage states:

           

Persons protected by the Convention are those who, at a given moment and in any manner whatsoever, find themselves, in case of a conflict or occupation, in the hands of a Party to the conflict or Occupying Power of which they are not nationals.

 

(Emphasis added - M.S.)

 

            The definition employs a negative test, i.e. for our purposes, anyone who is not an Israeli national and is found in a territory occupied by our forces, is "ipso facto a protected person. This includes an infiltrator, spy and anyone who entered the territory in any illegal manner. This interpretation is presented by Pictet in Commentary, supra,  at 47, who in reference to this matter states:

           

The Article refers both to people who were in the territory before the outbreak of war (or the beginning of the occupation) and to those who go or are taken there as a result of circumstances: travellers, tourists, people who have been shipwrecked and even, it may be, spies or saboteurs.

 

(Emphasis added - M.S.)

 

            The acceptance of the argument that the prohibition in Article 49 applies, whatever the motive for its personal application, means that if someone arrives in the territory for a visit of a limited period, or as a result of being shipwrecked on the Gaza coast, or even as an infiltrator for the purpose of spying or sabotage (and even if he is not a resident or national of the territory, for that is not a requirement of Article 4), it is prohibited to deport him so long as the territory is under military rule. In other words, the literal, simple and all-inclusive definition of Article 49, when read together with Article 4, leads to the conclusion that the legality of a person's presence in the territory is not relevant, for his physical presence in the territory is sufficient to provide him with absolute immunity from deportation. According to this view, it is prohibited to deport an armed infiltrator who has served his sentence.

 

            In order to demonstrate the implications of the Petitioners' thesis, let us presume a set of theoretical circumstances: In Ex  parte  Quirin  [27], the U.S. Supreme Court heard the appeals of six Germans, former residents of the United States, who landed on the American coast during World War II in order to carry out acts of sabotage and spying. They were all sentenced to death in 1942.

 

            The event took place in the territory of the United States; but had a similar incident occurred in an occupied territory (e.g. one of the islands held by the United States following World War II as occupied territory) after 1949, and it was decided not to execute the terrorists but to deport them back, whether in the framework of an exchange or in some other way, this would constitute, as it were, a serious violation of the Fourth Convention (Article 147). It is superfluous to add that the return of a deportee to his country of origin is not always done in accordance with his wishes, and the post-World War II examples of this abound. There is no need to go as far as the United States in order to bring examples of infiltration for sabotage purposes, and that example was intended only to illustrate the point. In any event from the thesis offered by the Petitioners, it would follow that an infiltrator for sabotage purposes could not be deported before or after serving his sentence. The same would be true, according to this approach, of a person who came for a visit over the open bridges, yet stayed beyond the expiration of his permit. The literal and simple interpretation leads to an illogical conclusion.

 

            (k) From here we shall proceed to the essence of the concept "deportation", used in the Article. It is my opinion that, in accordance with the applicable rules of interpretation, one should not view the content of Article 49 as anything but a reference to such arbitrary deportations of groups of nationals as were carried out during World War II for purposes of subjugation, extermination and for similarly cruel reasons.

 

            If, on the other hand, one accepts the proposed interpretation of the Petitioners, according to which deportation means any physical removal from the territory, then the above would apply, for instance, to deportation for the purposes of extradition of the protected person, for this too requires removing a person from the territory. Laws, judicial decisions and legal literature use, in the context of extradition, the term deportation to refer to the stage of carrying out the extradition or the rendition. A murderer who escaped to the occupied territory would have a safe haven, which would preclude his transfer to the authorized jurisdiction. As we have already shown, in light of what is said in Article 4 of the Convention, no relevance is attached to the nationality or domicile of a protected person, and the mere presence in an occupied territory of one who is not a national of the occupying state is enough to qualify him as a protected person. (The subject of the applicability of conventions in a territory under military rule is discussed, inter alia, in T. Meron's illustrative article, "Applicability of Multilateral Conventions to Occupied Territories" in Military Government in the Territories Administered by Israel 1967-1980 (Jerusalem, vol. 1 ed. M. Shamgar, 1982) at 217, 218 no. 8. The idea that a broad definition of Article 49 could prevent extradition is discussed in New Rules for Victims of Armed Conflicts by M. Bothe, K. J. Partsch, W. A. Solf (Hague, 1982) 693, in an examination of the Geneva Protocols of 1977.)

 

            (l) Regarding the issue before us, the Petitioners have directed our attention to the remarks of Pictet in Commentary, supra, at 368, who adopts the literal interpretation, according to which all deportations are prohibited no matter what the reason. One should see this interpretive view, which would apply Article 49 to as broad a group of circumstances as possible, in its context and within its limits. The desire for a literal and simple meaning, which may find expression in scholarly opinions in professional literature, does not bind the courts. Not only are there other and contradictory viewpoints (see in this matter the remarks of Stone, which were quoted in Landau P.'s judgment in H.C. 698/80 [3]), but, more essentially, the court deals with the law as it exists and clarifies the meaning of a law or of a treaty, as the case may be, by adopting accepted rules of interpretation (see in this respect Lauterpacht, supra, at 80).

           

            Were we to adopt the rules of interpretation used in our law*, we could not accept the thesis proposed by the Petitioners. The Court would consider the flaw which the Convention was intended to correct (C.A. 31/63 [6] cited above); would examine the material context and the structure of Article 49, which in its other provisions refers clearly and openly to evacuations and transfers of population (Cr.A. 94/65 [8], C.A. 282/73 [10], and H.C. 47/83 [11]), would attempt to lift the veil from over the legislative purpose in order to adopt it as a standard of interpretation (C.A. 165/82 [9] cited above); and would be wary of and refrain from the adoption of a literal interpretation which is, so to speak, simple but in law and in fact so simplistic that it leads the language of the law or the Convention, as appropriate, to a range of applicability that confounds reason (Barak, in his above book, at p. 349), e.g. the absolute prohibition against the deportation of an infiltrator or spy, since deportations are prohibited, as it were, "regardless of their motive".

 

          Essentially, even reference to the rules of interpretation of international conventions does not help the Petitioners' argument: For even the Vienna Convention does not submit to the literal interpretation, but rather sees the words of the convention "in their context and in the light of its object and purpose" (Article 31(1) of the Vienna Convention). The Convention permits us to examine the preparatory work and shies away from an interpretation whose outcome is "manifestly absurd or unreasonable", and this description would apply at once to a prohibition against the deportation of an infiltrator (Lauterpacht, Brit. Y. B. Int'l L., supra, at 89).

         

          Here it is appropriate to add that one may not adopt a broad interpretation conditionally, that is, an interpretation which invokes the broad application selectively on the basis of the results, and chooses between an outcome which is acceptable to the claimant and one which is not. Whoever accepts the literal and simple interpretation, according to which the term deportation includes any removal from the territory, and who sees the words "regardless of their motive" as a catch-all, forgoes thereby the possibility of selection, as this would lead to a contradiction; one who adopts an interpretation that precludes discretion based on differentiating the motives, cannot then at his convenience accept only part of the prohibition and reject the rest.

         

          Thus, one cannot remove the sting by saying that the language of Article 49 prohibits deportation, under Regulation 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, and which also based on the implementation of a valid municipal law, but allows, on the other hand, the deportation of infiltrators, spies and various enemy agents, or the extradition of criminals.

         

          (m) Arising out of this answer to the Petitioners' contention, is the opposite question, namely, what then is the alternate interpretation of the words "regardless of their motive"?

         

          If we interpret the term "deportation" as referring to the mass and arbitrary deportations whore descriptions are familiar to us, then the words referring to the motive do not change the essence; the reference to some possible motive simply serves to preclude the raising of arguments and excuses linking the mass deportations to, as it were, legitimate motives. In other words, whatever the motive, the basic essence of the prohibited act (deportation), to which the words of Article 49 are directed, does not change. The opposite is true: there is ground for the claim that the reference to "some motive" is also among the lessons of World War II.

         

          The words "regardless of their motive" were intended to encompass all deportations of populations and mass evacuations for the purposes of labour, medical experiments or extermination, which were founded during the war on a variety of arguments and motives, including some which were but trickery and deceit (such as relocation, necessary work, evacuation for security purposes etc...). Furthermore, the draftsmen of the Convention took into account the existing right of the military government to utilize manpower during wartime (see Regulation 52 of the 1907 Hague Regulations which deals with compulsory services, and Article 51 of the Fourth Geneva Convention which even today permits the subjection of protected persons to forced labor), but sought to clarify that mass deportation, as it had been carried out, is prohibited even when the motive is seemingly legitimate, except in the event of evacuation in accordance with the qualifications set out in the second paragraph of Article 49.

 

            It would be correct to read these words in the light of the remarks of Starke supra, at 510, according to whom one must refer to the "intention of the parties" and to the "meaning attached by them to words at the time". In the light of these principles, one can attribute to the words a reasonable interpretation that accords with the other parts of the Article. It would not be superfluous to quote Starke again (at p. 511):

           

Treaties should, it is held, be given an interpretation in which the reasonable meaning of words and phrases is preferred, and in which a consistent meaning is given to different portions of the instrument. In accordance with the principle of consistency, treaties should be interpreted in the light of existing international law. Also applying both reasonableness and consistency, since it is to be assumed that states entering into a treaty are as a rule unwilling to limit their sovereignty save in the most express terms, ambiguous provisions should be given a meaning which is the least restrictive upon a party's sovereignty, or which casts the least onerous obligations...

 

            Moreover, even the above-mentioned guiding remarks of Professor Yasseen on the subject of interpretation, are incompatible with a literal, plain and expansive interpretation of the relevant paragraph.

           

            To summarize, this court was competent to choose the interpretation resting upon the principles explained above, over the literal interpretation urged by the Petitioners. This court has done so in H.C. 97/79 [2], and I see no grounds for altering that conclusion, as its approach is acceptable to me. I also see no reasonable cause to deviate from the conclusion that served this court in H.C. 698/80 [3], and which treated the matter as conventional law.

           

            Further on, I will address the supplementary argument raised by the Petitioners on this last issue.

 

                      4.(a) This court has indicated in its judgments that the above-mentioned Article 49 is within the realm of conventional international law. In consequence of this determination, the Petitioners have now raised a new thesis which holds that this court's approach, which also forms the basis for the decisions in H.C. 97/ 79 [2] and H.C. 698/80 [3] is founded in error. This approach holds that the rules of conventional international law (as opposed to customary international law) do not automatically become part of Israeli law, unless they first undergo a legal adoption process by way of primary legislation.

         

          This argument of the Petitioners does not directly relate to the interpretation of Article 49; but it does seek to attack that part of the reasoning in our previous decisions in which this court indicated that it saw no reason to delve into the question of the substantive interpretation of the above-mentioned Article 49, since the Article only reflects conventional international law, and as such, has not been assimilated into our country's law.

         

          (b) The Petitioners submit that not only does customary international law automatically become part of the municipal law (barring any contrary legislation), but that there are also parts of conventional international law which are automatically incorporated, without the need for adoption by way of legislation as a substantive part of Israeli municipal law. These are those parts of conventional international law which are within the realm of "law-making treaties". In this argument the Petitioners based themselves on the statements of Lord McNair in two of his works (A.D. McNair, The Law of Treaties (Oxford, 1961) 89; A.D. McNair and A.D. Watts, The Legal Effects of War (Cambridge, 4th ed., 1966) 371); on a judgment of the Court of Appeals in the matter of Porter v. Freudenberg [29]; on statements in B. Rubin's article, "The Incorporation of International Treaties into the Country's Law by the Courts", 13 Mishpatim  (1983-4) 210 and on Professor A. Rubinstein's article, "The Changing Status of the Territories...", 11 Iyunei Mishpat (1985-86) 439, 446 [see English version in 8 TeI-Aviv University Studies in Law (1988), 59]. They have also referred to portions of two articles which they believe lend support to the above-mentioned thesis: Professor H. Lauterpacht, "Is International Law A Part of the Law of England?" 25 Transactions of the Grotius Society (1939) 51; Professor F.A. Mann, "The Enforcement of Treaties By English Courts", 44 Transactions of the Grotius  Society (1958-59) 29.

         

5. (a) My conclusions, in answer to these arguments, have a threefold thrust:

 

(1) The suggested thesis does not accord with the accepted legal approach in Israel.

(2) One discerns no reasonable ground for changing or deviating from the existing legal situation, which in the light of the existing constitutional structure, is also the desired legal situation.

(3) The legal situation in England, to which the Petitioners sought to refer us (whether, in the Petitioners' words, as a binding prototype or for purposes of comparison and persuasion), is not unequivocal, and does not necessarily coincide - certainly not in everyone's opinion - with the view that the Petitioners suggested we adopt. There is much literature pointing to a lack of clarity on this subject. Even in the above two articles (those of Professor Lauterpacht and Professor Mann), the scholars' dispute on the subject is presented.

 

Let us examine the subject in the above order.

 

(b) The legal situation in Israel. Israeli law on the relationship between international law and internal law - that is in order to decide whether a given provision of public international law has become part of Israeli law - distinguishes between conventional law and customary law (Prof. Y. Dinstein, International Law and The State (Schocken and Tel-Aviv University, 1971) 143). Prof. Dinstein refers in this matter mainly to Cr.A. 174/54 [12]; Cr.A. 336/61 [13]; C.A. 25,145,148/55 [14], Cr.A. 131/67 [15].

           

            The view that reflects the accepted opinion in this court's decisions on the subject, was also presented in H.C. 69,493/81 [16], at p. 233 ff.; in the remarks of Barak J. in H.C. 393/82 [17], 793 and in the remarks of Witkon J. in H.C.390/ 79 [18], 29. See also: M. Shamgar, "Legal Concepts and Problems of the Israeli Military Government - The Initial Stage", Military Government in the Territories Administered By Israel 1967-1980, supra, at 13, 47, 64, 69 and the above-mentioned article of Professor Dinstein, at 937, the last paragraph.

           

            According to the consistent judgments of this court, customary international law is part of the law of the land, subject to any contradictory provision in Israeli legislation.

           

            In Cr.A. 174/54 [12], mentioned above, Cheshin J. with whom Witkon J. concurred, spoke about "the customs of international law [i.e. customary international law -M.S.], as part of the law of the land" (ibid., p 17). In Cr.A. 336/61 [13] - following Motion no. 41/49 [19] at 145-6, and the English cases in the matters of West Rand Gold Mining Co. v. Rex [30], at 406-7, and The Cristina  [31] - the application of rules of international law accepted by the international community was recognized, and the rules were proved to be thus accepted. As Professor Dinstein has written in his above-mentioned book (at p. 146) regarding the meaning of what was said in that judgment:

           

The ruling is that rules of (customary) international law are automatically assimilated into Israeli law and become a part thereof; however, in cases of a frontal collision between such rules and the statutory law, the statutory law takes precedence.

 

            Lord Alverstone expressed the same idea in the West Rand case mentioned above when he said that in order to be considered a part of English law, a rule of international law must:

           

...be proved by satisfactory evidence, which must shew either that the particular proposition put forward has been recognised or acted upon by our own country, or that it is of such a nature, and has been so widely and generally accepted, that it can hardly be supposed that any civilized State would repudiate it.

 

            That is, in fact, a standard similar to the one adopted in the definition appearing in Article 38(1)(b) of the Statute of the International Court, which deals with international custom.

           

            In the Cristina case mentioned above, Lord MacMillan demanded - as a condition for the adoption of a rule of international law-that it should have-

           

            the hall-marks of general assent and reciprocity.

            These too are accepted indicators of customary international law.

           

            (c) The status of conventional international law vis-a-vis our law is examined in C.A. 25,145,148/55 [14], where, Berenson J. states at p. 1829:

           

The Rhodes agreement is a treaty between the State of Israel and another state. Whatever the validity of such an agreement may be in terms of international law, it does not constitute a law to which our courts will have recourse or to which they will ascribe validity. The rights that it confers and the duties that it imposes are rights and duties of the states that entered into the agreement and its implementation is solely in their hands through the special means of implementing international treaties. This type of treaty is not in any way subject to the jurisdiction of the domestic courts, unless and to the extent that it, or the rights and duties deriving from it, have been refined in the melting pot of the state's legislation and have been shaped into binding law. In this sort of case, the court does not, in actual fact, require the agreement as such, but rather the Law which affixes its imprint on the agreement and breathes into it legal life in terms of our municipal law. From this it also follows that where the Law and the agreement are incompatible, even though it is clear that the Law is intended to activate and implement the agreement, the courts will prefer the Law, which alone binds them, and by which alone a judgment can be given. Furthermore, even when it is stipulated in an interstate or international agreement that defined rights are to be conferred upon certain people, the obligation under the agreement remains in the realm of an international obligation of the state and no more. The persons concerned do not acquire for themselves any actual right based on the agreement and cannot enforce this kind of a right in court, either as direct beneficiaries of the agreement or in any other way.

 

And further at p. 1831:

 

On the face of it, it seems that in the United States the practice is otherwise (and in other countries with a similar constitutional framework), but in fact that is not so. In the United States Constitution there is an express provision which bestows the status of "supreme law of the land" upon any treaty lawfully concluded in the name of the United States. For this reason federal and state courts uphold treaties and even give them precedence over other laws of the country, where those laws do not accord with the treaties. That is a direct result of the above-mentioned constitutional situation. In essence then, U.S. courts also act according to those same universal principles noted above. They also execute treaties benefiting individuals, where rights are granted to them that are realizable in court, but only in accordance with a provision of their own law; however,: because of the existence of that general provision in the U. S. Constitution, there is no need for a special provision for each individual treaty. See Edye  v. Robertson, (1884), 112 U.S. 580; 5 S.Ct. 247, 254.

 

            The clear meaning of these remarks is that the adoption of international treaties - in order to incorporate them as part of internal law and in order to render them enforceable through the national tribunals - is conditional upon a prior act of the legislator. As we shall see, international treaties may constitute a statement of the valid customary law - but then their content will be binding by virtue of the said customary status of the rule stated therein and not by virtue of its inclusion in the treaty. We shall return to this subject later in the discussion.

           

            Based on what was said in C.A. 25,145,148/55 [14], Prof. Dinstein remarks in his book, op. cit., p. 147:

...The rules of conventional international law are not automatically incorporated into Israeli law, rather there is a need for special and explicit complementary legislation in order for them to become part of Israeli law.

 

In Cr. A. 131/67 [15] Cohn J. reiterates (at p. 97) that-

...No international treaty has legislative force so long as such status has not been granted in an explicit Law of the Knesset....

 

            (d) From the remarks of Cohn J. in C.A. 65/67 [20] (see also H.C. 103/67 [21]), one might surmise that there are rules of conventional international law which are expressed in law-making treaties and which automatically become part of municipal law without the requirement of any prior legislation. Such a conclusion is founded in error. We accept the relevant classification between declarative and constitutive treaties, and one must be exact and distinguish between them. To hold the fact that an international conference or the United Nations General Assembly approves the wording of a proposed treaty and invites states to join it, is proof of the treaty's declarative nature, is less than accurate. This is clarified by Prof. N. Feinberg in "Declarative Treaties and Constitutive Treaties in International Law", 24 Hapraklit (5728 - 1967/8) 433, 435:

           

This thesis [according to which a general norm of international law is created in the above-mentioned way - M.S.], is very far-reaching, as it sees the work of codification in the area of international law, conducted today in the framework of the United Nations, to be declarative codification. It is possible that Justice Cohn was influenced here by the British approach to codification...however, this is not valid in international law, in which there is a basic distinction between a declarative treaty that transfers existing norms from the realm of customary law to that of conventional law, and a constitutive treaty that creates entirely new norms that are indeed founded in the conduct of states, yet the latter remains for the time being in the nature of a usage or practice, not yet having crystallized into a customary norm.

 

And, at p. 437:

 

Every "accepted rule of international law" or, in other words, "every general norm of international law", is rooted in international custom.

 

            Accordingly, Professor Dinstein summarizes his examination of C.A. 65/67 [20] by stating (op. cit. at p. 148):

           

In anything concerning declarative law-making treaties, the rules of international law will be automatically incorporated into the internal law, not because it is stated in the treaty, but in spite of it being stated in the treaty. They will be automatically incorporated, since the treaty reflects only existing customary international law... Even if the Supreme Court erred in the specific application of the above general principle [the reference is to C.A. 65/67 [20] - M.S.], that does not detract from or flaw the principle itself.

 

            To summarize, according to the law applying in Israel, an international treaty does not become part of Israeli law unless -

           

            (1) its provisions are adopted by way of legislation and to the extent that they are so adopted; or,

           

            (2) the provisions of the treaty are but a repetition or declaration of existing customary international law, namely, the codification of existing custom.

           

            This is the way in which Israel has approached the provisions of international treaties which are indicative of "law-making treaties" - as in the enactment of the Crime of Genocide (Prevention and Punishment) Law, 5710-1950, which was passed pursuant to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide; the Air Navigation (Security in Civil Aviation) Law, 5737-1977, which was passed pursuant to the 1970 Hague Conventions against the seizure of aircrafts and the 1971 Montreal Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Civil Aviation; the Sale (International Sale of Goods) Law, 5731-1971, enacted pursuant to the 1964 Hague Convention Relating to a Uniform Law on the International Sale of Goods; and the Immunity and Rights (International Organisations and Special Missions) Law, 57431983, regarding which I would refer to the explanatory notes in the International Organisations (Status) Bill, 5740-1980 (enacted as the International Organisations (Status) Law, 5740-1980 and subsequently replaced by the above-mentioned Law of 1983). I mention these laws merely as oft-cited examples of lawmaking treaties (see for instance Starke, supra,  at VII, 2).

           

            (e) When applying our above remarks to the issue before us, we must remember that Article 49 has been categorized in our judgments as conventional law which does not express customary-international law. Thus it was held by Landau P. in H.C.698/80 [3] that (p. 627)-

           

...Article 49(1) of the Geneva Convention (which) is for now regarded only as a provision of conventional international law, upon which the individual cannot found his petition in a court adjudicating according to the positive law of the forum country.

 

As regards Article 49 not reflecting customary law, Landau P. adds at p. 629:

 

In fact the occupation forces in the Rhineland in Germany, after World War I, used the sanction of deportation from the occupied territory against officials who broke the laws of the occupation authorities or who endangered the maintainance, security or needs of the occupying army: Fraenkel, Military Occupation and the Rule of Law, Oxford University Press, 1944. Under this policy the French deported during the armistice following that war 76 officials and the Belgians - 12, and during the dispute over the Ruhr (1923) no less than 41,808 German officials were deported (ibid., at 130-131). In the face of these facts, it is clear that the prohibition against the deportation of civilians did not constitute a part of the rules of customary international law accepted by civilized states, as if the Geneva Convention simply gave expression to a pre-existing law.

 

            According to Fraenkel, to whom Landau P. refers above, the deportee had no right of appeal whatsoever, neither before a committee nor before a court.

           

            6. (a) I have read the interesting articles, cited above, of Rubin and of Prof. Rubinstein at p. 446, to which we were referred by the Petitioner, but I have not been convinced that we should deviate from the existing and accepted law, as expressed in the rulings of this court, on the methods of incorporating various rules of public international law into our legal system. Moreover, the existing law adequately reflects not only the prevailing, but also the desired situation, in terms of the power of the state to shape its law through its own independent legal tools. Adoption of the viewpoint suggested in the Petitioners' arguments, according to which there is no need for Knesset legislation to assimilate into our law a rule of conventional public international law which finds expression in an international treaty joined by Israel, and which is not in the nature of codification of an existing customary rule, would, in fact, grant the government legislative power, since according to our constitutional structure, the government concludes and ratifies international treaties without any approval from the Knesset. In light of such outcome of the suggested thesis, a twofold doubt arises as to whether the described interpretive innovation is indeed desirable from the viewpoint of sound administration and the rule of law.

           

            For that reason Prof. Feinberg, in his above-mentioned article (at p. 442 n. 77), links the change in the status of law-making treaties to a corresponding change in the ratification methods. This is what he says:

           

In fact, there is no chance of an arrangement under which the courts in Israel would be empowered to apply self-executing international treaties without the need for an act of adoption or inclusion, as long as there is no solution to another question, which is inseparably linked, and that is the question of the status of the Knesset regarding the entire subject of international treaty ratification. For in any such arrangement, if at the same time the power of ratification were to remain under the sole authority of the executive, the result would be a delegation of a quasi-legislative power to the executive and a blow to the principle of separation of powers. And perhaps, there is room to assume that in this field too, the tradition that has developed until now will end and the Knesset will be given the special place that the legislature is entitled to claim for itself in a proper democratic government.

 

Prof. Dinstein writes on this aspect in his book cited above (at p. 147):

 

The power to make treaties in Israel - as in England - is given to the executive authority ... and were there to be automatic incorporation of conventional international law into the existing law in Israel, it could confuse the complicated matter of separation of powers. The existing situation allows the Knesset (the legislative authority) to check the government (the executive authority) and to prevent a mixing of authorities.

 

            (b) To summarize this point: the system suggested by the Petitioners would grant the executive the power to infuse binding legal provisions into our legal system, without recourse to the legislator. This can even be learned from what was written in the above-mentioned article of Prof. Lauterpacht (in 25 Transactions of the Grotius Society, supra, at 51). The Petitioners, basing themselves on his remarks, tried to convince us of the existence, as it were, of an accepted English thesis, uniform and clear, by which law-making treaties automatically become part of the law of Britain. Prof. Lauterpacht states in the above article at p. 74:

           

If a treaty ratified and internationally valid is without force within the State unless supplemented by legislative action, then, it is asserted, International Law embodied in that treaty is not part of the law of the land. This is entirely true. The rule is obviously in the nature of an exception to the principle of incorporation. But the reasons for it lie not in any subtle intention of English Courts to take away with one hand what they grant with the other, but only and exclusively in the exigencies of British constitutional law and the division of powers within the State. It is a rule of British constitutional law that the conclusion and ratification of treaties are a prerogative of the executive. In other countries, such as the United States, the concurrence of the Legislature, or of a part thereof, is necessary for the valid ratification of a treaty. This is not the case in Great Britain. A treaty becomes binding for this country as soon as it has been finally ratified by the Crown. This being so, it might be possible for the Crown to impose burdens upon the subject, and to legislate for him, indirectly, without the concurrence of Parliament, by means of concluding a treaty (X). The existing rule which requires in such cases an enabling Act of Parliament removes that possibility.

 

And in footnote (x):

 

(X) The case of State of Missouri v. Holland, United States Game Warden, decided in 1920 by the Supreme Court of the United States, is an interesting example of a government arming itself, by means of a treaty, with powers which it did not apparently otherwise possess. In 1915 the Congress of the United States passed an Act concerning the protection of migratory birds. That act was declared unconstitutional on the ground that it interfered with the rights reserved to the member states. Thereupon the United States concluded a treaty with Great Britain for the protection of migratory birds. The Supreme Court held that a statute providing for the enforcement of that treaty was constitutional: 252 U. S. 416; Annual Digest, 1919-1922, Case No. 1. The decision of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in Att.  Gen.  for Canada v. Att.  Gen.  for Ontario and Others, 53 T.L.R. 325, is also of interest in this connection. The question was, essentially, how far can Canada enact labour legislation, in pursuance of international labour conventions, in matters reserved by the constitution to the provinces?

 

            (c) Another reason for the objection to the automatic adoption of a treaty which does not reflect customary international law, lies in the substantive and basic difference between international law and municipal law, a matter which more than once has eluded the scrutiny of jurists interpreting rules of international law. Moreover, dependence on the automatic application of law-making treaties would subordinate Israeli law to provisions which had not been adapted to the conditions of the country, its interests, and its residents. In this context one must consider the fact that among the treaties presented in the professional literature by those jurists adhering to this thesis, and brought as leading examples of law-making treaties having immediate application, are treaties adopted by the United Nations and the International Labour Organization. While wanting to refrain from generalizations, the idea that the majority in these international bodies could automatically impose upon us provisions of binding law, which would be in force unless expressly annulled by the Knesset, is not attractive.

 

                      Also the attainment of clarity in determining the substance and limits of the law will necessarily be obstructed if we adopt the suggested approach. It is generally agreed that an a-priori classification of the treaties is necessary in order to distinguish between those which apply automatically and those which require enabling legislation. Rules of differentiation and distinction are not defined clearly and simply. If we return , for example, to the remarks of Prof. Lauterpacht, he determines that the said division is "not clearly defined" (ibid., at 75), and that is one of the reasons that the subject is marked by vagueness, dissention and a lack of new and clear distinctions. In any event, the inclusion of an uncertain and unclearly defined element in our legal system does not seem desirable.

         

          (d) The problematic nature of the issue, partially presented above, did not elude the English courts, and a striking, even blunt expression thereof is found in the remarks of Lord Atkin in Chung Chi Cheung v. The King [32], when he said (at 167-168):

         

It must be always remembered that, so far, at any rate, as the Courts of this country are concerned, international law has no validity save in so far as its principles are accepted and adopted by our own domestic law. There is no external power that imposes its rules on our own code of substantive law or procedure.

 

          Professor Lauterpacht called this approach of the courts in his country "judicial hesitancy" and sought to criticize it; however, we are not engaged here in an academic examination of the relative merits and faults of the different legal approaches, but only with the search for specific answers required for our issue, namely :

         

(1) Is there a basis for the argument raised before us that England today is governed by a different legal approach than that to which Israeli courts have turned and referred in developing our legal outlook; and -

 

(2) Is there indeed room today for a change, by way of legal interpretation, in the legal principles that we apply.

 

          What we have said above will suffice to answer these questions in the negative.

         

          7.(a) The third question which we posed above, at the outset of our discussion of the Petitioners' stated argument, concerns the legal situation in England. This subject has been largely covered above, and therefore we will deal with it here only in a nutshell.

         

          The two articles - that of Professor Lauterpacht and that of Professor Mann - do not point to the existence of a uniform and accepted thesis regarding the automatic adoption of law-making treaties. The main substance and purpose of these articles is the learned writers' confrontation with the various views, which give expression to the approach that contradicts the one suggested to us.

 

            The lack of a uniform approach, as evidenced in Professor Lauterpacht's article, has already been referred to above. Professor Manns's point of departure, as presented in his article above, is expressed in the following remarks (at pp. 3031):

           

It is a commonplace that a treaty as such cannot be a source of English law or, in other words, impose duties or confer rights on anyone except the Crown in its international relations. Were this not so the Crown would have the power of legislation. Consequently, in order to become binding upon subjects a treaty must be incorporated into the law of England by parliamentary legislation [Emphasis added - M.S.] What is sometimes loosely referred to as "ratification" will not be sufficient. Parliament may approve the conclusion of a treaty and it may even pass legislation connected with a treaty, but a treaty cannot become part of English law otherwise than by the strictly legislative process. Thus the various treaties which are known as "Documents relating to the Termination of the Occupation Regime in the Federal Republic of Germany: were ratified and approved by Parliament after they were signed at Bonn in May 1952 and Paris in October 1954, yet they do not form part of English law except in so far as the German Conventions Act, 1955 adopts certain of their provisions. The legal position is sumarised by a dictum of Lord Atkin which must today be regarded as locus classicus:

 

Within the British Empire there is a well-established rule that the making of a treaty is an executive act, while the performance of its obligation, if they entail alteration of the existing domestic law, requires legislative action.

 

And at p. 45:

 

Internationally a treaty to which the Crown is a party binds the Crown even if there has been no ratification of any kind. This is elementary and probably not denied, though sometimes concealed by loose formulations. Thus, when it is said of a treaty to which the United Kingdom is a party that in order to be binding it requires legislation, what is referred to is only the binding character of the treaty in municipal law.

 

                 And at p. 45:

 

… A treaty to which the legislature has failed to attribute the force of law cannot be given that very same force by the judiciary. This point is so fundamental that it necessarily imposes severe limitations upon the ambit within which treaty obligations may constitute a head of public policy. The mere fact that a particular decision would be inconsistent with the terms of a treaty concluded by the Crown and, therefore, would involve a breach of this country's treaty obligations cannot lead to a decision in the opposite sense.

(Emphasis added - M.S.)

 

            We see no basis for drawing the conclusion that a defined and accepted thesis has been developed which establishes the automatic adoption of law-making treaties under English common law.

           

            The reference to the question of the application of the laws of war in the domestic English law also does not breach the existing reservations outlined above, but there are those who see the authority of the Crown to conduct war, to exercise powers to this end and to conclude treaties (for instance, armistice agreements) as part of the common law. Says Prof. Mann (ibid., at p. 37):

           

It would seem to follow that, if and in so far as the prerogative rights of the Crown in war-time prevail, the Crown can, by treaty no less than by proclamation, alter the common law, for to that extent it is in pursuance of the existing domestic law that the Crown alters it.

(Emphasis added - M.S.)

 

            In discussing the above-mentioned Porter case [29], he seeks to discern by way of conjecture what thesis underlay the approach of the judges who weighed there the matter of the application of Regulation 23(h) of the Hague Regulations, 1907, in the English courts. He remarks at p. 38:

           

The explanation can only be found in the view that, in the absence of any relevant restriction by Parliament of the Crown's prerogative in war-time, the Crown could by treaty alter the common law.

 

And in note 28 he adds:

 

Lord McNair, British Year Book of International Law 1928, 63 sqq. and Law of Treaties, p. 337, seems to think that the Hague regulations constitute a treaty affecting belligerent rights and therefore bind the subject. Similarly, Wade & Phillips, Constitutional Law (4th ed. 1950) assert the binding character of treaties affecting belligerent rights, because waging war comes under the prerogative. There is probably not much difference between these formulations and the statement of the rule suggested in the text. However, the conception of belligerent rights originates from public international law and is not germane to English constitutional law. The latter regards treaties as binding only if and in so far as the prerogative of the Crown prevails. If it does not prevail even treaties affecting belligerent rights cannot bind the subject.

(Emphasis added - M. S.)

 

Similarly see McNair and Watts, supra,  at 371.

 

            I do not believe that conjecture regarding the specific English constitutional situation should serve as a basis for converting the clear and well-defined Israeli legal situation to the system suggested by the Petitioners.

           

            (b) In England a law was passed in order to implement the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention (The Geneva Conventions Act, 1957). On the face of it, this would appear to support the thesis that in England as well legislation is necessary in order to implement the Geneva Conventions in internal law. In Rubin's above-mentioned article, it was pointed out in relation thereto, that the purpose of the legislation was limited to the application of the rules of the war crimes convention and no more. Even this interpretation, according to which legislation is necessary only for creating provisions to enable legal proceedings in the national courts, does not necessarily support the thesis proposed to us. Moreover, the fact that the Act incorporated only provisions which are applicable in the kingdom does not mean that the rest of the provisions, dealing with the conduct of armed forces in an occupied territory, have instantly become rights enforceable in an English court. There is a question, for example, of the point of time when the stated system of rights and duties consolidates according to the proposed legal thesis, whether immediately upon ratification of the treaty at the international level, or perhaps at a later stage? And if the second possibility is preferred, the question remains - what is this later stage? As already hinted, a derivative question is why parliamentary legislation is necessary with regard to part of the treaty, in order to bind the courts, and whether in terms of such legally binding status, there is a a difference between the part that was legislated and the part that was not included in the legislation. These are interesting questions worthy of examination, but as far as we are aware, there is no uniform view on the subject in Britain either.

           

            I do not see, therefore, a need to enter into a discussion of the question, although interesting per se, whether there is a basis for adopting the conclusion reached by Lord McNair regarding the meaning, for purposes of the issue before us, of the above-mentioned judgment of the English appeals court in the Porter case [29], according to which the English courts were basically prepared to apply the provisions of the Hague Regulations even without changes in internal English law (McNair, supra,  at 89, McNair and Watts, supra,  at 371).

           

            In the portion of the Porter judgment ([29] at 878), that is in my opinion central to our issue, the argument raised before this court is presented (the question of the application of Regulation 23 (h) of the Hague Regulations as part of the common law), and the conclusion is that there is no need to resolve the question, since Regulation 23 (h) of the Hague Regulations in no way sought to change the law applying within England itself.

           

            It remains an open question, it seems, whether the court was prepared to change the interpretation of the existing municipal law on the issue of locus standi  before an English court, without any internal legislation and based solely on the Hague Regulations. From the following remarks in Porter (129] at 878), McNair, supra, concluded that the court was prepared to view the Hague Regulations as part of the common law:

           

It is impossible to suppose that this means (as it must do if the effect of the paragraph (h) [the reference is to rule 23(h) of the Hague Regulations - M.S.] is to abrogate the law existing hitherto in England and to give an alien enemy the position of a persona standi in judicio in English Courts of Law) that the War Office of Great Britain shall in the present war for this purpose issue instructions to Sir John French, commanding our land forces in the field, forbidding him to "declare" that the rights of alien enemies - Germans, Austrians, or Turks - to institute legal proceedings in the High Court of Justice in London are suspended or inadmissible. And yet this absurdity seems necessarily to follow from the scheme of the Convention as applied to paragraph (h) if the interpretation of this paragraph is that which is contended for by those who find in it an abrogation of our law, which hitherto has not given to an alien enemy the position of a persona standi in judicio.

 

Our view is that article 23(h), read with the governing article 1 of the Convention, has a very different and very important effect, and that the paragraph, if so understood, is quite properly placed as it is placed in a group of prohibitions relating to the conduct of an army and its commander in the field.

 

            With all due respect to the learned writer, I would have refrained from expressing so certain an opinion based solely upon the remarks cited above.

           

            (c) As already indicated, the views on interpretation are not uniform. Thus, for instance, O'Connell states (op. cit., at p. 24):

           

It is sometimes suggested that there is a type of treaty which is properly legislative, in the sense that it lays down the law where none existed before, tout d'un  coup [emphasis in original - M. S.] It is important that this proposition be carefully examined. True, one may cite innumerable conventions, mostly multilateral, which are now taken as international and not contractual law. One may cite the Slave Trade Conventions, the Declaration of Paris, 1856, between the combatants in the Crimean War which put an end to privateering, and most notably, of course, the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, and the Geneva Conventions. But the point is whether nonsignatory and non-accessionary States were automatically bound by the provisions of these conventions as soon as they became operative, or whether they became bound by the rules they contain at a subsequent date when it was accepted that these rules had become part of international custom. The latter is the correct interpretation, and it is clear, then, that it is custom embodying the treaty, and not the treaty itself, which creates law as distinct from contractual rules.

(Emphasis added - M.S.)

 

            The learned writer refers in his above remarks to the extent a legal obligation is binding upon states which did not sign the convention; by way of contrast, countries, which are signatories to the treaty, are obligated to adhere to their said obligations in relations inter se; however, in the system of relations between the individual and government, one can lean in court only upon rules of customary public international law. This approach formed the basis for Witkon J.'s remarks in H.C. 390/79 [18], when he said (at p. 29):

           

One must view the Geneva Convention as part of conventional international law; and therefore - according to the view accepted in common law countries and by us - an injured party cannot petition the court of a state against which he has grievances to claim his rights. This right of petition is given solely to the states that are parties to such a convention, and even this litigation cannot take place in a state's court, but only in an international forum.

 

            (d) Mr. Rubin questions in his above-mentioned article, whether grounds exist to assume that the Hague Regulations were considered at the time of signing of the Convention as merely an international obligation undertaken by the signatory state to the Regulations, and that only subsequently did they turn into binding customary international law and as such a part of the internal law. The answer to this question emerges, in my view, from the following statement in the judgment of the International Tribunal in Nuremberg (I. M. T. Judgment, supra,  at 65):

           

The rules of land warfare expressed in the convention undoubtedly represented an advance over existing international law at the time of their adoption. But the convention (Hague convention Concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land) expressly stated that it was an attempt "to revise the general laws and customs of war" which it thus recognised to be then existing, but by 1939 these rules laid down in the convention were recognised by all civilised nations and were regarded as being declaratory of the laws and customs of war...

(Emphasis added - M.S.)

 

            In other words, there has been development as regards the status of the Hague rules as customary law in the period that has elapsed since the signing of the Convention in 1907.

           

            (e) To sum up the discussion regarding the third question posed above - a change in the English approach - even if shown to have occurred - need not influence the adoption of an identical approach by us. For as has already been mentioned, the context and constitutional structure in Israel is different, and there is no justification in Israel's present constitutional dispensation for abandoning an approach that has crystallized in Israel since the establishment of the state. Moreover, there is no ground for concluding that the argument regarding the existence of a uniform and monolithic legal approach in England has been thoroughly substantiated.

           

            8. Often raised, peripherally to the discussion of the legal problems regarding the applicability of conventions, is the matter of the status of a customary rule of public international law in our internal law. The question of the nature and identification of a customary rule was discussed in detail in H.C. 69,493/81 [16] at pp. 238-242, and I therefore will not reiterate it here. However, it is worth taking note and repeating certain words of caution, which were included in the above-mentioned judgment:

           

            15. In his above cited work, the The Law of Armed Conflict (vol. 2, at 3) Prof. G. Schwarzenberger gives two necessary warning signs that must be taken into account by anyone inquiring into the existence of a binding rule under the Laws of War: One points to the tendency of creating the impression of greater certainty of the existence of binding legal rules that can be attained in the area of the Laws of War in which belligerents seek to retain for themselves, as is natural - although it may not seem so to others - the maximum freedom of action. The second warning concerns the obstacle set up by the unwarranted praise heaped on a given usage with which it is sought to dress up a particular interest with a universal rule that is inappropriate. The viewpoints of parties or sectors of states, parties interested in the upholding of a rule, do not reflect the existing law, but rather only to a description of the legal situation they desire.

 

The practical conclusion that is to be reached at this stage, is that a careful, detailed and all-inclusive examination is required, giving proper weight to various opinions on a specific subject, to determine whether we are referring to a view acceptable to the overwhelming majority, or to only one of various possible viewpoints.

 

            9. In H.C. 27/88 the Petitioner again raised the argument that Regulation 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations is not in force in Judea and Samaria.

           

            This legal argument too has already been discussed and rejected in H. C. 513, 514/85 and M.A. 256/85 [5] and earlier in the above-mentioned H.C. 97/79 [2]. As stated, I see no reason to add to what has already been said in the matter.

           

            10. Learned counsel for the Petitioner in H.C. 845/87 raised, toward the close of the hearing, a new contention, which was not mentioned in the petition and in the arguments voiced before us in the course of the hearing. In his opinion, the Military Commander no longer has any authority to direct the deportation of the Petitioner under Regulation 112 of the above-mentioned Regulations, since with the signing of the Peace Treaty with Egypt, the Military Government terminated and the Respondent no longer possesses the legal authority to issue such an order. Petitioner's counsel did not take the trouble, I regret, to base his contention on a reasoned legal argument. Thus, he did not explain which provisions of the Peace Treaty would lead us to the above conclusion, or what rules of law sustain them.

           

            I find the above-mentioned contention unacceptable and the reason is both short and simple. The Treaty of Peace between Israel and the Arab Republic of Egypt was accompanied by an additional agreement between the states that concluded it namely A Framework for Peace in the Middle East Agreed at Camp David. According to this agreement, it was determined, inter alia, that further developments would ensue in the deployment of the Military Government at a certain stage, which need not be spelled out here, in the implementation of the said agreement. What emerges from this agreement is that as long as the said stage has not arrived, the Military Government continues to function. There is no indication that the powers which signed the Peace Treaty had decided upon the abolition of the Military Government either at that time or at a subsequent stage prior to this time.

 

            This court has already ruled that as long as the military force exercises control over the territory, the laws of war will apply to it (H.C. 102,150,593,690/82; 271/83, Tzemel  and Others v. Minister of Defence,  [22] at 373):

           

The application of the provisions of the laws of war regarding the powers and obligations of a military force that has taken effective control of an area lying beyond the jurisdiction of its country's applicable law, can also be the result of belligerent action which provides the military force with control over a state against which it is not waging a war.

 

The court further stated at p. 374:

 

...even where the territory is seized from a country with whom a state of belligerency exists (an armistice agreement does not terminate a state of belligerency) at the time the military forces enter and seize effective control. If an agreement was subsequently signed, such as an agreement terminating the state of belligerency, the transfer of the territory, the powers, or both, to the previous authority is disposed of in accordance with the terms of the said agreement. However, as long as the military force exercises control in the territory, the powers granted it and the limitations imposed upon it by virtue of the laws of war, remain in effect. This, of course, is entirely subject to the arrangement agreed upon by the duly authorized political bodies.

 

See also H.C. 574/82 [23].

 

            For our purposes it similarly emerges that, irrespective of the fact that a peace treaty has been signed, so long as the Military Government has not left the Gaza Strip and the relevant parties have not agreed otherwise, the Respondent continues to hold the territory by force of belligerent occupation and is subject to the laws of customary international law that apply in war-time.

           

            11. Let us now turn to the specific submissions of each of the Petitioners:

           

            12. H.C. 785/87: (a) The Petitioner Abd al Nasser Abd al Aziz Abd al Affo,  born in 1956, is a resident of the town of Jenin.

           

            The deportation order was issued by Maj.-Gen. A. Mitzna, Commander of I.D.F. Forces in Judea and Samaria on 3 September 1987, while the Petitioner was serving a prison sentence that was to terminate on 20 September 1987. The full text of the order reads as follows:

           

By virtue of my authority under Regulation 112 (1) of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, and my authority under any law or security legislation, and whereas I believe the matter is necessary to ensure the security of the Region, public welfare and public order, I hereby order that:

 

Abd  al Nasser  Abd  al Affo  Muhamad  Abd  al  Aziz , I. D. no. 94808545, born in 1956, from the town of Jenin, be deported from the Region.

 

Abd al Nasser Abd al Afro Muhamad Abd al Aziz is a senior operative in the "National Front" organization, who has been sentenced three times in the past to prison terms for his terrorist activity. He is about to finish a third prison term of five years and three months. During his stay in prison, he assiduously continues his hostile activity in order to further the purposes of the organization.

 

            (b) After the deportation order was served, the Petitioner applied to the Advisory Committee which operates under Regulation 112 (8) of the above-mentioned Regulations (in a number of documents and previous petitions, this body is called an "Advisory Board"). The Committee was composed of the President of the Military Courts in Judea and Samaria, as chairman, and two additional officers holding the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. The Committee heard the Petitioner and his learned counsel and also the Respondent's counsel in the course of four sessions, during which it was also furnished with the information on which Maj.-Gen. Mitzna relied in reaching his decision. Part of this information was unclassified, and part was classified for security reasons and therefore not brought to the attention of the Petitioner. The Respondent was also presented with a long list of written questions by learned counsel for the Petitioner, which the Respondent answered, as the Committee noted in its decision, subject to the security limitations. These questions and answers were also brought before the Committee. The detailed and reasoned decision of the Committee given on 28 October 1987, stated, inter alia:

 

According to the statement of the Respondent's counsel, the activity of the Applicant began in 1972 when he was studying in high school. He was involved in the theft of a mimeograph machine which was used for duplicating posters. In the years 1975-76, he took part in inciting students to demonstrate in Jenin. In December 1976 he was detained for questioning and in the course of it he admitted to organizing demonstrations and incitements. He was sentenced to three years in prison, of which seven months were actual confinement. In February 1979 he was again arrested and he admitted recruiting people for the Popular Front organization. He was tried in Case Sh. 7033/79 and was sentenced to three years in prison, of which nine months were actual confinement. In April 1980 he took part in elections at Najah University as a representative of the Popular Front. In June 1980 he incited youths to engage in a demonstration, in the course of which stones and bottles were thrown at I.D.F. soldiers and a Palestinian flag was flown. In November 1980 he took part in a student strike against the activities of the Military Government in Ramallah. In November 1980 he participated actively in disturbances, in the course of which road blocks were erected and stones were hurled at I.D.F. soldiers. He acted similarly a month later. Since then and on various additional occasions up until July 1982, as detailed in the unclassified material, the Applicant was reported to have been active in recruiting students for Najah University from among the supporters of the National Front organization (1980). He incited a strike to halt studies and delivered speeches on behalf of the Popular Front. He was an organizer of demonstrations and strikes. At a number of these disturbances, road blocks were erected and rocks were hurled at I.D.F. forces and once at an Israeli bus. In one of the gatherings held in honour of Fatah Day (January 1982), the applicant spoke of revolution and of the unification of all the organizations.

 

In July 1982 the Applicant was arrested and in the course of his interrogation admitted that he was recruited to the Popular Front. In the charge sheet against the Applicant in August 1982, it was stated that beginning in February or March 1981, the Applicant renewed his active membership in the terrorist organization called the "National Front". It was also stated that the Applicant was appointed to head the political wing of that organization at Najah University in Nablus. Further, it was stated in that same indictment that at the end of 1981, the Applicant recruited two additional members to the organization. The Applicant admitted what was attributed to him in the indictment. He was convicted and sentenced to three years of actual confinement. Additionally, his suspended sentence of two years and three months was activated to be served consecutively. Thus, the Applicant was to serve a sentence of five years and three months actual imprisonment. This is the penalty which the Applicant is about to complete serving in the coming days.

 

In its sentence, which was submitted to the Advisory Board and marked Exhibit 1, the court noted as follows:

 

Barely a year and a half has elapsed since the accused was released from prison, and the accused has again engaged in crime and committed the violations which are the subject of this case. This court has decided on more than one occasion to exercise severity in the cases of recidivist offenders who did not learn the proper lessons from the sentences imposed on them in the past, did not fulfil the conditions of the suspended sentences and returned to their errant ways. More rare is the case of an accused who has already been sentenced twice in the past for security offences, yet is ready to carry on and to continue his association with a hostile organization, compounding his transgression by recruiting others.

 

As may be recalled, it has been contended by counsel for the Respondent that even in prison he continued his activities to further the goals of the organization. Because the classified material is highly sensitive, it cannot be made public, save for the fact that in February 1985 - from deciphering a note which a prisoner attempted to smuggle out during a family visit - a report concerning the activity of the security prisoners in the prison was uncovered. The Applicant apparently signed the report ... The Applicant began serving as a leader of the Popular Front in Jenin. He attained this status when he arrived in prison and retains it to this day. Furthermore, since the 80's, the Applicant has been among of the leaders of the Popular Front organization in the Judea and Samaria Region.

 

            (c) The Petitioner contended that although he did participate in demonstrations, he never took part in violent activities or instigated others to carry them out. He also denied any illicit activity while in prison.

           

            (d) The classified material that was presented to the Committee attested, in its opinion, to the senior status of the Petitioner in the above-mentioned organization and to his modes of operation both inside prison and those conducted from prison and directed outside. Counsel for the Respondent noted before the Committee that before the issue of the order, a less severe measure, such as administrative detention, was considered. However, this alternative was rejected. For in view of the intensive activity of the Petitioner while in prison, this alternative was shown to be totally ineffective in his case.

 

            Regarding the nature and quality of the evidence presented, the Committee noted the following:

           

The reliability of the material was examined by us, as was the method of gathering the material and the weight assigned it. Similarly, we examined the work methods of the Intelligence Service until the information was consolidated. On the basis of our examination and on the basis of clarifications which we received from representatives of the General Security Service, we have no hesitation in determining that this information is reliable, substantiated and well-supported by evidence that conforms to the requirements for the production of evidence in administrative proceedings such as these, as it is clear, unequivocal and convincing.

 

            After the Committee addressed itself in detail to the contentions of counsel for the Petitioner regarding the exercise of authority under Regulations 108 and 112 of the Regulations and the way in which the Committee operated, the Committee summed up its opinion in these terms:

           

We have before us an Applicant [i.e. the Petitioner - M.S.] whose is involved in activity of such nature that, along with his role, seniority and status in the Popular Front organization, transform him into a person whose presence and continued activity pose a tangible danger to the security of the Region. The Applicant has not learned any lessons from the past. Placing him on trial three times has been to no avail. For even while in prison he continued his work to further the purposes of the organization. The material presented to us indicates the Applicant's intention to continue his activities in order to secure his standing and advancement in terms of his level of seniority.

 

We have been persuaded that the Applicant is intimately involved in Popular Front circles. He is a part of the organization and has influence within it. Similarly, we are convinced that we are not dealing with a onetime activity that was perpetrated by the Applicant, but with protracted activity that has taken place over a number of years. As mentioned, the Applicant was termed a leader of the Popular Front in the prison, and, since the beginning of 1980, he is a member of the leadership of the Popular Front in the Judea and Samaria Region.

 

After seriously considering the arguments of the parties, we have been persuaded that the considerations of the Regional Commander and the grounds for the issuance of the order were pertinent and within the purview of his authority as defined in Regulation 108 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945 and were intended to ensure public welfare, the security of the Region and the maintenance of public order within it.

 

Therefore, we have reached the conclusion that a material security justification exists for adopting this measure of deportation against the Applicant.

 

            The Committee also recommended that the Regional Commander again review the statements of the Petitioner and his counsel before the Committee. In those statements the Petitioner consented to submit to a protracted sentence or to forced transfer to another place of residence and promised not engage in any illicit activity, provided the deportation would not be carried out.

           

            (e) When the Respondent decided on 1 November 1987, in consultation with advisers on legal and security matters, to continue the deportation procedures, the Petitioner, on 6 November 1987, turned to this court.

           

            (f) The Petitioner raised in his petition a number of general legal points, which I have addressed above. He additionally contested the weight of the evidence produced against him and especially its true significance. In his opinion, he had engaged purely in legitimate and open activity, and one should not ascribe to him actions whose seriousness would justify so grave a measure as was decided upon on this occasion.

           

            (g) The State's response, as presented to us and as put forward in a statement by the State Attorney's Office, can essentially be summed up by the following arguments:

           

The terrorist organizations, including the Popular Front of which the Applicant is a member, are striving to build up an infrastructure in the Judea and Samaria Region that is intended to undermine security and the control that I.D.F. forces exercise in the Region, and their ultimate goal is to take control of the entire Region and even beyond.

 

The Respondent, as Commander of I.D.F. Forces in the Region, is dutybound to act to the best of his ability to frustrate this process and ensure security and public order, and this indeed is one of the central purposes of Regulations 108 and 112(1).

 

The Commander of I.D.F. Forces in the Judea and Samaria Region is convinced that the deportation of the Petitioner from the Region will enable the Commander of I.D.F. Forces in the Region to fulfil the obligation upon him by virtue of his position and will result in the cessation of the Petitioner's hostile activity in the Region.

 

The opinion of the Respondent is that less severe measures, such as issuing an administrative detention order or placing the Petitioner on trial, are not appropriate for the Petitioner under the circumstances.

 

For even during the course of his last prison sentence that extended, as stated, for over five years, the Petitioner transformed his very stay in the prison into a broad vista for hostile activity.

 

Administrative detention, by its very nature, is intended either to frustrate a concrete evil that could be created by a certain person's activity or to prevent a relatively short term phenomenon. By contrast, the harm in which the Petitioner is involved is continuous, since he occupies a senior position in the terrorist organization.

 

In view of his continuous hostile activity, the Petitioner constitutes a protracted danger, which can be feasibly frustrated solely by means of deportation.

 

            (h) With the consent of learned counsel for the Petitioner, this court was apprised in the absence of the Petitioner and his counsel, of those items of evidence that were classified, pursuant to a certificate issued by the Minister of Defence, in accordance with Section 44 of the Evidence Law (New Version), 5731-1971. As mandated under section 44 and on the basis of the above-mentioned consent of the Petitioner, we heard explanations from learned counsel for the State and from representatives of the Security Service. We examined the possibility of disclosing additional elements of the classified material to the Petitioner and we announced our negative conclusion in our decision of 15 February 1988.

           

            (i) As a direct outcome of studying both the unclassified and the classified material, the Court has formulated its opinion that it cannot find any justification for intervening in the factual and pertinent conclusions that the Respondent drew and that the Advisory Committee drew subsequently with regard to the character, scope and purposes of the activities of the Petitioner and the degree of danger that they posed for security. We were persuaded that the Respondent had clear, unequivocal and persuasive evidence, and even the classified evidence, as stated, was brought to our attention. The consistent activity of the Petitioner for and on behalf of the terrorist organization emerges from this evidence.

           

            The court's clear conclusion is that the Respondent could have arrived at the conclusion which he reached.

           

            13. H.C. 845/87:

            (a) Abd al Aziz Abd Alrachman Ude Rafia, born in 1950, is a resident of Gaza.

           

            On 15 November 1987 a deportation order was issued against him, reasoned as follows:

           

This order is issued since the above serves as a spiritual leader of the Islamic Jihad movement in the Gaza Strip, which supports a violent Islamic revolution on the Iranian model, armed struggle and the liberation of Palestine through Jihad.  In the framework of his sermons in the mosques, he calls for action against the Israeli rule by military struggle.

 

            Immediately upon the issue of this order, the Petitioner was arrested and jailed in Gaza. The Petitioner applied to the Advisory Committee, which functions under Regulation 112(8) of the above-mentioned Regulations, and the hearing before the Committee took place on 19 November 1987.

           

            (b) The Petitioner was represented before the Advisory Committee by five attorneys.

           

            Counsel for the Respondent described the hostile activity of the Petitioner in the past, including his conviction for membership in an illegal organization and incitement, and regarding his activity following his release from prison, counsel stated, inter alia,  as follows:

           

The Appellant was released from prison on 30 July 1985. Despite the sentence that he had served and the suspended sentence pending against him, he persisted in similar activity; that is, since June 1985, numerous complaints have been filed against him, which are detailed in the order. The unclassified facts are as follows: In May 1986, at the Friday prayer marking the opening of Ramadan in al Kasam Mosque, the Appellant delivered a sermon of a nationalist character, in the course of which he accused the authorities of fanning local disputes, of stirring up emotions and of planting spies whom one had to identify and act against. Moreover, he warned that the authorities intended to perpetrate in the Region what they had done in Lebanon. The Appellant delivered his statement in his capacity as Immam of the mosque. In June 1986 the Appellant actively participated, together with other religious people from the Region, in the disturbances that took place on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. The disturbances occurred on 3 June 1986, during a Moslem religious festival, and this was a real incident in the course of which a number of investigation files were opened. The Appellant was not investigated at this stage. Information received in July 1986 revealed that the Appellant was found consorting with those responsible for the Islamic Jihad in Gaza. An additional item of information in this vein is from October 1986, according to which three people were appointed to direct the activity of the Islamic Jihad in Judea and Samaria. They were in turn subordinate to the Appellant and his brother Salman. As this is related to the Islamic Jihad  organization, I will present material further on.

 There are three items of information from November 1986 dealing with the investigation of three members of the Islamic Jihad, who were accused of the sabotage incident against the Givati soldiers in Jerusalem. The three gave evidence separately. One of them visited the Appellant in Gaza before the incident, without indicating a connection between the Appellant and the incident. The other two said the same. An item from February 1987 reports that in a religious instruction that the Appellant transmitted over the mosque loudspeaker, he noted, among other things, that there are parents who view their children who throw stones as hooligans, but in the Appellant's opinion, a stone is like a bullet and the children are not hooligans.

 An item from March 1987 deals with a sermon delivered by the Appellant in a mosque on 6 February 1987 in which he spoke of the Jordanian five-year plan. He rejected the plan with the comment that the Palestinians had no need for financing, nor for strengthening the Israeli conquest and rule; rather they had a need for liberty and for expelling the occupation.

 In a religious instruction given on 10 February 1987, he expressed support for Iran and came out strongly against Iraq and Israel.

 In a sermon on 27 February 1987, the Appellant called upon the believers to continue the struggle, because this was an opportunity to arouse believing residents to struggle.

 The Appellant spurned the requests that were directed to him to cease these disturbances. In the investigation of a suspect from Rafiah in January 1987, the person interrogated divulged that he was recruited for the Islamic Revolutionary Movement by Fathi Brij Jacki, who was a prisoner sentenced for membership in the Islamic Jihad. That same suspect divulged that Fathi stipulated to him that should he be arrested, the Appellant would replace him, and the suspect would have to coordinate with the Appellant the attendance of youths at the Friday sermons.

 On 5 June 1987 in the Bet Lahiya mosque, the Appellant delivered an address to mark 20 years since the Six Day War. He incited to Jihad, called for the liberation of Jerusalem and urged his followers to continue the struggle and not surrender even if they be injured.

 On 9 October 1987, in the course of the Friday afternoon prayer in his Gaza mosque, he devoted the sermon to the four terrorists who were killed in clashes with the security forces and, inter alia,  stated the following:

 

The worshippers should take the four slain terrorists as an example and engage in struggle as they did. The individual must overcome his private interests and act against the authorities for the sake of the general Islamic interests. The worshippers ought to adopt the path of armed struggle even if it might cost them their lives.

 

In the course of the sermon, proclamations were disseminated among the worshippers that included the portraits of the slain terrorists and a message similar to the one just mentioned. I would like to present two proclamations that were disseminated on that occasion, together with a translation. There is a problem at this stage in presenting the translation. I wish to waive the presentation of the translation at this stage.

The proclamations will be designated as Exhibit 2 and Exhibit 3. The investigation report of October 1987 states that on 1 October 1987 in the afternoon sermon in his Gaza mosque, the Appellant remarked that Islam is the religion that calls for Jihad. Those present must go forth and struggle as God wills. Those present must unite in order to expel the foreign conqueror. At the end of October 1987, the Appellant took part in a memorial ceremony for two attorneys who were murdered in Gaza a few months ago. The two were identified as supporters of the Islamic Jihad. In the ceremony the Appellant delivered a speech, in which he stated, inter alia, that blood must be requited by blood. The report of November 1987 on the interrogation of M.F. of Jelazun, in the Ramallah area reveals that he indicated that he and the members of his cell were members of the Islamic Jihad and that they had visited the Appellant in Gaza, who knew of his activities in the Islamic Jihad.

In a sermon at his mosque on 6 November 1987, the Appellant called upon God to pour down fire on the enemies, for He always sides against the tyrants.

 From some of the items of information that I have detailed and will detail later, it cannot be said that the preachings of the Appellant were addressed solely to the Israeli authorities. But preachings which call for violent activity and civil disorder in the context of religious extremism, including actions against persons suspected of heresy to Islam, as well as against stores which carry abominable movies or against weddings where western music is played - these activities also severely harm the security of the Region, because there was resort to fire arms and casualties were caused .

 At this stage I would like to present two documents. The first is the expert opinion of a General Security Service officer regarding the Islamic Jihad.  It is identical to what has been presented in the past in the trials of members of the Islamic Jihad and is in the possession of the defence attorneys - marked as Exhibit 4.

 In addition, I would like to present a personal profile and impression of the Appellant that was prepared by the Advisor on Arab Affairs of the Region's civil administration, on the basis of the material in his possession, as well as a meeting he held with the Appellant. As stated, this document is a precis of the Appellant's personality and activities.

 

            In addition, counsel for the Respondent also brought before the Committee classified material containing detailed information on the Petitioner's activity that endangered security. This information was presented subsequently to this court, with the consent of counsel for the Petitioner (in the absence of the Petitioner or his counsel), and with respect to which we rendered our decision of 15 February 1988.

           

            The Committee noted in its reasoned and detailed decision, inter alia, as follows:

           

The Applicant is mentioned as responsible for the Islamic Jihad in the Gaza Strip and perhaps beyond that area. He is depicted as a guide of that organization and as an influential figure among the residents of the area in general, and among those who belong to that organization in particular. They look to him constantly and often wait by his doorway to hear his word. He acquired this status through his activities as a lecturer at the university and as a preacher in the mosque, where he delivered extremist religious and nationalist addresses laden with incitement and hatred against Israeli rule. These more than once called for violent struggle, including encouragement of civil disorder and even extreme acts of violence, such as murder. There is no doubt, therefore, that the Applicant constitutes an actual danger to the security of the Region and its inhabitants and to the maintenance of public order; further, that the deportation order was given, within the framework of considerations enumerated in Regulation 108 of the Regulations... The question remains whether in the Applicant's case, the most severe measure, namely deportation, is called for.

 

In view of the Applicant's "history" and personality, we are convinced that the answer to this question is affirmative. The Applicant was subject in the past to various restrictions because of his activity, was even tried and has served a prison sentence. However, despite all this, he did not mend his ways and continued precisely along the path upon which he had embarked previously. In the course of time, he even extended his influence and acquired a greater following of believers.

 

The Applicant has impressed us as a man of strong character, who totally believes in the righteousness of his ways and, therefore, there is no chance that in the foreseeable future he will desist from his dangerous activity. We do not believe that any restrictions imposed upon him will suffice to prevent the continuation of his negative influence on the residents of the Region.

 

Even his incarceration (e.g. by way of administrative detention), will not counter his influence. There is ground to fear that precisely in such a place will he be even more accessible to the extremists among his followers, and that his stay in prison will have a most dangerous and negative influence on what takes place both within the prison and outside it.

 

The most efficient and suitable measure in this case is, therefore, to deport the Applicant outside the Region and the country.

 

Even if he be free to go about in a foreign land, with no one to constrain him, his harmful influence on the Region would be immeasurably smaller and less perceptible and immediate than would be the case, were he to walk about in our midst.

 

            (c) When the Committee rejected the application of the Petitioner and recommended on 25 November 1987 that the deportation order be upheld, the Petitioner turned to this court.

           

            His biography was described in his petition in these terms:

           

3.a. The Petitioner bears I.D. card no. 92118635, was born in 1950, and is a permanent resident of Gaza. He is married and the father of 5 minor children.

 

b. In 1970 the Petitioner traveled to Cairo with the consent of the Israeli military authorities to pursue academic studies. In 1975 he completed his studies for a master's degree on the subject of the Islamic Sharia.

 

c. Between the years 1976-1981, the Petitioner served as a teacher in the Emirate of Shajah in the Persian Gulf.

 

d. During the course of his study and work outside the Region, the Petitioner would intermittently visit his family in the Gaza Strip.

 

e. In 1981 the Petitioner returned permanently to Gaza, his place of domicile. He was hired as a lecturer on Islamic Sharia at the Islamic University of Gaza and served in the post of Immam  at one of the mosques of Gaza. In the framework of this position, he delivered sermons during the Friday prayers at the mosque.

 

f. In September 1983, a six month supervision order was issued against the Petitioner. It was extended for another six months (up to September 1984). Under these orders the Petitioner was prohibited. inter alia,  from entering the Islamic University where he worked.

 

g. The Petitioner appealed against the orders. His first appeal, however, was struck out due to his non-appearance. The second appeal was heard in June 1984 and dismissed.

 

h. In October 1984 the Petitioner was put on trial before the Military Court in Gaza, on charges of membership in an illegal organization (Regulation 85 (1) (a) of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations) and of incitement (Section 7 of the Order Prohibiting Acts of Incitement and Hostile Propaganda).

 

i. The Petitioner was convicted on the second offence - incitement and membership activity, and was sentenced to 11 months of actual imprisonment, from the date of arrest, and to an additional suspended sentence. He was released from prison in July 1985.

 

j. Following his release he returned to work at the Islamic University and to his post as Immam.

 

            (d) As stated, all the evidentiary material, including the classified material, was presented to us.

           

            Respondent no. 1, O/C Southern Command, noted in the affidavit that he submitted to us:

           

The decision to deport the Petitioner from the Region was taken after all parties responsible for the security of the Region, its welfare and proper administration, including military and security personnel at the highest military, security and political echelons, consulted and seriously examined the need for deportation. All were convinced that the status, position and activity of the Petitioner in the Islamic Jihad movement dictate today the adoption of this grave and extreme measure of deportation.

 

The copious evidentiary material accumulated by the security authorities was presented to the above-named parties and to me, and it sufficed to persuade me unequivocally that the Petitioner serves as the spiritual leader of the Islamic Jihad movement in the Gaza Strip, a movement which supports a violent revolution on the Iranian model and an armed struggle and the liberation of Palestine through Jihad. In the framework of his sermons in the mosques, the Petitioner calls for action against the Israeli rule by means of military struggle.

 

            The facts as presented to us clearly and persuasively attest to the consistent and hostile activity of the Petitioner, and they directly refute the contentions and denials of the Petitioner. The sole possible conclusion is that this material was, as the court requires, clear, unambiguous and convincing.

           

            We find no basis for the contentions as to lack of good faith or arbitrariness, and can discern from the proceedings up to now that, with respect to the question here deliberated, the authorities acted cautiously, upon thorough examination and with discretion.

           

            I therefore see no grounds for intervention by this court in the decision of Respondent no. 1.

           

            14. (a) H.C. 27/88:

           

            (a) The Petitioner, J'mal Shaati Hindi , is a resident of Jenin and is studying at Al Najah University. On 1 December 87 a deportation order was issued against him reasoned as follows:

           

J'mal Shaati Yunis Hindi is a senior operative in the Al Fatah  organization and the focus of his hostile activity is in the city of Nablus in general and at Al Najah University in particular. He was sentenced to four years of actual imprisonment for his terrorist activity and was subject to a restriction order for a year and a half and to a nine month period of administrative detention. During that entire time he continued intensively to act in furtherance of the organization, both inside and outside prison.

 

            He applied to the Advisory Committee and this body heard the submissions of counsel for the Petitioner and of course for the Respondent, who produced the evidence that assisted the Regional Commander in making his decision. A portion of the evidence was submitted by the security authorities in the absence of the Petitioner or his counsel.

           

            The disclosed facts against the Petitioner, as subsequently summarized in the decision of the Advisory Committee, were as follows:

           

The hostile activities of the applicant began in 1976. In that year, the applicant was among a group of youths who incited students in Jenin to demonstrate, and the windows of the school were shattered. The applicant was among those who organized demonstrations in the Jenin refugee camp.

 

In July 1976 doctrinal material regarding the Al Fatah  organization was found in the applicant's home.

 

In August 1976 the applicant was arrested and interrogated. He admitted that about a year earlier he had been recruited to the Al Fatah organization. He received a code name and recruited additional activists. Together with members ... (not clear) he trained in laying sabotage charges and even prepared an explosive charge himself. The applicant also knew of the location of a box of bullets, kept by one of his companions. During that same period he participated actively in organizing demonstrations, erecting road blocks, throwing rocks and setting fire to tires.

 

On the basis of the investigation material and the admission of the accused, he was tried, convicted and sentenced to four years of actual imprisonment.

 

 In July 1980 the applicant completed his sentence and was released from prison. A few of months after his release, in April 1981, the applicant took an active part in organizing "Palestine Week" at Najah University, sponsored by Al Fatah.

 

In a demonstration that took place in November 1981, at Najah University, the applicant was one of the leading activists. In the course of the demonstration, stone road blocks were erected and rocks were hurled at a military force that arrived on the scene. A similar demonstration in which the applicant was active took place that same month.

 

During the months of March and June 1982, the applicant was again involved in disturbances in which he played an active role. In this period the applicant was arrested twice. From the interrogation of an Al Fatah activist in October 1982, it emerged that the applicant headed the volunteer youth committee of the Fatah in the Jenin refugee camp. In January 1983 a celebration marking the anniversary of the establishment of the Fatah was held at Najah University. Four thousand people participated in that celebration. The applicant was among those active in organizing the celebration. In January 1983 the applicant again took part in throwing stones at I.D.F. forces.

 

On 19 April 1983 a special supervision order was issued against the applicant for a period of six months. In May 1983 he was again involved in disturbances. The original supervision order was extended for another six months, commencing 19 October 1983; and on 19 April 1984 it was extended for yet another six months.

 

In August 1984 the applicant was a member of Lijnat A'Shabiba in the Jenin refugee camp. In August 1985 an administrative detention order was issued against the applicant for six months, but following his appeal, the period of administrative detention was shortened to three months. With his release from administrative detention, a celebration was held in his honour in May 1986, in the course of which songs were sung in support of Al Fatah. In July 1986 the applicant was among the senior operatives of the A'Shabiba  movement at Najah University.

 

On 8 January 1987, the applicant spoke to an Al Fatah Day event at Bir Zeit University, and extended greetings to mark the day. On 12 June 1987 the applicant was placed under administrative detention for a period of six months.

 

            In July 1987, a day before the student council elections, the applicant presented the Shabiba candidates to the students of Najah University and called for continued nationalism and struggle, including armed struggle. Toward the end of November 1987, the applicant was again arrested for his involvement in disturbances at the Jenin refugee camp.

 

According to the material, the applicant's name came up in the interrogation of a member of a youth committee in Jenin, as one of those responsible for Shabiba activities in the Jenin refugee camp.

 

            The above was a precis of the unclassified material presented by counsel for the Respondent. In addition to this material, a large collection of classified material was brought before the Advisory Committee.

           

            The Petitioner denied all involvement in a terrorist organization and attributed the issueance of the order to a desire to hamper him in expressing his political views. The Advisory Committee had this to say in its decision of 27 December 1987:

           

The statement of the applicant is totally belied by what we have found in the copious material, both classified and unclassified, that was presented to us. As opposed to the sweeping and blanket denial of the applicant, we found in the body of the material details concerning his activity and standing in the AI Fatah  organization. In closed hearings, clarifications were received regarding the method in which the material was gathered and the reliability of the sources. We were persuaded that the sources of the information are numerous and that most of the the important items of information were received from diverse sources and corroborated. We were persuaded that the evidence presented to us meets the requirements set in the case law, being clear, unequivocal and persuasive (H.C. 513,514/85, Nazzal  and Others v. Commander of I.D.F.  Forces in the Judea  and Samaria  Region, 39 (3) P.D. 645). In examining the material, we took into consideration the fact that it is difficult for the applicant to defend himself against material that is not brought to his attention and, therefore, we exercised special caution.

 

The import of our above determination is that the applicant's course of conduct is totally at odds with the description he presented to us and upon which his counsel relied. We are dealing with a person holding a senior position in the AI Fatah organization and with connections in the organization. His modus operandi is sophisticated. He refrains from appointments to official positions to avoid exposure, but is fully involved in what is going on. His main activity is to take an active part in organizing demonstrations and violent disturbances, in some of which rocks were thrown at military forces and road blocks were set up. The applicant is a person of standing, power, influence and ability to instigate and bring about relatively large scale disturbances in those centres where he is active and known.

 

As emerges from the material, the applicant's activity continued over a period of years. He was imprisoned for four years for terrorist activity; he was subject to special supervision orders and was placed under administrative detention, but he did not cease his hostile activities. He continued them intensively and on one occasion when he participated in a disturbance he suffered injury from a bullet fired at his leg.

 

The applicant's activity has continued up until recently and from a perusal of the material one can gauge not only his sense of determination to act and to engage others in violent ways in order to further the goals of the organization in whose framework he functions, but one can also discern in him a person who has decided to make such activity his life's goal. We have been persuaded that he is likely to pose a tangible and lasting danger, due not solely to his growing stature, but also to the range and type of his activity, which reflects a method for realizing the armed struggle that the applicant propounds.

 

In light of the aforesaid, there is no basis for the contentions of the applicant and his counsel that the order was issued purely for a political view expressed. The applicant's activity and its inherent danger to the security of the Region, was the basis for the issue of this order. There is no need to dwell on the danger that could result from this type of activity in which the applicant is engaged. Violent demonstrations and disturbances gravely effect the Region's security and the maintenance of public order. and prevent securement of the public welfare.

 

We have no doubt that material and decisive security considerations prompted the issuance of the order against the applicant.

 

            After the Committee recommended upholding the deportation order, the Petitioner turned, on 12 January 1988, to this court.

           

            (b) The material upon which we must base our decision is that which was presented openly before the Petitioner and the Advisory Committee, because in this case we were not requested to examine the evidence for which a certificate of privilege was issued in accordance with Section 44 of the Evidence Ordinance (New Version), 5731-1971.

           

            The Petitioner did not submit an appeal in the regular manner prescribed in the latter part of Section 44 of the above-mentioned Ordinance, as distinguished from the method of review by the bench that is hearing the matter, a method that depends upon the agreement of the parties. The legal significance of the matter is that the Petitioner cannot today contest the justification for classifying the evidence (as opposed to challenging the justification for the deportation order). What implication does this have? The legislature authorized the Minister of Defence to attest by a signed certificate that the presentation of certain evidence could harm state security. The legislature also left the affected party an opening to try and persuade a judicial authority that the need for disclosing the evidence in order to do justice takes precedence over the need for withholding it, i.e. that the classification of the evidence is unjustified. Once a party has refrained from requesting disclosure of the evidence in the prescribed manner so that it could be decided statutorily by the competent judicial authority - that is, having abandoned the avenue of appeal established in the Evidence Ordinance (New Version) - his claim, that preference be given to considerations supporting disclosure of the evidence over considerations supporting the maintenance of secrecy, cannot in any case be argued before us.

           

(c) In his petition, the Petitioner repeatedly claims that there is nothing in the arguments or the evidence to justify the adoption of such a severe and far reaching measure as deportation.

 

            He has contested the legality of issuing a deportation order, a matter that we have discussed above, and has disputed the existence of a justification for issuing it in his specific case. The Respondent's reply submitted to us quotes the above-mentioned statement of the Committee, namely:

           

The applicant's course of conduct is totally at odds with the description he presented to us and upon which his counsel relied. We are dealing with a person occupying a senior position in the Al Fetch organization and with connections in the organization. His modus operandi is sophisticated. He refrains from appointments to official positions to avoid exposure, but is fully involved in what is going on. His main activity is to take an active part in organizing demonstrations and violent disturbances, in some of which rocks were thrown at military forces and road blocks were set up. The applicant is a person of standing, power, influence and ability to instigate and bring about relatively large scale disturbances in those centres where he is active and known.

 

            (d) The Petitioner complained about the legal procedure, in the framework of which classified evidence was presented to the Advisory Committee in his absence and in the absence of his counsel. On this issue the court has stated in the above-mentioned H.C. 513,514/85 and M.A. 256/85 [5] at p. 658:

           

The Petitioners complained that they were not privy to the secret material that was presented to the Advisory Board, but as this court has already explained in a similar case in A.D.A. 1/80, this is the sole reasonable arrangement that strikes a balance between the two interests, which are: on the one hand maintaining review of the considerations and decisions of the Military Commander; and on the other hand preventing damage to state security through disclosure of secret sources of information. It indeed does not provide an opportunity to respond to every factual contention and the Advisory Board (or a court under given circumstances) must take this fact into consideration when it examines the weight or the measure of additional corroboration of the information. However, the legislature found no more reasonable and efficient way to guard against the disclosure of secret information in circumstances where this is vital in order to prevent grave damage to security; and it may be said in passing that this method is mentioned not only in Section 44 of the Evidence Ordinance (New Version), 5731-1971, but also in the less known provision in section 128 of the Penal Law, 5737-1977, by which one can similarly limit the full disclosure of information.

 

            This time too the Committee examined, what the maximal information was that it could place at the disposal of the Petitioner without damaging vital security interests, and one has no cause for complaint against the Committee. We have nothing to add in the matter, because we have not examined the secret material and do not know its details.

           

            As regards the examination of the material, I am aware that in the absence of a request to this effect by the Petitioner, we have not had an opportunity to peruse the classified material. From the standpoint of the Petitioner, this cannot avail him in the case at hand. The unclassified material attests to consistent and prolonged hostile activity on the part of the Petitioner. In the absence of any supporting data, we can find no basis for the Petitioner's contention that the Respondent's action is based on arbitrariness or lack of good faith, or that the classified material does not support the Respondent's approach. No reason or grounds exist to preclude our concluding from the known constellation of circumstances that the Respondent found in the classified evidence substantial support for the approach he adopted, a view also held by the Committee which did examine the material. The absence of an initiative on the part of the Petitioner to submit the secret information for review in the manner established by the legislature for this purpose, or to request that the court do so, can only lend support to the thesis presented by the Respondent.

 

            (e) Having studied the material in the Respondent's reply and in his arguments before us, and having considered the submissions of the parties, we have concluded that there are no grounds for the intervention of this court in the discretion of the Respondent. The manner in which the Respondent acted for the purposes of exercising his authority under Regulation 112 in the specific case before us was proper, and the matter was examined in a thorough and exhaustive manner by the Advisory Committee.

           

            The considerations of the Advisory Committee, whose reasoned decision was before us, and the considerations of the Respondent as they emerge from the reply submitted to us, and as buttressed by and consistent with the unclassified material presented to us, do not point to the existence of any grounds upon which this Court could exercise its authority under section 15(d)(1) and (2) of Basic Law: The Judicature.

           

            Finally, a general comment. Having regard to the substance and scope of the material which substantiated the Respondents' decisions regarding each of the Petitioners, we see no reason to deal with the Petitioners' theoretical argument as to what likelihood of danger is generally required in order to found a decision under the above-mentioned Regulation 112.

           

            15. During the hearing before the Advisory Committee in the case of the Petitioner in H.C. 785/87, as well as before us, the question arose as to whether a person against whom a deportation order is issued and who appeals to the Advisory Committee is allowed to call witnesses to testify on his behalf before the Committee.

           

            In one of the sittings of the Advisory Committee, a categorical view was expressed that no such right exists. I find this opinion unacceptable.

           

            In its functioning, the Advisory Committee hears arguments just like any advisory committee that examines a question within the purview of its authority, and upon which it must express an opinion and provide its recommendation. Customarily, the Committee also hears the prospective deportee, if he so desires. The hearing before the Advisory Committee is not in the nature of a judicial proceeding in which evidence is presented in the manner acceptable in a court of law; and whoever represents the statutory authority, to which the Committee presents its recommendations, does not have to prove his contentions in the same manner that evidence is adduced before a judicial body. However, in a case where the Petitioner raises a detailed and reasoned argument in apparent good faith, contending that a particular witness can provide the Committee with relevant information that has a direct bearing on the case and which can shed light on the question posed before the Committee, it would be proper for the Committee to decide to hear the witness.

 

            In retrospect, it does not appear that the witness, whom it was sought to summon in this case could have refuted the evidentiary material, whose substance and quality were described above, and therefore no miscarriage of justice requiring remedy was caused at that point.

           

            16. The Petitioners raised the argument that a deportation order must specify the duration of the stay outside the Region imposed by the order.

           

            There is nothing in the text of Regulation 112 to support the above argument. The Regulation authorizes the Military Commander to direct, by way of a signed order, the deportation of person. Incidentally, the text of Regulation 122 (7), as promulgated during the period of the Mandate, even relieved the person issuing the order from the obligation of noting the name of the deportee. Obviously, today the authority is not exercised in such fashion.

           

            There is no provision in the Regulation as to the period of time for which the order is in effect. All that is stated in the original version is:

           

A person in respect of whom a Deportation Order has been made shall remain out of Palestine so long as the order remains in force.

 

            This signifies that the prohibition on return to the Region remains in force so long as the deportation order has not been rescinded by whoever issued it. It is my opinion that the Regulation would admit the possibility of raising anew the question of the duration of the order, either by applying to the person who issued the order or by a renewed application to the Advisory Committee. Regulation 112(8) empowers the Advisory Committee appointed for the purposes of Regulation 111(4), to consider the applications of a person against whom a deportation order was issued.

           

            The task of the Advisory Committee was defined in Regulation 111(4) as follows:

           

The functions of any such committee shall be to consider, and make recommendations to the Military Commander with respect to, any objections against any order under this regulation which are duly made to the committee by the person to whom the order relates.

 

            Regulation 112(8) provides that the Committee shall consider the application of a person against whom a deportation order was issued, and make its recommendation in this regard. There is nothing in the aforesaid text to indicate a onetime examination. One should interpret this Regulation in accordance with the language used, in a manner that will permit a person against whom a deportation order was issued, and which is still in force, to renew an application for reconsideration of his case.

           

            This approach finds support in the tendency reflected in the second paragraph of Article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which deals with a different though essentially related subject to that before us. It also coincides with the directive in section 16 of the Interpretation Order (Judea and Samaria Region) (No. 130), 57271967, which states:

           

Exercise of Power or Fulfilment  of obligations.

16. Where a power is vested in or by virtue of a security enactment, or a duty imposed therein or thereunder, the power may be exercised and the duty shall be fulfilled, repeatedly, from time to time as the circumstance may require, provided no other intention is implied.

 

            Therefore, repeated applications may be made to the Advisory Committee, even after the implementation of a deportation order and so long as the order is in force.

           

            17. In summary, we have not found any abuse of authority, deviation from authority, lack of good faith, arbitrariness, unlawful discrimination or similar shortcomings or irregularities that would invalidate the Respondent's acts. In light of all of the facts presented to us, there is no room to doubt the veracity of the Respondents' submissions and their reliability, and one cannot negate the legal and substantive basis for their decisions.

           

            Accordingly, I would dismiss the petitions and set aside the orders issued pursuant to them.

           

            LEVIN J.: I concur.

           

            GOLDBERG J.: I concur.

           

            BEN-PORAT D.P.: I concur in the instructive opinion of my esteemed colleague, Shamgar P. I would only add that in his judgment he mentioned and reviewed that interpretive approach which holds that one should interpret a treaty in a liberal and broad fashion, paying due attention to the intention of the treaty's draftsmen and to the purpose underlying its conclusion. For this purpose, a passage was quoted from Starke, op cit. at p. 511:

           

...Treaties should be interpreted in the light of existing international law.

(Emphasis added - M.B.P.).

 

            A similar rule of interpretation is accepted by us in relation to legislative enactments, namely: two laws that deal "in pari materia" with the same subject and have the same purpose should be interpreted in a uniform manner, so as to create a suitable interpretive harmony between their provisions. See: C.A. 303/ 75 [24] at 605; H.C. 609/82 [25] at 766. I believe that one can apply this also to the present issue: Regulation 43 of the Hague Regulations, which is found in the section on "Military Authority Over the Territory of a Hostile State", reads as follows:

           

The authority of the legitimate power having in fact passed into the hands of the occupant, the latter shall take all the measures in his power to restore, and ensure, as far as possible, public order and safety, while respecting, unless absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country.

           

            The provisions of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention should be read (inter alia) in the light of the directive in Regulation 43 of the above-mentioned Hague Regulations, so that the strict prohibition against the deportation of civilians, according to a simple reading of the text, should be qualified by the duty imposed under Regulation 43.

           

            Let me clarify my position. One can deport individual residents of those territories to locations outside them, so long as their continued residence may harm public security and order in the occupied territories, and on condition that in the given circumstances no other option than deportation exists in order to protect the population of the territories. I would further add that one should read Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention in the light of what is stated in Regulation 43 of the Hague Regulations, since the Hague Regulations bind Israel as part of customary international law, whereas the Geneva Convention has only conventional force. It is, therefore, understandable that greater weight should be accorded to the duty of ensuring security and public order in the occupied territories as set forth in Regulation 43.

           

            In the petitions before us an affidavit was submitted by the Respondents, explaining that all other remedies including administrative detention had been exhausted, that it had become evident that none of these could respond to the security problem relating to the Petitioners, and that the sole solution was to deport them outside the occupied territories.

           

            As stated, this is but an addendum to the exhaustive and persuasive considerations advanced by my esteemed colleague, Shamgar P.

 

                      BACH J.: 1. I concur in the final conclusion reached by my esteemed colleague, the President, in these petitions; however, on one point of principle I must dissent from his opinion.

         

          This point is the proper interpretation of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention (hereinafter "The Convention"). Counsel for the Petitioners requested that we re-examine this question and consider again an argument advanced on a number of occasions in the past - that the deportation of persons permanently residing in the territories occupied by the I.D.F., outside the boundaries of those territories and into the territory of another state, is indeed in contravention of the provisions of Article 49 of the Convention.

         

          2. In a reasoned decision given by Sussman P. in H.C. 97/79[2], it was established, explicitly, that the deportation of a person from the territories of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip to one of the neighboring Arab states out of concern for state security, is within the purview of the Military Commander's authority under Regulation 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations and outside the framework of actions to which Article 49 of the Convention applies.

         

          In subsequent petitions, when this point was again raised on behalf of the Petitioners, the court was content to refer to the judgment in the above-mentioned H.C. 97/79[2], expressing its concurrence in the ruling given in that case (e.g. see the judgment in H.C. 513,514/85 and M.A. 256/85 [5], at 650-659) which is extensively quoted in the opinion of my esteemed colleague, the President. However, there have been instances when the court decided to reserve judgment on this point. Thus in H.C. 698/80 [3], Landau P. reviewed the various arguments on this question and decided not to adopt a position regarding them when he stated (at p. 627):

         

...and I will refrain from deciding upon the legality of the deportation orders under Article 49(1) of the Geneva Convention, which for the time being must be regarded as a provision of conventional international law alone, upon which an individual cannot found his petition in a court adjudicating according to the positive law of the forum country.

         

          (I will return to this last argument below.) My opinion, therefore, does not contradict the conclusions of Landau P. in H.C. 698/80 [3] and I am constrained to dissent only from the opinion expressed on this point in H.C. 97/79 [2]. It should be recalled that in that same judgment in H.C. 698/80 [3], a minority opinion was delivered by Cohn J. who held that it was proper to make the order nisi absolute, and regard the deportation order as void.

         

          3. Before I clarify my stand on this matter, and in order to make it easier to follow my arguments later, it would be useful to cite now the text of the relevant part of the aforesaid Article 49 as well as the reasoning of Sussman P. in H.C. 97/ 79 [2], which the Petitioners requested us to reject.

 

            The first two passages of Article 49 provide:

           

Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive.

 

Nevertheless, the Occupying Power may undertake total or partial evacuation of a given territory if the security of the population or imperative military reasons so demand. Such evacuations may not involve the displacement of protected persons outside the bounds of the occupied territory except when for material reasons it is impossible to avoid such displacement. Persons thus evacuated shall be transferred back to their homes as soon as hostilities in the area in question have ceased.

 

            "Protected persons", in the sense of the Convention (according to the definition in Article 4 of the Convention) are

           

those who at a given moment and in any manner whatsoever, find themselves, in case of a conflict or occupation, in the hands of a Party to the conflict or an Occupying Power of which they are not nationals.

 

            The following reasoning underlies the view of Sussman P., in H.C. 97/79 [2] at pp. 316-317, that the deportation of people who endanger the security of the Region, under Regulation 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, lies beyond the scope of the above-mentioned Article 49:

           

Neither have I found any substance in the argument that the exercise of the above-mentioned Regulation 112 contradicts Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of August 1949 Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. It is intended, as Dr. Pictet in his commentary on the Convention (p.10) writes, to protect civilians from arbitrary action by the occupying army, and its purpose is to prevent acts such as the atrocities perpetrated by the Germans in World War II, during which millions of civilians were deported from their homes for various reasons, generally to Germany to serve the enemy in forced labour, along with Jews and others who were deported to concentration camps for torture and extermination.

 

It is clear that the above-mentioned Convention does not detract from the obligation of the Occupying Power to preserve public order in the occupied territory, an obligation imposed by Article 43 of the 1907 Hague Convention, nor does it detract from its right to employ the necessary means to ensure its own security; see Pictet, Humanitarian Law and the Protection of War Victims, at p. 115.

The High Commissioner, or whoever succeeded him, was not empowered to use the above-mentioned Regulation 112 as he saw fit, since Regulation 108 directs that -

 

An order shall not be made by the High Commissioner or by a Military Commander under this Part in respect of any person unless the High Commissioner or the Military Commander, as the case may be, is of the opinion that it is necessary or expedient to make the order for securing the public safety, the defence of Palestine (Land of Israel), the maintenance of public order or the suppression of mutiny, rebellion or riot.

 

This direction tells us that the powers entrusted to the authorities by virtue of the state of emergency, were granted for one sole purpose, the maintenance of public order and security. Even according to Dr. Pictet, ibid, at p. 159, this is a legitimate goal. It has nothing whatsoever in common with the deportations for forced labour, torture and extermination carried out in World War II. Moreover, the intention of the Respondent is to expel the Petitioner from the country and not to transfer him here, to remove him because of the danger he poses to the public welfare and not to draw him near so as to exploit his labour and derive benefit from him for the State of Israel.

 

            4. Professor Kretzmer, representing the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, submitted a comprehensive and exhaustive argument on this point on behalf of the Petitioners, without ignoring the inherent difficulty of moving the court to deviate from precedents established by it in the past and affirmed in subsequent hearings. He stresses, however, that we are dealing with a conspicuous error in interpretation which is incumbent upon us to correct, and that in contradistinction to previous compositions of the court, when dealing with this matter in the past, we are sitting now in an enlarged bench of five judges, and this fact as well can facilitate our adopting a decision to deviate from the aforesaid rule.

           

            5. After examining the question in all its aspects, I am inclined to accept the position of the Petitioners on this matter, and my reasons are these:

           

            a) The language of Article 49 is unequivocal and clear. The juxtaposition of the words individual or mass forcible transfers as well as deportations with the phrase regardless of their motive, [emphasis added - G.B.] admits, in my opinion, no room to doubt that the Article applies not only to mass deportations but to the deportation of individuals as well, and that the prohibition was intended to be total, sweeping and unconditional - "regardless of their motive".

           

            b) I accept the approach which also found expression in the judgment of Sussman P. in H.C. 97/79 [2], namely that the Convention was framed in the wake of the Hitler rule in Germany, and in face of the crimes perpetrated against the civilian population by the Nazis during World War II. Likewise, I would subscribe to the opinion that one may consider the historical facts accompanying the making of a convention and its purpose, in seeking the proper interpretation of its provisions. Also the Vienna Convention, upon which Professor Kretzmer relied in this context, is compatible with this possibility, since it provides in Article 31:

           

A treaty shall be interpreted in good faith in accordance with the ordinary meaning to be given to the terms of the treaty in their context and in the light of its object and purpose.

           

            On this issue I do not dissent at all from the opinion of the esteemed President and most of the authorities cited by him are acceptable to me as well. However, I find no contradiction between this "historical approach" and a broad interpretation of the Article in question.

           

            The crimes committed by the German army in occupied territories emphasized the need for a convention that would protect the civilian population and served as "trigger" for its framing. But this fact does not in any way refute the thesis that when framing that convention, the draftsmen decided to formulate it in broad forms, in a manner that would, inter alia, totally prevent the deportation of residents from those territories either to the occupying state or to another country.

           

            The language of the Article, seen in its own context and in light of the treaty in its entirety, does not admit, in my opinion, the construction that it is intended to prevent only acts such as those committed by the Nazis for racial, ethnic or nationalistic reasons.

           

            We must not deviate, by way of interpretation, from the clear and simple meaning of the words of an enactment when the language of the provision is unequivocal and when the literal meaning does not contradict the legislative purpose or lead to an illogical and absurd result.

           

            (c) The second portion of Article 49 supports the above interpretation. Here the Convention allows the evacuation of a population within the territory, i.e. from one place to another in the occupied area, if necessary for the security of the population or imperative for military purposes. It teaches us that the draftsmen of the Convention were aware of the need to safeguard security interests, and for this purpose even allowed the evacuation of populations within the occupied territories. The fact that this qualification was not included in the first portion, i.e. the deportation of residents beyond the borders for security reasons was not permitted, is significant.

           

            (d) Other provisions of the Convention also illustrate an awareness by the draftsmen of the security needs of the occupying state, and indirectly support the stated broad interpretation of Article 49.

           

Thus Article 78 opens:

 

If the Occupying Power considers it necessary, for imperative reasons of security, to take safety measures concerning protected persons, it may, at the most, subject them to assigned residence or to internment.

 

            I accept Professor Kretzmer's contention that Articles 78 and 49 should be read together, to infer from them as follows: where a person poses a security risk, one may at most restrict his freedom of movement within the territory and detain him, but one cannot deport him to another country. This idea is also expressed by Pictet in Commentary, supra, at p. 368. In discussing Article 78 of the Convention, he states:

           

It will suffice to mention here that as we are dealing with occupied territory, the protected persons concerned will benefit by the provisions of Article 49 and cannot be deported; they can therefore only be interned, or placed in assigned residence, within the frontiers of the occupied country itself.

 

            A similar conclusion emerges from an examination of Articles 35 and 48 of the Convention. The first part of Article 35, which deals with the fate of aliens in the territory of a party to the conflict, reads:

           

All protected persons who may desire to leave the territory at the outset of, or during a conflict, shall be entitled to do so, unless their departure is contrary to the national interests of the State.

 

            Article 48 of the Convention has a like provision concerning protected persons in the occupied territory, as follows:

           

Protected persons who are not nationals of the Power whose territory is occupied, may avail themselves of the right to leave the territory subject to the provisions of Article 35...

 

            Again one sees an alertness to the need for permitting measures to protect the interests of the occupying state. To further such an interest, one can prevent the departure of persons from the occupied territories. The absence of a similar provision permitting deportation of a person from the territory, for similar purposes, is conspicuous, especially considering that Articles 48 and 49 are contiguous to each other.

           

            Article 5 of the Convention, which deals specifically with spies and saboteurs, leads to the same conclusion. Its second paragraph reads:

           

Where in occupied territory an individual protected person is detained as a spy or saboteur, or as a person under definite suspicion of activity hostile to the security of the Occupying Power, such person shall, in those cases where absolute military security so requires, be regarded as having forfeited rights of communication under the present Convention.

 

            The rights of communication accorded to protected persons under the Convention include the right to communicate with their families (see Article 25 of the Convention), the right to communicate with the Red Cross and other organizations (see Article 30 of the Convention), and the right to maintain free contact with an attorney (Article 72 of the Convention).

           

            We see that under the Convention, the rights of spies and saboteurs can be denied in various ways, if the matter is deemed necessary for security reasons. Yet despite the alertness of the Convention's draftsmen to the security needs of the occupying power, there is no provision qualifying the sweeping prohibition in Article 49, and there is no allusion to the right to deport such persons to another state .

           

            The above-mentioned Articles of the Geneva Convention supplement the provisions of Regulation 43 of the Hague Regulations, which obligates the occupying power to ensure public order and public welfare in the occupied territories, in the sense that they indicate the measures which may be adopted in order to fulfil this obligation. In any event, nothing in Regulation 43 of the Hague Regulations is incompatible with the simple and broad interpretation suggested for Article 49.

           

            (e) A clear direction is discernible in the Convention. The freedom of movement of a "protected person" can be limited, and he can even be arrested without trial, if it is necessary in order to protect public security or another vital interest of the occupying state; this is in addition to the possibility of placing him on trial, punishing him and even condemning him to death. But the "protected person" cannot be deported; for the moment deportation to another country is carried out, the occupying state has no further control over him, and he therefore ceases to be a "protected person".

 

            (f) Most scholars subscribe to the opinion that the above broad interpretation of Article 49 of the Convention is indeed the required interpretation. Thus at p. 279 of the above-mentioned Commentary on the Convention, Pictet says the following regarding the first part of Article 49:

           

The prohibition is absolute and allows of no exceptions, apart from these stipulated in paragraph 2.

 

            This opinion has been expressed in Israel on a number of occasions and in a consistent fashion by the learned scholar, Professor Dinstein. In his article, "Settlements and Deportations in the Occupied Territories" (Iyunei Mishpat , 7 (1979-1980), 188), Professor Dinstein levels piercing criticism at the judgment in the above cited H.C. 97/79 [2], and relying on the text of Article 49 of the Convention, he writes, inter alia,  as follows (at p. 193):

           

No one would dispute that this paragraph was formulated on the basis of the bitter experiences of World War II. However, it is equally quite clear that the text of the paragraph is formulated as a total prohibition that admits no exception. A qualification that is based on military order and the security of the civilian population does appear in Article 49. However, these matters are not included in the first paragraph (which deals with deportation and exile outside the occupied territory), but rather in the second paragraph (which deals with a temporary evacuation that can and even must be performed within the occupied territory).

 

            Likewise, the question of the authority to deport and evacuate in occupied territories is discussed in Professor Dinstein's book "The Laws of War" (Schocken and Tel-Aviv University, 1983). At p. 225 of the book, Professor Dinstein mentions the Articles of the Convention (such as Article 35), which permit restricting the freedom of movement of residents of the occupied territories for the purposes of protecting certain interests of the occupying power, and he adds:

           

The position is different when the departure - or more precisely, the removal - from the occupied territory is done by force. Article 49 of the Convention distinguishes between deportation and evacuation. Deportation is the forcible transfer of civilians - on an individual or collective basis - from the occupied territory to the territory of the occupying state or to another state (whether it is occupied or not). Deportation is prohibited unconditionally and without consideration of motives.

           

            See also Professor Dinstein's "The International Law of Belligerent Occupation and Human Rights", 8 Israel Yearbook on Human Rights (1978), 104, 123.

           

            This interpretation of Article 49 of the Convention has won nearly universal acceptance and I accept it as well.

           

            6. My esteemed colleague, the President, attempts to demonstrate through a number of examples, that the simple, literal interpretation of Article 49 will lead to intolerable results. With all due respect, I do not believe that any of these aforesaid examples can lead to such a conclusion.

           

            The learned President mentions the judgment of the U.S. Supreme Court in Ex parte Quirin [27], which deals with German agents who infiltrated into the United States on an espionage mission, for which they were sentenced to death. It is clear that the case as such is not in point here, because it did not involve an occupied territory, only the territory of the United States itself, and the question of deportation did not arise there. The President is aware of this, nevertheless he expresses the following thought:

           

The event took place inside the territory of the United States; but had a similar incident occurred in an occupied territory after 1949, and it was decided not to execute the terrorists but to deport them back, whether in the framework of an exchange or in some other way, this would constitute, as it were, a serious violation of the Fourth Convention.

 

            It is difficult to see how such a hypothetical possibility can avail the arguments of my esteemed colleague. Let us in fact assume that those people spying against the United States were apprehended after 1949 in territory occupied by Americans. If we further assume that these people could expect a death sentence, then we may suppose that they would have willingly consented to be transferred to another country in order to save their lives. Nothing in the Convention prevents the willing transfer of protected persons to another country. Only forcible deportations are prohibited. But if we were to imagine that for one reason or another, these German residents would not have agreed to leave the territory, then in truth the authorities of the United States could not deport them against their will to another country (if it were determined that they were "protected persons"), without violating the Convention. If for example, a spy with communist ideological sympathies were caught in the American occupation zone in Germany, it would be permissible to arrest and punish him in every possible legal manner, but it would not be possible, according to the Geneva Convention, to deport him forcibly, not even to East Germany, the Soviet Union, or some other communist country. To the best of my knowledge, no such attempt was ever made. In any case, I do not find anything unreasonable or absurd in such an outcome.

 

            My esteemed colleague, the President, also relies on the argument that, in light of the sweeping formulation of Article 4 of the Convention which includes a definition of the term "protected persons" under the Convention, a literal interpretation of Article 49 would lead to the conclusion that one could not even deport terrorists who illegally infiltrate into the territory during the occupation; similarly that it would not be possible to extradite criminals from the territories to other states in accordance with extradition treaties.

           

            The question regarding infiltrators could arise because of a certain difficulty in the interpretation of Article 4 of the Convention, which is not free of ambiguity. Thus when that same Article 4 states that "Persons protected by the Convention are those who find themselves in case of a conflict or occupation in the hands of a Party to the conflict or an Occupying Power..." (emphasis added - G.B.) then there is perhaps room to argue that the reference is to people who due to an armed conflict or belligerence between states, have fallen into a situation where against their will they find themselves in the hands of one of the parties to the conflict or in the hands of the occupying power; whereas people who subsequently penetrate into that territory with malicious intent are not included in that definition. If and when this problem arises in an actual case, there will be a need to resolve it through an appropriate interpretation of Article 4 of the Convention, but this does not suffice, in my opinion, to raise doubts concerning the interpretation of Article 49. In the matter before us, the aforesaid difficulty is in any case nonexistent, since the Petitioners are, by all opinions, permanent residents of the territories controlled by the I.D.F.; and if the Convention under discussion applies to those territories, then the Petitioners are undoubtedly included in the definition of "protected persons".

 

            The same applies to the problem of extraditing criminals. The question as to the feasibility of an extradition treaty between states, when it concerns people who are located in territories occupied by countries which are parties to the treaty, is thorny and complicated in itself; and whatever may be the answer to this question, one can not draw inferences from this regarding the interpretation of Article 49. In any case, should it be established that it is indeed possible to extradite persons who are residents of occupied territories on the basis of the Extradition Law, 5714-1954 and the treaties that were signed in accordance with it, then regarding the possibility of actually extraditing the persons concerned, I would arrive at the same ultimate conclusion as I do regarding the Petitioners against whom the deportation orders were issued under Regulation 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, as will be detailed below.

 

            7. Despite everything I have said above, I concur in the opinion of my esteemed colleague, the President, that these petitions should be dismissed. I do indeed see a need to dissent from the rule established in H.C. 97/79 [2] regarding the interpretation of Article 49 of the Convention. On the other hand, I do not see any ground for deviating from the rule established and upheld in an appreciable number of judgments, that Article 49 of the Convention is solely a provision of conventional international law as distinguished from a provision of customary international law. Such a provision does not constitute binding law and cannot serve as a basis for petitions to the courts by individuals.

           

            This opinion, which was clarified in H.C. 606,610/78 [1] (at pp. 120 and 127) by Witkon J. and by Landau D.P. (his title then) and upheld as we have seen above by, among others, Landau P. in H.C. 698/80 [3], is deeply rooted in the judgments of this court.

           

            I would also mention the judgment of Barak J. in H.C. 393/82 [17], in which (at p. 793) the declarative and hence binding nature of the Hague Regulations is explained. The judgment goes on to state:

           

The same is not true of the Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949, which even if applied to Israel's belligerent occupation in Judea and Samaria - this question is subject to bitter controversy and we will not express any position on it... - is essentially a constitutive convention which does not adopt existing international customs but creates new norms, whose application in Israel requires a legislative act...

 

            Only recently we re-examined the rule that a conventional international agreement has no binding force on the national level so long as it has not been adopted by the local legislator, and we upheld the existing rule on the subject [see C.A. 580,626/82 [26] at 314.

           

            I would agree in this regard with the judgment of Landau P. in H.C. 698/80 [3], in which he expresses the opinion (at p. 646) that if the Convention is to be interpreted in such a manner as to prohibit the deportation of individuals in order to preserve security in occupied territory, then this provision does not constitute a part of customary international law but at most an addition to conventional international rules.

           

            Landau P. made reference in this context to the work of G. Von Glahn, The Occupation of Enemy Territory (Minneapolis, 1957), which states, at p. 20:

           

The 1949 Convention has resulted in most valuable additions to the conventional law of military occupation, such as treatment of civilians, deportation...

(Emphasis added - G.B.)

 

            On this point I agree with the reasoning of my esteemed colleague, the President, in his judgment on the present petitions.

           

            8. I would further add that I see no grounds for our intervention in the decisions of the Respondents in this matter for the sake of justice. Indeed my opinion is, as stated, that formally the deportation of the Petitioners is included within the framework of acts to which Article 49 of the Convention applies. However, I also believe that the prevention of such acts of deportation was not the primary and dominant purpose of those who drafted the Convention.

           

            I have not ignored the fact that representatives of the state have declared on a number of occasions before this court, that it is the intention of the Government to honour as policy the humanitarian provisions of the Convention.

           

            Landau P. expressed the opinion in H.C. 698/80 [3] (at p. 627-8), that

           

the decision of the State of Israel to honour in practice the humanitarian provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention (see the article of M. Shamgar, "The Observance of International Law in the Administered Territories", 1 Israel Yearbook On Human Rights (1971) 262) is a political decision which does not pertain to the legal sphere with which this court is concerned.

 

            I believe however, with all due respect, that this determination is too sweeping. We have here a policy declaration that as a general rule obligates the Government, and cases may arise where in the framework of rules of administrative law we will instruct the Government to honour its obligation.

           

            However, each case will be examined here in accordance with its circumstances, and in contrast with the interpretation of laws and conventions which at times require strict adherence to the meaning of words and terms, the court enjoys a flexible and broad discretion when it examines a Government policy declaration in terms of its content and spirit.

           

            It should not be overlooked that the Fourth Geneva Convention, with which we are dealing, includes a variety of provisions, the major portion of which are surely humanitarian in substance. But some are of public and administrative content and the Convention also contains provisions which can only partially be considered of a humanitarian nature. Article 49 of the Convention is indeed primarily of a humanitarian nature, but it seems that this aspect cannot predominate when it seeks, by virtue of its sweeping formulation, to prevent the deportation of individuals whose removal was decided upon because of their systematic incitement of other residents to acts of violence and because they constitute a grave danger to public welfare.

 

            In Shamgar's article - "The Observance of International Law in the Administered Territories", 1 lsrael Yearbook On Human Rights (1971), it is stated (at 262-3):

           

Humanitarian law concerns itself essentially with human beings in distress and victims of war...

           

            This definition does not fit the deportation of members of terrorist organizations to one of the neighboring countries.

           

            In any case, when we are dealing with people in respect of whom the elements of Regulations 108 and 112 in the Defence (Emergency) Regulations are satisfied, that is to say, where it has been demonstrated that their deportation is necessary for protecting public welfare and security in the Region, I would not suggest that we exercise our authority in the sphere of administrative law to order the Respondents to refrain from carrying out the deportation of the Petitioners, solely because the state has declared that in general it intends to honour the humanitarian provisions of the Convention.

           

            It should be noted and further emphasized in this context, that even counsel for the Petitioners have not argued before us that the orders nisi should be made absolute because of the aforesaid declaration by the state, should their submission, that the content of Article 49 of the Geneva Convention expresses customary international law, be rejected.

           

            There is, therefore, no room for our intervention, not even from the standpoint of the general considerations outlined above.

           

            9. In light of what I have said, and as I also agree with those portions of the President's opinion which deal with the factual aspects of the petitions, I concur in the conclusion reached by my esteemed colleague in his judgment on the fate of these petitions.

           

            Judgment given on April 10, 1988.

 

* See also the remarks of Justice Holmes in Towne  v. Eisner , 245 U.S. 418 (1918).

* That is, they are not to be applied unless they express general principles of law recognized by civilized states: O'Connell, supra, at 276.

Aita v. Regional Commander of Judea and Samaria

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 69/81
Date Decided: 
Tuesday, April 5, 1983
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

The Petitioners carried on various businesses in their respective regions. They challenged the validity of enactments imposing excise duty on local manufacturers in Judea and Samaria and on goods and services in the Gaza Strip. along with maintaining accounting procedures. These had been levied following the introduction of Value Added Tax in Israel.

 

Their main submissions were (a) since the Regions where the Petitioners live and work were occupied territory. Article 43 of the Hague Regulations required the Regional Commander to respect existing law unless the circumstances rendered it absolutely impossible. Such circumstances did not obtain in the Regions; (b) under the said Article, all enactments not designed to promote public order and safety were forbidden, whatever the purposes thereof; (c) Article 48 permits the Military Government only to adapt the collection of taxes to existing law and therefore does not give it power to enact new legislation even if it is for the benefit of the Region and its local population.

               

The High Court of Justice ruled:

A. (1) The basic norm on which the structure of the Israeli government in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip is built, is the norm of military government.

  (2) The authority of such government is temporary and it shall continue in power as long as it is effective.

  (3) On assuming authority and as long as it continues, the military government occupies the place of the central government and its local authorities that ruled in the region, and concentrates in its hands every power, right and duty of such central government under the existing law in the Region, subject to such changes as the establishment of the military itself involves and the restrictions imposed by the laws of war.

  (4)  The authority of the military government is not limited to implementing the local law. It may translate its powers and directives in terms of security enactments subject, however, to the rules of the laws of war.

 

B. (1) The High Court of Justice may review the validity of acts of the military government according to the principles of Israeli administrative law so as to determine [p. 201] whether these acts are lawful under the norms which bind Israeli public servants, wherever effected.

  (2) Regarding security legislation: any deviation by the military government from the guide-lines set by the IDF commander in the area, or dependence on invalid criteria can be ground for intervention of the High Court even though no reference is made to an act contrary to the laws of war, but to an act that is contrary to the local law in force when IDF control was established, or to legislation enacted by the IDF commander in the area.

 

C. (1) The acts of the occupying power derive their force and validity from customary international law which is embodied in international conventions and partly remains in the form of common law as reflected in the judgments of international or national judicial tribunals, in the practice of nations and in legal literature.

  (2) The latter is not merely interpretative of the international conventions which codify customary rules, it may also serve as an independent source evidencing general practice accepted as law.

  (3) When the High Court examines the question of the law as to whether there has been an act of omission or commission conflicting with public international law, it must differentiate between customary and conventional international law, and make a distinction between the two.

  (4) Customary international law is automatically incorporated into Israeli law, and becomes part of it except when it is in direct conflict with enacted Israeli law, in which case, Israeli law takes precedence.

  (5) Conventional international law does not become part of Israeli law through automatic incorporation, but only if it is adopted or combined with Israeli law by enactment of primary or subsidiary legislation from which it derives its force.

  (6) The legal principles embraced by the Supreme Court on subjects arising in the occupied territories are those of customary international law which gives force also to the local courts in the occupied territories according to Article 43 of the Hague Regulations, adopted in the security legislation.

 

D.  (1) In order to determine its substance and limitations, the term customary international law should be understood in accordance with its description in Article 38(1) of the Statute of the International Court of Justice and as such will be applied by the High Court of Justice along with local law which, for practical purposes, excepting the temporary or exceptional cases, is accepted by a significant majority of those operating within the juridical framework mentioned above.

  (2) The burden of proving customary international law as characterized in Article 38 falls upon the party pleading it, a custom which should be acceptable to a decisive majority of the states. [p. 202].

  (3) In the absence of conventional or customary regulation of a matter, a state may freely act according to its understanding and its principles, and in so doing it executes existing international law, because the absence of an accepted custom is part of international law.

 

E. (1) The Addendum to the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1907 (Hague Regulations) expresses customary international law in the framework of the laws of war.

  (2) The convention contains no express prohibition on the imposition of taxes by an occupying power. The ramifications arising from Article 48 of the Addendum to the Convention should not be examined according to the narrow limits resulting from the wording of the article - which does not enable reaching definite conclusions regarding the permissible limits of taxation. But the subject should be examined in light of the quality of the military regime and its obligations, and in light of the responsibilities towards the areas which it controls.

  (3) Article 49 opens the door to the imposition of additional payment on the populace: there are no restrictions on the frequency of the levy; no restrictions on the reasons for its imposition, the manner of its collection, its scope, the individual rates that shall be determined, or resulting associated features; but there is a restriction regarding the purpose of the levy, and other restrictions lacking real significance according to Article 51.

  (4) Articles 48 and 49 of the Hague Regulations have the sole purpose of limiting the scope of responses in the event that either of two situations arises: One, the collection of taxes by the military regime that are intended for the needs of the State, and two, the imposition of forced levies. Should either of these two actions take place, the military regime will be restricted in regards to methods of implementation and disposition of income, as detailed in the Hague Regulations.

  (5) Regarding the implementation of the payment to be made: The amount of the debt shall be determined according to the normal rules of assessment (how much to be collected) (from whom to collect). The debit is not rigidly fixed, but is flexible to no small degree and can be fixed according to existing conditions. In this matter there is no logic in applying the same criterion to a recently established military government and to a military government that has been in charge of an area with all its attendant civilian problems for more than ten years.

  (6) A forced levy by the military is clearly a means of compulsion expressed by a forced collection of cash meant to flow directly to army coffers, with no relationship or resemblance to taxes for civilian purposes.

 

F. (1) The military regime does not have the right to impose taxes on the inhabitants of the occupied territories and divert those taxes to the treasury of the state in whose name it acts.

  (2) The doctrine of investing only the ruler with the privilege of imposing ordinary taxes and not automatically, the military does not require a limitation on the power of imposing taxes, if such imposition is for the good of the public.

  (3) If the military government is permitted to impose military taxes, then automatically it may adopt more moderate measures.

  (4) There is no basis to the argument that a general rule of customary international law has developed, forbidding totally and absolutely and for any reason whatsoever, all military legislative enactments imposing new taxes. On the other hand, there is no reason to conclude that the matter of new taxes is left to the sole discretion of the military regime. [p. 203].

 

G. (1) In light of the absence of a decisive provision in Article 48, and since it is possible to learn from the provisions of the regulations of the lacuna created as a result of the formulation of Articles 48, 49, it is to be expected that every examination of tax matters take into account the ramifications arising from the more pronounced general rules of Article 43 that deal with the obligation to maintain order in public life, and the obligation to honour existing law, unless it is absolutely impossible to do so.

  (2) In the matter of ensuring an orderly public life, we are not of necessity referring to a one-time action, but rather to an ongoing obligation which is not to be maintained automatically but rather in keeping with changing circumstances from time to time if the situation calls for it. The reasons mentioned are not necessarily those of security, but rather economic and social. The obligation to return to the prior situation cannot obscure the added obligation to ensure the continued order in public life.

  (3) The motivation for maintaining the law as it was is decisive, if the general conditions and circumstances demand the intrusion for a legitimate purpose, according to Article 43.

  (4) Acts arising out of the need to maintain some balance between the economy of the territory and that of the occupying power are legitimate, even if they involve changes in the existing law.

  (5) In this regard the duration of the military government is an extremely important element, in weighing the needs of the military, in weighing the needs of the territory, and in maintaining the balance between them.

 

H. (1) The Hague Regulations make no distinction between direct and indirect taxation.

  (2) Indirect taxes frequently serve to regulate and balance the economy and therefore greater freedom of action is demanded in their imposition under various and changing conditions.

 

I. (1) The benefit of the local population is not the sole criterion. There must be a balance with military requirements.

  (2) The criterion - to determine whether the military government has shown equal concern for the local population in effecting some act and/or adopting measures similar to those in the area of the occupying power, it is sufficient to show that a reasonable exercise has been made of the powers available, granted by Article 43, to introduce a value added tax.

  (3) The imposition of value added tax in Israel demanded the imposition of a parallel tax in the occupied territories, in order to make possible continuation of the situation hidden in the positive economic and most important facets of the territories and their population in the existing circumstances [p. 204].

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
Full text of the opinion: 

 

H.C. 69/81

           

BASSIL ABU AITA ET AL.

v.

THE REGIONAL COMMANDER OF JUDEA AND SAMARIA

AND STAFF OFFICER IN CHARGE OF MATTERS

OF CUSTOMS AND EXCISE

 

H.C. 493/81

 

OMAR ABDU KADAR KANZIL ET AL.

 v.

OFFICER IN CHARGE OF CUSTOMS, GAZA STRIP REGION AND

THE REGIONAL COMMANDER OF THE GAZA STRIP

 

 

In the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

[April 5, 1983]

Before: Shamgar P., Bejsky J. and Shilo J.

 

 

International Law - Administered Territories - Rights and Duties of Occupying Power - Registration and Taxation - Articles 43 and 49 of the Hague Regulations, 1907.

 

            The Petitioners carried on various businesses in their respective regions. They challenged the validity of enactments imposing excise duty on local manufacturers in Judea and Samaria and on goods and services in the Gaza Strip. along with maintaining accounting procedures. These had been levied following the introduction of Value Added Tax in Israel.

            Their main submissions were (a) since the Regions where the Petitioners live and work were occupied territory. Article 43 of the Hague Regulations required the Regional Commander to respect existing law unless the circumstances rendered it absolutely impossible. Such circumstances did not obtain in the Regions; (b) under the said Article, all enactments not designed to promote public order and safety were forbidden, whatever the purposes thereof; (c) Article 48 permits the Military Government only to adapt the collection of taxes to existing law and therefore does not give it power to enact new legislation even if it is for the benefit of the Region and its local population.

           

The High Court of Justice ruled:

A.    (1)    The basic norm on which the structure of the Israeli government in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip is built, is the norm of military government.

(2)    The authority of such government is temporary and it shall continue in power as long as it is effective.

(3)    On assuming authority and as long as it continues, the military government occupies the place of the central government and its local authorities that ruled in the region, and concentrates in its hands every power, right and duty of such central government under the existing law in the Region, subject to such changes as the establishment of the military itself involves and the restrictions imposed by the laws of war.

(4)    The authority of the military government is not limited to implementing the local law. It may translate its powers and directives in terms of security enactments subject, however, to the rules of the laws of war.

 

B.    (1)    The High Court of Justice may review the validity of acts of the military government according to the principles of Israeli administrative law so as to determine [p. 201] whether these acts are lawful under the norms which bind Israeli public servants, wherever effected.

(2)    Regarding security legislation: any deviation by the military government from the guide-lines set by the IDF commander in the area, or dependence on invalid criteria can be ground for intervention of the High Court even though no reference is made to an act contrary to the laws of war, but to an act that is contrary to the local law in force when IDF control was established, or to legislation enacted by the IDF commander in the area.

 

C.    (1)    The acts of the occupying power derive their force and validity from customary international law which is embodied in international conventions and partly remains in the form of common law as reflected in the judgments of international or national judicial tribunals, in the practice of nations and in legal literature.

(2)    The latter is not merely interpretative of the international conventions which codify customary rules, it may also serve as an independent source evidencing general practice accepted as law.

(3)    When the High Court examines the question of the law as to whether there has been an act of omission or commission conflicting with public international law, it must differentiate between customary and conventional international law, and make a distinction between the two.

(4)    Customary international law is automatically incorporated into Israeli law, and becomes part of it except when it is in direct conflict with enacted Israeli law, in which case, Israeli law takes precedence.

(5)    Conventional international law does not become part of Israeli law through automatic incorporation, but only if it is adopted or combined with Israeli law by enactment of primary or subsidiary legislation from which it derives its force.

(6)    The legal principles embraced by the Supreme Court on subjects arising in the occupied territories are those of customary international law which gives force also to the local courts in the occupied territories according to Article 43 of the Hague Regulations, adopted in the security legislation.

 

D.    (1)    In order to determine its substance and limitations, the term customary international law should be understood in accordance with its description in Article 38(1) of the Statute of the International Court of Justice and as such will be applied by the High Court of Justice along with local law which, for practical purposes, excepting the temporary or exceptional cases, is accepted by a significant majority of those operating within the juridical framework mentioned above.

(2)    The burden of proving customary international law as characterized in Article 38 falls upon the party pleading it, a custom which should be acceptable to a decisive majority of the states. [p. 202].

(3)    In the absence of conventional or customary regulation of a matter, a state may freely act according to its understanding and its principles, and in so doing it executes existing international law, because the absence of an accepted custom is part of international law.

 

E.     (1)    The Addendum to the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1907 (Hague Regulations) expresses customary international law in the framework of the laws of war.

(2)    The convention contains no express prohibition on the imposition of taxes by an occupying power. The ramifications arising from Article 48 of the Addendum to the Convention should not be examined according to the narrow limits resulting from the wording of the article - which does not enable reaching definite conclusions regarding the permissible limits of taxation. But the subject should be examined in light of the quality of the military regime and its obligations, and in light of the responsibilities towards the areas which it controls.

(3)    Article 49 opens the door to the imposition of additional payment on the populace: there are no restrictions on the frequency of the levy; no restrictions on the reasons for its imposition, the manner of its collection, its scope, the individual rates that shall be determined, or resulting associated features; but there is a restriction regarding the purpose of the levy, and other restrictions lacking real significance according to Article 51.

(4)    Articles 48 and 49 of the Hague Regulations have the sole purpose of limiting the scope of responses in the event that either of two situations arises: One, the collection of taxes by the military regime that are intended for the needs of the State, and two, the imposition of forced levies. Should either of these two actions take place, the military regime will be restricted in regards to methods of implementation and disposition of income, as detailed in the Hague Regulations.

(5)    Regarding the implementation of the payment to be made: The amount of the debt shall be determined according to the normal rules of assessment (how much to be collected) (from whom to collect). The debit is not rigidly fixed, but is flexible to no small degree and can be fixed according to existing conditions. In this matter there is no logic in applying the same criterion to a recently established military government and to a military government that has been in charge of an area with all its attendant civilian problems for more than ten years.

(6)    A forced levy by the military is clearly a means of compulsion expressed by a forced collection of cash meant to flow directly to army coffers, with no relationship or resemblance to taxes for civilian purposes.

 

F.     (1)    The military regime does not have the right to impose taxes on the inhabitants of the occupied territories and divert those taxes to the treasury of the state in whose name it acts.

(2)    The doctrine of investing only the ruler with the privilege of imposing ordinary taxes and not automatically, the military does not require a limitation on the power of imposing taxes, if such imposition is for the good of the public.

(3)    If the military government is permitted to impose military taxes, then automatically it may adopt more moderate measures.

(4)    There is no basis to the argument that a general rule of customary international law has developed, forbidding totally and absolutely and for any reason whatsoever, all military legislative enactments imposing new taxes. On the other hand, there is no reason to conclude that the matter of new taxes is left to the sole discretion of the military regime. [p. 203].

 

G.    (1)    In light of the absence of a decisive provision in Article 48, and since it is possible to learn from the provisions of the regulations of the lacuna created as a result of the formulation of Articles 48, 49, it is to be expected that every examination of tax matters take into account the ramifications arising from the more pronounced general rules of Article 43 that deal with the obligation to maintain order in public life, and the obligation to honour existing law, unless it is absolutely impossible to do so.

(2)    In the matter of ensuring an orderly public life, we are not of necessity referring to a one-time action, but rather to an ongoing obligation which is not to be maintained automatically but rather in keeping with changing circumstances from time to time if the situation calls for it. The reasons mentioned are not necessarily those of security, but rather economic and social. The obligation to return to the prior situation cannot obscure the added obligation to ensure the continued order in public life.

(3)    The motivation for maintaining the law as it was is decisive, if the general conditions and circumstances demand the intrusion for a legitimate purpose, according to Article 43.

(4)    Acts arising out of the need to maintain some balance between the economy of the territory and that of the occupying power are legitimate, even if they involve changes in the existing law.

(5)    In this regard the duration of the military government is an extremely important element, in weighing the needs of the military, in weighing the needs of the territory, and in maintaining the balance between them.

 

H.    (1)    The Hague Regulations make no distinction between direct and indirect taxation.

(2)    Indirect taxes frequently serve to regulate and balance the economy and therefore greater freedom of action is demanded in their imposition under various and changing conditions.

 

I.      (1)    The benefit of the local population is not the sole criterion. There must be a balance with military requirements.

(2)    The criterion - to determine whether the military government has shown equal concern for the local population in effecting some act and/or adopting measures similar to those in the area of the occupying power, it is sufficient to show that a reasonable exercise has been made of the powers available, granted by Article 43, to introduce a value added tax.

(3)    The imposition of value added tax in Israel demanded the imposition of a parallel tax in the occupied territories, in order to make possible continuation of the situation hidden in the positive economic and most important facets of the territories and their population in the existing circumstances [p. 204].

 

 

Israeli cases referred to:

 

[1]       H. C. 390/79 – Dvikat et al. v. Government of Israel et al. (1980) 34 P.D. (1) 1.

[2]       H. C. 606/78 - Ayub et al. v. Minister of Defence et al. (1979) 33 P.D. (2) 113.

[3]       H. C. 61/80 – Haetsni v. State of Israel et al. (1980) 34 P.D. (3) 595.

[4]   H. C. 97/79 - Abu Awad v. Regional Commander of Judea and Samaria (1979) 33 P.D. (3) 309.

[5]   H. C. 802/79 - Samara et al. v. Regional Commander of Judea and Samaria (1980) 34 P.D. (4) 1.

[6]       H. C. 428/78 - Dahoud et al. v. Minister of Defence et al. (1978) 32 P.D. (3) 477.

[7]   H. C. 369/79 - Tabgar v. Regional Commander of Judea and Samaria et al. (1980) 34 P.D. (1) 145.

[8]       H. C. 337/71 - Almakdassa v. Minister of Defence et al. (1972) 26 P.D. (1) 574.

[9]       H. C. 302/72 - Hilo et al. v. State of Israel et al. (1973) 27 P.D. 169.

[10]     Cr. A. 336/61 - Eichmann v. A/G (1962) 16 P.D. 2033.

[11]     H. C. 698/80 - Kawasma et al. v. Minister of Defence et al. (1981) 35 P.D. (1) 617.

[12]     C.A. 25/55 - Custodian of Absentee Property v. Samara et al. (1956) 10 P.D. 1824.

[13]     H. C.146/76 - unpublished.

[14] H. C. 351/80 - Regional Electric Corp., Jerusalem v. Minister of Energy et al. (1981) 35 P.D. (2) 673.

[15]     H. C. /Bialer v. Minister of Finance et al. (1953) 7 P.D. 424.

[16]     H. C. 202/81 - Tabib et al. v. Minister of Defence et al. (1982) 36 P.D. (2) 622 .

[17] H. C. 256/72 - Regional Electric Corp., Jerusalem v. Minister of Defence et al. (1973) 27 P.D. (1) 124.

 

 

English cases referred to:

 

[18]     Chung Chi Cheung v. The King (1939) A.C. 160.

[19] Compania Naviera Vascongado v. S.S. "Cristina" et al. (1938) A.C. 485.

[20] A/G for Canada v. A/G for Ontario et al. (1937) A.C. 326.

[21] West Rand General Gold Mining Co. Ltd. v. The King (1905) 2K.B. 391.

[22] Grahame v. D.P.P. (1947) Cr. App. R 168.

 

Italian case referred to:

 

[23]     Ligabue v. Finanze (1952) 19 I. L.R. 616.

 

American cases referred to:

 

[24]     St. Louis v. The Ferry Co. (1870) Wallace 423.

[25]     The Paquete Habana (1900) 175 U. S. 677.

 

International cases referred to:

 

[26]     The Asylum Case (1950) I.C.J.R. 266.

[27]     Ville d'Anvers v. Germany (1925) 5 M.A.T. 712.

 

A. Ronen for the Petitioners in H.C. 69/81.

B. Gross for the Petitioners in H.C. 493/81.

D. Benish, Deputy State Attorney, for the Respondents.

 

JUDGMENT

 

ACTING PRESIDENT M. SHAMGAR.

 

1. The subject matter of the present petitions, heard together by the agreement of the parties, is the legal validity of the following two enactments:

            (a) Petition 69/81 deals with legislation regarding excise duty on local manufacturers in Judea and Samaria contained in Order No. 658 of June 2, 1976. (The Law of Excise Duty on Local Manufactures (Amendment No. 2) (Judea and Samaria) (No. 658), 1976) which came into force on July 1, 1976 as provided in sec. 6 thereof, and imposed Additional Excise tax in the said Region.

            (b) Petition 493/81 deals with legislation regarding Excise Duty on goods and services which was imposed in the Gaza Strip Region by Order No. 535 of May 10, 1976 (Excise Duty on Goods and Services (Gaza Strip) Order No. 535 1976) which came into force on June 1, 1976; and the Regulations relating to Excise Duty on Goods and Services and relating to the Keeping of Books and Accounts which were enacted under and by virtue of the said Order. [p. 206]

            As can be seen from the above, the two petitions deal with identical issues, namely the legality of the introduction in the Administered Territories of a tax similar to the Value Added Tax in force in Israel. Since there is no argument that a new type of tax rather than merely an alteration of the rates and methods of collection of an existing tax is involved, the formal differences between the respective Security Enactments in the said two Regions bears no factual or legal significance. The dispute is not about the form of legislation but about the basic question of the imposition of a new tax. This is also the reason for joining the two Petitions.

           

2. The Petitioners in Petition No. 69/81 own businesses in Bethlehem and Beit Sahur respectively, selling souvenirs and gifts. The tax was introduced, as I have said, in 1976 by Order No. 658 amending the Jordanian Excise Duty (or Fees) on Local Manufactures Law No. 16 of 1963. The implementing Regulations including those relating to keeping of books and accounts (Excise Duty on Local Manufactures (Judea and Samaria) (Order No. 31 (75)) 1976) came into force on August 1, 1976 in accordance with Regulation 98 thereof and the Excise Duty on Local Manufactures (Keeping of Accounts Regulations (Judea and Samaria) 1976, which came into force on the day of their publication). The Petitioners contend that the text of the Regulations is substantially identical to the parallel provisions regarding the operation of the Value Added Tax in Israel, 1975. One of the arguments was that until petition was made to this Court, the Regulations had not yet been duly published in the Official Gazette of the Military Government, i. e., in the Collection of Proclamations, Orders and Notices of the Regional Command of Judea and Samaria, but this argument was abandoned during the hearing.

 

            According to the Petitioners in Petition No. 69/81, the liability to tax from 1976 until the summer of 1980 was based on assessment alone as set out in the Petition:

           

"10a. From the summer of 1976 until the summer of 1980, representatives of the second Respondent used to send demands to the Petitioners every two months for payment of Additional Excise duty. These demands were based on assessment and the amounts were not final, but negotiable and subject to modification. In fact, they were modified on most occasions after negotiation with representatives of the second Respondent. The bi-monthly form according to which the Additional Excise duty was paid is similar to the form used in Israel at the same time.

            "b. The Regulations relating to keeping books of account and collection of the Additional Excise duty between 1976 and 1980 were a dead letter and were not applied to the Petitioners and others like them. The mode and character of payment during these years were as set out in para. 10a above.

            "c. The amount of Additional Excise duty paid by most of the Petitioners was similar but not identical. At the beginning it was a bi-monthly payment of a few hundred pounds by each Petitioner. [p. 207] In time, the amount grew until in the summer of 1980 it reached a figure of several thousand pounds for the most highly taxed among the Petitioners.

            "d. The Additional Excise duty, based on assessment and, as pointed out, negotiable and subject to modification - initially amounting to payment of a few hundred pounds and later to a few thousand pounds - which did not compel the Petitioners to keep accounts and records and the like was a tolerable nuisance, and the Petitioners saw no need to challenge its legality. Because of its relatively light character, they chose not to upset their good relations with the Respondents or to enter into a confrontation situation with them, especially since it was clear that this situation would continue for the foreseeable future."

           

            As mentioned above, the authorities in the middle of 1980 demanded that books be kept. As a result of this demand, commercial elements, together with the Mayor of Bethlehem, asked the Respondents not to impose this obligation on the merchants, claiming that they were not capable of carrying the burden, or alternatively, that implementation be postponed for a long period or until conditions in the Region were ripe to that end. Learned Counsel for the Petitioners, Mr. Abraham Renen, applied inter alia to the Legal Advisors of the Regional Command and requested the Respondents to abandon their demands regarding the keeping of books. He pointed out, inter alia, that all payments made by his clients since 1976 had been made through lack of choice, under protest, and should not be regarded as an admission of the legality of the obligation. The Respondents replied orally and in writing that they could not accede to the request. Since the Petitioners assumed, as they claimed, that in view of various contacts amongst themselves and others with the authorities, an arrangement could be reached over the dispute about the tax, their lawyer wrote a further letter and held other meetings with officers of the Administration. Finally, however, at the beginning of 1981, a negative reply was received, and the lawyer, under the circumstances, took it to be the last word. Hence the petition to this Court.

 

            The main submissions of learned counsel for the Petitioners were as follows: The Region where the Petitioners live and work is occupied territory and according to the rules of international law - or more precisely, in his view, according to Article 43 of The Hague Regulations of 1907, regarding the Laws and Customs of War on Land - the Military Commander must respect the existing law unless it is absolutely impossible to do so. In the present circumstances that is not the case. Furthermore, the Military Commander of the Region lacks the authority to impose a new tax on the residents of the area. In addition, the implementing Regulations include penal provisions which, he submits, are contrary to Article 64 of the Geneva Convention relating to the protection of Civilian Persons in Wartime, 1949, since none of the purposes enumerated in Article 64 exist for permitting the enactment of new criminal provisions.

           

            The new Excise duty is in the nature of a change in the Jordanian Excise Law because the Orders [p. 208] impose Excise Duty also on the rendering of services and on sales in shops, which were not included in the original Jordanian law.

           

            According to the Petitioners, purposes of the law are extraneous and invalid:

           

9. The motive of the first Respondent in amending the said Law and of the second Respondent in promulgating the Regulations is invalid. The first Respondent acted to promote his interest as Military Commander of Occupied Territory and to promote the interests of the State of Israel by which he is empowered to govern the Territory, in disregard of the needs of the local population. This is true in two respects: firstly, the gap in the standard between the population of the Region including the Petitioners and that of Israel, and the inability of the former to comply with the sophisticated requirements of the Value Added Tax in force in Israel; secondly, the said amendment was not intended for the benefit of the residents of the Region including the Petitioners. but the opposite.

           

10. The fact that the Additional Excise Duty provisions were not enforced for four years and remained a dead letter. together with the sudden decision to enforce them in the summer of 1980 at the height of debates on the future of the regional rule and its national identity, show that the Respondents acted and still act in this matter with the aim of promoting the political aims of the State of Israel in the Region and of bringing about the complete economic fusion of Israel and the Region by creating facts on the ground and implementing them. In doing so the Respondents exceeded their authority and acted on the basis of extraneous considerations and not in good faith.

           

11. The submission by the Respondents' spokesman that the imposition of the Added Excise Duty in the Region is necessary because of the close economic links between it and Israel and the assumption that not to impose it might merely harm the Region's economy is without substance and an attempt to pull the wool over the eyes of the persons involved. The harm incurred by the imposition of the Additional Excise Duty is greater than its benefit.

 

12. It is difficult to avoid the impression that the imposition of the Added Excise Duty in the Region and, much more, the present requirements that the payments be based on the keeping of books were additionally, if not mainly, intended to improve the efficiency of the collection of Value Added Tax in Israel, to close loopholes, and so forth. And if that is so, it is prohibited under the Hague and the Geneva Conventions.

 

            In view of the foregoing, the Petitioners claim that the Order No. 658 was ultra vires, and the Petitioners cannot be compelled to comply with its provisions.

           

3. Petition 493/81 was brought by four Gaza residents who were requested to pay Additional Excise Duty under Order No. 535 as above. The first of these Petitioners, who owns a car-repair garage, [p. 209] received a notice from the first Respondent on July 16, 1981, to pay duty as assessed, no tax return having been made by him. The second Petitioner is a scrap dealer and received a like notice on June 29, 1981. The third Petitioner, a dentist, received a notice to pay the tax on May 20, 1981; and the fourth Petitioner, who owns a grocery store, received a notice on June 29, 1981. The four Petitioners claim that the above Order and the Regulations made thereunder are void and without legal force because they are contrary to the rules of international law. Consequently, the demands for payment are equally void and without force. The Petitioners raised these contentions before the first Respondent, but the latter was unwilling to concede the argument even after their lawyer wrote to the Respondents to this effect.

 

            The point of departure of the Petitioners' application to this Court is that the rules of international law in general, and the 1907 Hague Convention and the Regulations appended thereto in particular, apply to the Administered Territory in which the Petitioners reside and bind the Military Commanders of the area. According to Article 43 of the Hague Regulations, all legislation, including new legislation, which is not designed for the public benefit is forbidden and has no legal foundation, whatever its purpose. As mentioned above, residents of the Gaza Strip are involved and the tax law that was in force during the British Mandate is the one that is applicable. When the Israel Defence Forces entered the Region on June 6, 1967, and took over its Administration, no Value Added Tax or Additional Excise Duty or any similar tax applicable to goods and services existed.

           

            The Petitioners argue that Article 48 of the Hague Regulations applies, and accordingly all that the Military Government may do is to adjust tax collection to existing legislation. It lacks authority to introduce new tax legislation even if for the benefit of the Region and its residents.

 

            In this connection, the Petitioners add that the new tax is indeed called Additional Excise Duty, evidently to associate it with the Excise duty that existed in the Gaza Strip during the Mandatory period. But the name given to the tax is irrelevant since the criterion is its nature, and in that respect, a new tax is involved. Although Excise duty on goods has existed in the Gaza Strip since October 15, 1967 by virtue of the Excise Duty on Goods (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) Order (No. 110) 1967, the legality of the Order and its implications are not an issue in this petition.

           

            The Petitioners also dispute the Respondents' anticipated plea that the tax will serve the residents of the Region and contend that its abolition will not harm the economy of the Region. In this connection they attach an opinion by Mr. Haviv Jirada, a Certified Public Accountant residing in the Gaza Strip, according to which there is no economic or social justification for introducing the tax in the Gaza Strip. [p. 210]

           

            In support of their submissions, the Petitioners presented to this Court an opinion by Professor Gerhard von Glahn, who is an authority on international law in general and more specifically on the Laws of War, and they ask this Court to adopt the views expressed in this opinion, according to which the enactment of Order 535 and the imposition of the tax is inconsistent with the Hague Convention and also prohibited thereunder.

           

4. (a) The affidavit in reply to Petition 69/81 was made by Colonel Ya'acov Katz, Deputy Commander of Judea and Samaria.

 

            The Respondents' first argument was laches; the tax was introduced in 1976, but the Petitioners did not see fit to challenge its legality for a period of four years. Hence, the Petitioners were perturbed not so much by the obligation to pay as by its vigorous enforcement and the insistence on compliance with the Regulations (including keeping records and making returns). This argument was based on the fact that the tax had been imposed a long time before and was actually being paid. The number of registered businesses in the Region on the date of the affidavit in reply was 14,500. Nearly all those in the category of the Petitioners in Petition 69/81 are claimed to be registered in accordance with the Order since 1976-1977. Incidentally, another like petition was presented (Petition 772/80); its argument was joined with Petition 69/81. There the Petitioners were marble carvers. But they withdrew their petition during the present proceedings.

            In 1980 the residents of the Region paid tax in the sum of 50,500,000 sheqels, but some 11.500.000 sheqels were repaid. All the tax revenue, that of Additional Excise Duty included, are earmarked to cover the necessary expenses of the services for the needs of the population of the Regions; and the Area Command, i.e., the State of Israel, channels further funds out of its own budget to provide for the needs of the Territories in excess of the taxes locally collected.

 

            Secondly, the Respondents contend that if the Petitioners' plea of illegality of the Order is rejected, their alternative prayer against the duty to keep books and accounts as required by the Regulations should also not be granted.

           

            (b) Regarding the legality of the Order it is claimed that the provision of the Hague Convention must be applied in the Region by adaptation to the conditions created there as a consequence of prolonged occupation, the establishment of close economic ties between the Region and Israel and with maximum consideration for the needs of the Region. In this regard the Respondents state:

           

The Additional Excise Duty was introduced in the Region when the Value Added Tax was imposed in Israel. Prior to the imposition of the tax in Israel, the authorities debated the question of whether, [p. 211] having regard for the very close economic links which had developed between the Territories and especially between the Region and Israel, there was occasion to introduce in the Region and in the other areas (hereinafter referred to as "the Regions") administered by the Israel Defence Forces a tax system similar to the Israeli one. To clarify the question, teams including economists and lawyers made economic surveys and reached the conclusion that for reasons related to the economy of the Regions, and to prevent serious harm to that economy, the tax was to be imposed with certain modifications and adaptations entailed by the difference between the economy of the Region and that of Israel. Accordingly, it was also recommended that, as was done in Israel, various purchase taxes imposed in the Region on various goods manufactured there could be reduced and abolished. To retain different taxation on similar goods manufactured in Israel and in the Regions might cause a significant widening of the gap between the price of those goods in Israel and in the Regions and necessitate a restriction in the flow of goods between the two. It might also necessitate the imposition of custom duties on the movement of merchandise.

            The practical effect of restricting the flow of goods and imposing customs duties would be a severe blow chiefly to the economy of the Regions, which was greatly dependent on the Israeli economy. In that respect, it must be borne in mind that most of the products of the Region are marketed in Israel inasmuch as Israel is the main market for the surplus goods manufactured or sold in the Region that are not required by the local population and not exported over the Jordan bridges.

 

The tax, in principle, was not introduced to increase the revenue of the Military Government but to allay the fear that economic relations between Israel and the Region might deteriorate; thereby, first and foremost, harming the Region and its residents. In this respect, the Respondents declared:

 

            "Having regard for the nature of the tax, the authorities who examined the matter took into account the fact that its non-imposition in the Region might entail further consequences:

            "(a) Exporters from the Region would not be entitled to the reimbursement of tax on merchandise purchased in Israel, which is made to Israeli exporters.

            "(b) Merchants and manufacturers in the Region who purchase merchandise and services in Israel would pay the full amount of the Value Added Tax in Israel but would be unable to deduct that amount when and if they sold their merchandise in the Region.

            "(c) The imposition of the Value Added Tax in Israel was part of a general reform of the indirect taxation in Israel which also included the reduction and the cancellation of several indirect taxes, especially the purchase tax. Not to operate a similar system in the Territories would lead to a situation in which the burden of indirect taxation [p. 212] would weigh more heavily in the Region than in Israel; for in Israel the aggregate amount of the tax included that which was reimbursable, whereas in the Region the purchase tax would be imposed on manufacturers and those providing services without the possibility of obtaining any reimbursement of the assessed tax on their purchases.

            "(d) A situation in which a purchaser of goods for manufacturing purposes in the Region pays purchase tax and is unable to obtain any reimbursement might with time even reduce the need of potential Israeli purchasers for goods and services for purchases of trade in the Region. From the point of view of the interests of the Region, these are only some of the practical repercussions of the failure to impose the Value Added Tax having regard to the economic realities which have been created between the Region and Israel."

           

            The Respondents deny that their sole purpose was to close the loopholes in the administration of the Value Added Tax in Israel. To avoid that, alternative arrangements could have been found, such as those prevailing between countries with separate economies. That, however, would have also harmed the economy of the Region as well as the welfare of its residents.

           

            Hence it is argued that even according to the rules of customary international law, the action of the Military Commander was legal and consistent with those rules. In that respect the Respondents took into consideration the following observations of E. H. Feilchenfeld, The International Economic Law of Belligerent Occupation Carnegie Endowment (New York 1971) 49 (hereinafter referred to as: Feilchenfeld), which state:

           

"If the occupant collects the taxes of the occupied State, such collection is to be 'as far as possible in accordance with the rules of assessment and incidence in force.' This provision applies to tax procedure and distribution of tax burdens. It is not a 'must' provision...

            "The provision would not seem to exclude, as has been asserted, taxation increases, particularly such changes as have been made desirable through war conditions or, in the case of extended occupation, general changes in economic conditions."

 

            The proceeds of the tax are earmarked for the local population, its needs and its welfare, as we have said. To ignore the new economic conditions would, according to Feilchenfeld, harm the administered territory and be in breach of the duties of the Occupying Power, under Article 43 of the Hague Regulations. The Respondents submit that according to Article 48 of the above:

           

"The provisions of the Hague Convention regarding taxes were based on economic conceptions [p. 213] prevailing at the end of the nineteenth century. According to these conceptions the provisions of the Convention relate to taxes with the covering of government expenditures in mind and solely from this aspect are questions of the budgetary deficit and surplus viewed. According to the views prevailing at the time, the Hague Convention did not relate to the imposition of taxes as an economic act intended to affect the economy, as is usual at the present time. For this reason, as a matter of fact, the principle embodied in Article 48 is also not applicable to indirect taxation. It can therefore be said that the Convention does not have in mind the specific problem of indirect taxes.

            "(b) Article 48, on the imposition of taxes, applied the principle set out in Article 43 to the maintenance of local law in conquered territory. Yet it was not formulated in absolute terms of not altering the law but only 'as far as possible.'

            "(c) When there is a clash between the rule that the local law must be kept intact and the duty to act on considerations of the maintenance and the promotion of the well-being of the inhabitants - the latter duty prevails."

           

            (c) As for the Regulations, the Respondents do not accept the argument that the Petitioners cannot carry them out in practice. The Petitioners own extensive and established businesses with large turnovers. Some of them engage in manufacturing and not only in retail trade. There are more than enough bookkeepers and accountants in the Region and in neighbouring Jerusalem; moreover the bookkeeping does not need special professionals since the relevant directives are not complicated. In view of the extensive trading of the Petitioners, their connections with Israeli businessmen and with import and export trade, there are no grounds for their claims that they are incapable of keeping the required records.

           

            (d) In answer to the plea that the Regulations were not duly published, the Respondents drew attention to the relevant provision regarding the mode of publication of Security Enactments as expressed in para. 6 of the Proclamation concerning Law and Administration (Judea and Samaria) (Proclamation No. 2) of June 7, 1967, in the Collection of Proclamations (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 111) of 1967 and in the Interpretation (Additional Provisions) (No. 2) (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 161) 1967. In addition to being published in accordance with the Security Enactments, the Orders were distributed to the Regional Chambers of Commerce and brought to the knowledge of various bodies to which they might be applicable. They were also published in the local Arabic newspapers and in special explanatory booklets. The fact that the law was not fully enforced in the past stemmed from the Respondents' desire to regulate the matter; they therefore acted in stages. This fact cannot be exploited by the Petitioners to exempt them from the obligation to pay the tax.

 

            (e) The Respondents' answer to Petition 493/81 was set forth in an affidavit submitted [p. 214] by Margalit Sagiv, Treasury Staff Officer in the Gaza Region. As to the argument of laches against the Petitioners, the Respondents went on to submit that the Petitioners should have applied to the High Court of Justice when they commenced business, at the latest, if they did so after the relevant Order and the Regulations came into force. The Regulations imposed a duty on all merchants in the Region to register and file returns, and these obligations applied to the Petitioners in the course of doing business from the time they commenced operations, irrespective of the liability to pay the tax. If the Petitioners had wished to question the legality of the Order, they should have done so at the first opportunity, i.e., if they were already in business when the legislation came into force, immediately on its application, and if they subsequently went into business, then as soon as they did so. The trouble is that they only petitioned this Court when measures of enforcement were taken against them; and their endeavours to avoid payment of the tax and compliance with the other obligations under the Order and the Regulations, therefore, cannot succeed. Furthermore, the Petitioners had the requisite standing for challenging the validity of the Order even before they went into business. As is pointed out in the reply of Respondents in this regard:

           

"The Respondents submit that because of the special character of the tax which is the subject of the Petition, its legality could have been attacked even without reference to the Petitioners being merchants in the sense of the Excise Duty Order. The Additional Excise Duty tax is one which a merchant may lawfully demand from a purchaser and is in practice paid by the purchaser, or the recipient of services (Excise on Goods and Services (Gaza Strip) Regulations (No. 5)). For this reason it can be said that upon the tax being imposed in the Gaza Region, every resident who became liable to pay the tax as a purchaser was entitled to question its legality."

 

Moreover, if the Petitioners claim that the fiscal legislation should have remained in its 1967 form, their delay is even more significant since the Excise on Goods (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) Order (No. 110) 1967 was published as early as October 1967 and was amended in 1971. That is, the Order of 1976, the subject of this Petition, replaced the arrangements regarding indirect taxation introduced by Order No. 110 and Order (No. 412) of 1971, Excise on Goods (Gaza Strip and North Sinai).

 

            (f) The Respondents in H. C. 493/81 completed their arguments by answering the argument of delay, pointing out that regarding commencement of business by the Petitioners:

           

"The first petitioner, Omar Abdu Kadr Kendil, started a car-repair business on April 1, 1980. The second Petitioner, Fadal Abed El Halak Algrosha, a dealer in second hand merchandise, began business on April 1, 1981. The third Petitioner, Amad Hana Brabada, a dental practitioner, started to receive patients in his private clinic in January 1981. The fourth Petitioner, Metil Ismail Abdu, has run a small store for the sale of dairy products, soft drinks [p. 215] and cigarettes since the beginning of 1980. Accordingly, as far as the Petitioners are concerned, the Excise Order and the regulations made by virtue thereof apply only from the time they began their businesses."

 

            The Petitioners argue that they had no standing in this Court before they were obliged to pay tax, unless they already came within the definition of merchants. For an interest to arise which would give standing in matters of taxation, some material financial interest must have crystallized for one who wishes to appeal to the court and complain that he is injured by the provisions of the law. The Petitioners contend that their cause of action arose only when they received assessment notices. In the wake of these notices their lawyers approached the Respondents and shortly thereafter presented the petition. The Petitioners argued that had they petitioned the Court as soon as they had started business it could be assumed that this Court would have ruled that they were premature. The argument is that there is no foundation in the Respondents' submissions that the Petitioners had in the past collected from their customers sums which constituted the tax. This is a fact to be proved by the Respondents, and they failed to do so. Moreover:

           

"The task of the High Court of Justice is to review the legality of the actions of the Government and Administration, and of the actions of the Respondents since they form a part of the general Governmental system. As such, can it be assumed that this Honourable Court will condone persistent illegality for the sole reason that it has persisted? Moreover, the thesis herein propounded for consideration before this Honourable Court is that the whole doctrine of laches is totally inapplicable when a petition is directed against the validity of a law, which from the viewpoint of the Petitioners, as this Court has held not once, is primary legislation. This is true especially in this petition, where the Petitioners challenge the very legality of the Law. The Respondents' affidavit itself regarding the considerable sums received for Excise Duty indicates the need to abolish the tax if this Honourable Court indeed finds that its very basis is illegal according to international law."

 

            They also argue that the plea that they kept silent when Order 110 was enacted in October 1967 has no foundation, since that Order did not deviate from the rules of international law.

           

5. This Petition calls for an enquiry of many stages, embracing both the basic facts about the nature of the legislation in force before the introduction of the Additional Excise, as well as of the new tax, in order to establish whether it contributes to changes in the existing situation, and the nature of these changes.

 

            On the basis of these two fundamental levels - which involve findings of fact - we shall examine the legal significance [p. 216] of the legislation. In other words, if what is concerned is the variation of an existing tax or the introduction of a new tax system, we shall examine the rules applied by this Court for testing the legality and validity of the legislation enacted by the Military Government in the territories administered by Israel. Having regard for the character of the mode of decision-making of this Court in similar cases, we agree that we must bear in mind the Laws of War which are part of public international law.

 

            The subject has two main aspects: first, the provisions regarding the modification of taxation or the introduction of new taxation; second, the guiding rules regarding the amendment of existing law in general.

           

            In short, we shall proceed to examine the following:

           

(1)   the legal situation existing on the eve of the entry of the Israel Defence Forces into the Regions and the enactment of Order 658 or Order 535, respectively.

(2)            the rules applied by this Court in similar questions.

           

6. The first datum is the relevant legislation which was in force in Judea and Samaria on the eve of the entry of the Israel Defence Forces and, apart from that, the law that was in force before the introduction of the new Orders which constitute the subject matter of this Petition. We shall first address ourselves to the main legislation dealing with our problem.

 

            (a) Jordanian Law: According to the legal and administrative orders that prevailed in Judea and Samaria following their annexation by the Kingdom of Jordan by virtue of declarations and acts having legal consequences, commencing on April 1, 1949 and terminating on April 24, 1950, (the validity of which under the rules of international law is not our concern here), and according to the Jordanian Laws and Regulations Law introduced in both banks of the Jordan Hashemite Kingdom on September 16, 1950, the law which was in force in these territories, before the entry of the Israel Defence Forces and their assumption of control, namely the Temporary Dues on Local Manufacturers Law (No. 16) of 1963, applied in these Regions.

           

According to sec. 2 of the said Law, its provisions apply to all merchandise and material intended for consumption, use or any other purpose, in any product manufactured or made, wholly or partly, in the Jordan Hashemite Kingdom, from local or imported components, if no other tax is due on the merchandise or material under any other enactments. Local Manufacturers Dues will apply to such merchandise or material according to classification and with modifications as shall be introduced from time to time by Regulations made by the Council of Ministers with the King's approval. Sec. 4 of the Law provides that these classifications and rates are to be amended as the need arises. [p. 217]

 

            Incidentally, some of the Petitioners in Petition 69/81 admit that they are also engaged in manufacturing.

           

            In the field of excise and other indirect taxation, a Consolidation of Excise and Additional Taxes levied on Merchandise Imported, Exported or Produced Locally, Law (No. 25 of 1966) applied. As the name indicates, this Law consolidated Excise and Additional Taxes levied on goods which were imported, exported or produced locally. It provided for the conversion of the taxes and excise levied up to that time by a series of Laws into a uniform tax to be levied by the Customs, and for distribution among the bodies for the benefit of which it was collected, according to rules which should have been made by the Council of Ministers. The following are the laws that were replaced: Law No. 20 of 1949; sec. 8 of the Customs and Excise Law of 1962; sec. 49 of the Municipalities Law of 1955; sec. 3(c) of the Social Services Law of 1953; sec. 2(a) of the Sports Town Tax Law of 1963; sec. 2 of the Jordanian University Law of 1964; decisions of the Council of Ministers in accordance with sec. 5 of the National Guard Tax Law of 1954; Regulations 2 (1) to (4) of the Regulations made in 1950 under Law No. 11 of 1948. The Council of Ministers was empowered to alter the method of tax collection, to raise taxes within the limits set out in sec. 3 of the Law or to reduce them, and even to grant exemptions from payment.

           

            During the Jordanian period other relevant Laws were applicable: the Salt Law (No. 16 of 1950); the Production of Matches Law (No. 59 of 1951); the Stamp Duty Law 1952 (No. 27 of 1952); the Tobacco Law 1952 (No. 32 of 1952); the Intoxicating Beverages Law 1953 (No. 15 of 1953); the Excise on Petroleum Products Law 1960 (No. 63 of 1960); and the Customs and Excise Law 1962 (in one of the orders, Excise is called "Customs duties"). The only British Mandatory act that remained in force was the Banderolle Law of 1927 which had not been repealed or amended by any Jordanian Law.

           

            (b) Legislation of the Israeli Government: Three of the provisions of the Law and Administration (Judea and Samaria) Proclamation (No. 2) which came into force on June 7, 1967 and fixed the legal principles to guide the Israeli Military Government have relevance in the present context:

           

(1) The Law in existence in the Region on the eve of the entry of the Israel Defence Forces on June 7, 1967, was to remain in force in so far as it was not inconsistent with the said Proclamation or any Order made by the Regional Commander of the Israel Defence Forces, and with such modifications as result from the establishment of the Government of the Israel Defence Forces in the Region (sec. 2 of the proclamation).

   

(2) All powers of government, legislation or administration respecting the Region or its residents were vested in the Regional Commander of the Israel Defence Forces to be exercised by him or by a person appointed by him for that purpose or acting on his behalf (sec. 3(a) of the proclamation). [p. 218]

   

(3) Taxes, levies, fees and payments of any kind payable to central government institutions which had not been paid by June 6, 1967, were to be paid, as from the establishment of the Government of the Israel Defence Forces, to the said Commander of the Israel Defence Forces (sec. 5 of the proclamation).

           

            (c) Assumption of powers: According to the Appointments Under the Customs and Excise (Judea and Samaria) (Law No. 31) 1967 which came into force on June 27, 1967 (see also: the Appointments under the Customs and Excise (Judea and Samaria) (Amendment No. 1) Order (No. 75) 1967), the powers of the Jordanian Government and its agencies according to all the above Customs and Excise Laws, including Law No. 16 (as stated in sec. 1(1) of the Order) were vested in the Officer appointed in accordance with the above-mentioned Order. The appointment was to be made within the scope of the powers defined in sec. 3(a) of the above Proclamation, as set out above.

           

            (d) Customs: Under the Regional Customs Order (Judea and Samaria) (No. 96) 1967 dated August 15, 1967, the whole Region was declared as one Customs Region. Under the Customs Tariff (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 103) 1967 of August 27, 1967, by virtue of the Jordanian Law of Customs and Excise Law 1962, new rates of customs were imposed on all merchandise imported into the Region, including imports from the Jordanian Kingdom but excluding imports from Israel. Goods that were imported into the Region from Israel, on which customs had been paid, were to be exempted from payment of customs and excise under the other Customs and Excise Laws mentioned above. In the preamble to Order No. 103, the grounds of its enactment were set out as follows:

           

"...Steps must be taken to maintain orderly commerce in the Region and to help the residents of the Region market their goods by way of free trade so as to improve the economy generally and especially to establish a financial base for developing the economy of the Region;

            "...This is necessary for the purpose of maintaining supplies, essential services and orderly government in the Region."

           

Customs duties were imposed under sec. 3 of the Order as follows:

 

(a) Customs duties shall be levied on goods brought into the Region by any person.

(b)        (1) The customs duties shall be levied at a rate determined by regulations made by the Appointed Officer and shall be a fixed amount or a certain percentage of the value of the goods, or in any other way, as may be prescribed; however, the Appointed Officer may exempt certain persons or certain goods from customs duties;

            (2) Regulations made under paragraph (1) shall be kept for reference in the Regional Customs Offices, the Regional Customs Stations, Municipal Offices, Chambers of Commerce and/or any other place prescribed by the Appointed Officer. [p. 219]

(c) Goods imported into the Region from Israel shall be exempt from payment of customs unless one of the following applies:

            (1) the goods were imported into Israel subject to certain conditions;

            (2) the goods were exempt from payment of tax, customs or other compulsory payment, subject to certain conditions, when they were imported into Israel, manufactured in Israel or delivered in Israel.

            (3) ……

(d) Notwithstanding sub-section (c) the following shall be exempt from customs:

            (1) goods as provided in paragraphs (1) and (2), if the conditions of import or of exemption were fulfilled in the Region and as long as those conditions are fulfilled;

            (2) goods as provided in paragraph 3, if tax was paid in Israel on their acquisition or manufacture.

(e) ...(the emphasis is mine - M. S.).

 

The expression 'goods' - includes services.

 

            The Customs Authorities (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 309) of February 16, 1969 granted wide powers of implementation to the said Appointed Officer and to Customs and Excise officials.

           

            (e) Excise: The rates of excise on a long list of products were already fixed under the Order of July 6, 1967 and above-mentioned Dues on Local Manufactures Law of 1963. This Order was amended and extended from time to time .

           

            To the Excise on Locally Manufactured Merchandise (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 31(1)) 1967, amended by the Appointed Officer by virtue of the powers vested in him by the said mentioned Appointments under the Customs and Excise (Judea and Samaria) Laws (No. 31) and sec. 4 of the Jordanian Excise on Local Manufactures Law of 1963, new excise rates were fixed and merchandise subject to Excise was classified; the duty was calculated at a percentage of the wholesale price or as a fixed sum or a combination of both (sec. 2 of the Order). The payment of Excise was imposed on the manufacturer (as provided in sec. 2 of the 1966 law), and as stated in sec. 3 of Order No. 31(1), it

           

"shall be paid when the merchandise leaves the place of manufacture. However, the Appointed Officer may defer the time of payment or allow the payment to be made in instalments on such terms as he shall prescribe."

 

            The Order also deals with the marking of merchandise, setting out a list of products and other powers. The Order became effective on July 16, 1967. [p. 220]

           

            According to the Tobacco Law (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 32) 1967 which came into effect on June 27, 1967, the rates of excise on tobacco were changed and an additional consolidated excise was imposed in reliance on the said Jordanian Consolidation of the Excise and Additional Taxes Law, 1966. The rates of excise were similarly changed in reliance on the Excise on Intoxicating Beverages Law (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 38) 1967 of July 4, 1967.

 

            (f) Stamp Duty: Payments under the Stamp Duty Law were also changed from time to time (see Stamp Duty (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 599) 1975 of July 6, 1975). The National Guard Tax which was part of the Stamp Duty was cancelled even earlier and became an additional Stamp Duty (the Levy of Additional Stamp Duty (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 147) 1967, of October 18, 1967); this additional duty was parallel to the Jordanian National Guard Tax.

           

            (g) The Indirect Taxation (Overpayments and Underpayments of Tax) (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 350) 1969, of December 2, 1969 introduced provisions for the reimbursement of indirect tax (customs or excise under the Customs and Excise Law as provided in the above-mentioned Order No. 31) paid in excess, and for the obligation to pay unpaid indirect tax, or tax reimbursed in error. This Order granted the residents of the Region new rights similar to those obtaining in Israel under the Indirect Tax Law (Overpayments and Underpayments), 1968.

           

            The Marking of Merchandise (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 149) 1967, of October 22, 1967 granted the Appointed Officer powers to enact provisions for the marking of goods by those holding the same.

           

            (h) Levy on Stock: According to the Levy on Stock (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 370) 1970, of January 22, 1970, the officer appointed to administer the Customs and Excise Laws (Order No. 31 of 1967) was empowered

           

....by notice in writing, to impose a levy on stock held by a merchant for the purposes of his business (see. 2 of the Order).

 

            'Merchant' is defined as a person who engages in the sale of merchandise under sec. 3 of the Order as amended by the Levy on Stock (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 615) 1975, which came into force on September 10, 1975:

           

The Appointed Officer may prescribe by notice in accordance with sec. 2:

(1) merchandise that is subject to excise;

(2) rate of tax applied to said merchandise; [p. 221]

(3) the time for payment of the levy;

(4) the method of determining the stock of merchandise subject to the levy;

(5) the obligation to keep books for the purpose of determining the levy and its collection.

           

            As we have seen, the Security Enactments prescribed the payment of excise according to new classifications and rates, and since 1970 also enabled the introduction of a levy on stock, as dictated by the economic conditions prevailing at that time.

           

            (i) On April 4, 1976 the Amendment of the Excise on Local Manufactures Law (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 643) 1967 came into force, amending the 1963 Jordanian Excise on Local Manufactures Law and widening the circle of those paying excise by including the merchants and services specified therein. There is no need to go into the details of the provisions of this Order since soon after its enactment it was repealed by Order No. 658, which is the subject of this Petition.

 

            7. Order No. 658, which came into force on July 1, 1976, replaced sec. 2 of the Jordanian Excise on Local Merchandise Law of 1963, as follows:

           

"2. (a) Excise shall be levied on transactions at the rate fixed by regulations of the Appointed Officer.

            (b) The Appointed Officer may prescribe the rate of Excise as a percentage of the price of the goods or services, or as a fixed amount, or both.

            (c) In addition to the Excise imposed under sub-section (b), the Appointed Officer may, by regulation, prescribe additional Excise at a uniform rate of the price of the transaction.

            (d) In sectors where, in the opinion of the Appointed Officer, the price of a service cannot be ascertained, he may, by regulations, impose Excise as a percentage of the salary or wage paid by a dealer and of the profit he derived.

            (e) The following are liable for the payment of Excise:

         (1) on a sale the vendor;

         (2) on provision of services - the provider of the service.

            (f) For the purposes of this section:

            'Excise' means Ordinary Excise and Additional Excise. 'Ordinary Excise' means Excise levied in accordance with sub-section (b).

            'Additional Excise' means Excise levied in accordance with sub-section (c).

            'the Appointed Officer' means the officer appointed for the purpose of the Appointments Under the Customs and Excise Law (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 31) 1967." [p. 222]

           

            Accompanying this Order were various regulations regarding enforcement, prescribing details of the transactions on which Excise was to be levied, the rate of the tax, the keeping of books and so forth, the details of which are not relevant here. The Order and its regulations, as amended from time to time, compose two main departures from the Excise arrangement hitherto prevailing:

           

            (a) Excise was not applied only to production or manufacture;

            (b) a new system of tax collection was introduced, similar to that for collecting Value Added Tax in Israel.

           

            The imposition of an indirect tax on merchandise itself was not an innovation since, as we have already seen, Jordanian Law had in substance introduced such a tax by enactments made before the entry of the Israel Defence Forces into the Region and its assumption of control, principally in the above-mentioned Laws of 1962, 1963 and 1966 which replaced British Mandatory Law that had until then been in force in the West Bank (as opposed to Transjordan). These laws, moreover, did not establish a rigid and inflexible framework of definitions of the merchandise liable to tax or of the rate of tax. We have already mentioned sec. 4 of the Temporary Dues on Local Manufactures Law of 1965 and should also add here sec. 3 of the Consolidating of Excise and Additional Indirect Taxes on Imports, Exports and Local Manufactures Law of 1966.

 

            In effect, these laws served as the basis for the Security Enactments made by the Commander of the Israel Defence Forces as early as 1967. They were intended to be concurrent with the removal of customs barriers between the Administered Territories and Israel and the inauguration of a bilateral free flow of goods and services that began in 1967 with the removal of the original restrictions on the transfer of goods (the Closed Areas Prohibition on Transfer of Goods (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 49) of 1967). These laws were of general and comprehensive scope and only applied during the period of formation and consolidation of the Military Government. In other words, as emerges from the data before us, the fixing of the new rates of Excise, Customs and levies on stock mentioned above and the new classification of taxable goods, were a natural result of the removal of the economic barriers between Israel and the Administered Territory and led to the introduction of uniform rates of indirect taxes in the two areas.

           

            That means that the system of indirect taxation introduced by the Excise on Local Manufactures (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 31(1)) 1967 and its effects were similar to those in Israel under the Purchase Tax (Merchandise and Services) Law 1952. (See M. Herzberg, Indirect Taxation Enactments in the Administered Territories (Hebrew), Tax Quarterly (1970) 347). The tariff imposed was identical with the one prevailing in Israel and the parallelism was constant [p. 223] as is evident from the periodic alterations of the tariff. The process was made fully manifest in the provisions of the Excise on Local Manufactures (Imposition of Tax and Rates) Order (No. 31(39)) 1969 which were congruent with the provisions in force in Israel at that time under the Purchase Tax Laws. The provisions for marking merchandise paralleled those in force in Israel (Official Gazette - Subsidiary Legislation 1466, (1968) 1965).

           

            As a result, manufacturers in the Region were obliged to pay the same indirect taxes as vendors in Israel. The same trend was demonstrated in Order No. 103 mentioned above, relating to Customs tariffs, which were in the main parallel to the indirect taxes imposed in Israel on imports, whether as customs duties, purchase tax or compulsory levy (levied in Israel under the Emergency Regulations (Compulsory Payments) Extension of Validity Law, 1970). A similar result was achieved regarding tobacco and intoxicating beverages by Orders No. 32 and 38 mentioned above.

           

            The legal and economic significance of the process herein described will be examined after the relevant legal provisions have been examined. It will then be possible to apply them as criteria in testing the legality of the actions taken. However, we can already reach the conclusion that Order No. 658 on which this Petition centres was enacted in the wake of consistent security enactments dating back to 1967. These security enactments were the result of the removal of barriers and the introduction of the free flow of economic relations in both directions. All these enactments were meant to strengthen the economy of the Region and, among other things, to eliminate the unemployment prevalent in the area before the entry of the Israel Defence Forces and during the initial period of the military administration, thus ensuring the livelihood and welfare of the population. The main objective of the security enactments was, therefore, to introduce arrangements and tariffs in the Administered Territories, which were parallel to those in Israel, so as to encourage mutual assistance between the two economies. The claim of the Respondents is, we may recall, that had they acted otherwise, it would have necessitated leaving the Administered Territories so tightly sealed as to prevent any economic link with Israel, a course likely to be most harmful to the economy of the Region, as we shall see later. The removal or continued maintenance of barriers between the Occupying Power and the area under Military Government is the prerogative of the Military Government whose decision cannot be contested so long as its action causes no significant damage to the economy of the administered territory. Incidentally, the same principle applies to the opening of bridges to enemy-held territory. The opening of the bridges between Israel and the Jordanian Hashemite Kingdom in both directions, prevented the choking of the economy of the Region and brought about a satisfactory economic situation, a fact which will obviously be significant when we examine the intention of the Military Government and the significance of its acts according to the criteria of the Laws of War. Furthermore, at this stage, we must again remember that what is involved is indirect taxation, including customs regulations and, as we shall see, many authorities on the subject of the powers of Military Government regarding taxation give the matter special status under customary international law. Even among those who argue for non-interference in the existing structure, [p. 224] there are some who admit the possibility of a different and distinct approach to indirect taxes and especially customs .

 

8. We now turn to Petition 493/81. Since the Petitioners are residents of the Gaza Strip, we shall examine the provisions of the law in force in that administered territory on the eve of the establishment of the Military Government by the Israel Defence Forces and then, at a second level, the security legislation enacted by the Israel Military Government.

 

            (a) Legislation from British Mandatory times: In the Gaza Strip, from the termination of the British mandate until the inception of the Egyptian Military Government, the law existing in Palestine on May 14, 1948, remained in force (see the Order of the Egyptian Military Governor, Official Gazette of the Gaza Strip, vol. 1, p. 17, and Carol Farhi, On the Legal Status of the Gaza Strip, Military Government in the Territories Administered by Israel 1967-1980 (Jerusalem, vol. 1, 1982) 61).

           

            The Egyptian Military Governor indeed exercised his authority to publish Orders changing the existing local law that was in force when the Egyptian army conquered the Region in May 1948, in the course of the War of Independence, but almost no substantial changes were made in tax law. Neither was there a policy of open economic bridges between the Gaza Strip and Egypt. As a result, compared to the differences between Egyptian law and the law in the Gaza Strip, the law in force in the Gaza Strip and that in force in Israel were identical or at least basically similar in view of sec. 11 of the Law and Administration Ordinance 1948. A considerable part of Mandatory tax laws still in force in Israel also remained in force in the Gaza Strip: The Customs Ordinance; authorizations in Matters of Import, Export and Customs (Defence) 1939; the Tobacco Ordinance, sec. 3 of which imposed excise on tobacco; the Cement Ordinance 1944. sec. 5 of which imposed excise on cement; the Stamp Duty Ordinance; the Income Tax Ordinance 1947; the Excise on Matches Ordinance; the Excise on Playing Cards Ordinance; the Intoxicating Beverages (Manufacture and Sale) Ordinance, sec. 3 of which imposed excise on such beverages and the Methylated Spirits Ordinance. Needless to say, in 1967 these laws did not include the amendments made in their Israeli counterparts by the Israeli legislator and of course were not given as a "New Version."

           

            (b) The Egyptian Military Government: the Income Tax Ordinance was amended (Order No. 295 of April 1. 1954; Law No. 3 of 1962 of October 9, 1962; Law No. 14 of 1962 of December 4, 1962 which inter alia imposed on residents living permanently outside the Region. "compelled by their work outside the Region." a duty to pay income tax; Law No. 15 of 1962 of December 4, 1962; Law No. 16 of 1962 of December 4, 1962; Law No. 18 of 1962 of December 15, 1962; and Law No. 24 of 1965 of September 4. 1965 and Order No. 332 of April l, 1954 (which replaced certain provisions of the Customs Ordinance). [p. 225] But existing indirect taxes were not abolished so that the basic parallel between the tax in the Gaza Strip and that in Israel at the time of the establishment of the State, remained.

           

            (c) Enactments of the Israel Military Government: The Law and Administration Proclamation (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) (No. 2) of 1967, promulgated in the Gaza Region, was identical in text to the Proclamation promulgated in Judea and Samaria. the essentials of which have been mentioned above .

           

            (d) Excise: The Appointments under the Laws, Customs and Excise Laws (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) Order (No. 35) 1967 of July 12, 1967 confirmed all the powers under the said Laws given to the officer appointed as officer-in-charge by the Regional Commander. The term 'Customs and Excise Laws' was defined as follows:

           

"Customs and Excise Laws - all laws. including Legislation, Regulation Ordinances, Orders and Provisions regarding the Customs, Customs duties, Excise duties and all other taxes of any kind whatsoever, imposed on merchandise imported, exported and locally manufactured, tobacco, intoxicating beverages, petroleum products and any other products, as they were in force in the Region on June 5, 1967."

 

            Sec. 2 of the Excise on Goods (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) (No. 110) 1967 which came into force on October 15, 1970 stipulated that Excise shall be levied on merchandise specified in the addendum thereto at the rate mentioned therein.

           

            The Appointed Officer was empowered to alter the addendum by adding or deleting goods, changing or amending their descriptions or the rate of the Excise, by prescribing it as a fixed amount instead of a percentage of the wholesale price, or as an addition to the percentage.

           

            See. 3 of the Order provided that the manufacturer was liable for payment. Excise was to be paid to the Appointed Officer when the taxable merchandise left the place of manufacture, but he was empowered to defer the payment or allow it in instalments. The Order also included provisions for marking merchandise.

           

            Sec. 8 of the Order prescribed that all amounts received as Excise under the Order should be held in a special and separate fund placed under the supervision of the Regional Commander of the Israel Defence Forces. The purposes of the fund were defined as follows:

           

"9. The fund or any part thereof shall be expended solely in accordance with specific written instructions of the Commander of the Israel Defence Forces in the Region. After deduction of the expenses entailed in collecting the same in administering the fund, and in implementing the Order, the remainder shall exclusively serve the needs of orderly government and administration of the Region in maintaining supplies and essential services [p. 226] to the region and of covering the deficit of the Region."

 

            Order No. 110 was amended a number of times. Thus, the central provision of sec. 2 regarding the imposition of Excise tax and its rate (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) was altered by (Order No. 112) (Amendment No. 1) 1967; by (Order No. 251) (Amendment No. 3) 1969 (Gaza Strip and North Sinai); and (Order No. 362) (Amendment No. 7) 1970 (Gaza Strip and North Sinai). One result was that the rate of Excise was fixed as a percentage of the wholesale price of the goods. Sec. 3 was amended to render the manufacturer or any other person whom the Appointed Officer shall determine liable for payment (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) (Amendment No. 2) (Order No. 120) 1967. However, the provision establishing the fund and its purposes was not amended.

           

            The Excise on Goods (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) Order (No. 412) of December 15, 1971 which came into force on January 30, 1972 repealed the said Order No. 110 and substituted new, complete and co-ordinated provisions regarding Excise on Goods. This Order was repealed by the Excise on Goods and Services (Gaza Strip) Order (No. 535) of May 16. 1976 which came into force on June 1, 1976 and introduced the Additional Excise in the following terms:

 

            "Liability for Excise

2. Excise shall he levied on transactions at the rate prescribed by regulations made by the Appointed Officer.

 

Imposition of Excise

3. (a) The Appointed Officer may determine the rate of Excise as a percentage of the goods or services, as a fixed sum, or both.

            (b) The Appointed Officer may, by regulations, prescribe Additional Excise at a uniform rate of the price of the transaction in addition to Excise levied under sub-section (a).

            (c) In the sectors where, in the opinion of the Appointed Officer, it is not possible to ascertain the price of a service, he may, by regulations, impose Excise as a percentage of the salary or wages paid by the dealer and on the profit he has made.

            (d) The following are liable to Ordinary and Additional Excise:

         (1) on a sale - the vendor;

         (2) on the provision of a service - the person providing the service."

           

            Accordingly, Order No. 535, the subject matter of this Petition, continued to replace [p. 227] Order No. 412, which itself continued and replaced Order No. 110. The change effected by Order No. 535 was not meant to introduce Excise duty, which was already in effect, but to enable the imposition of Additional Excise duty as well as to lay down the procedures for its collection. Order No. 535 was accompanied by the detailed implementation of Regulations which we shall not specify; their main provisions were published in the Collection of Proclamations, Orders and Notices of the Commander of the Israeli Defence Forces in the Gaza Strip and North Sinai Region No. 44.

           

            (e) Miscellaneous provisions: Excise on tobacco was imposed by the Tobacco Excise (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) Order (No. 115) 1967 of November 1, 1967.

           

            The Excise on Stock (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) Order (No. 334) 1970 authorized the Appointed Officer to impose excise duty on stocks of merchandise held as inventory by a merchant for the purpose of his business.

           

            The Transfer of Goods (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) Order (No. 291) 1969 rendered the import of goods into the Region and the export of goods from the Regional conditional upon the granting of a permit.

           

            The Obligation to Declare and Report Wholesale Stock (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) Order (No. 23) 1967 obliged wholesalers to file a declaration of stock.

           

            The Stamp Duty (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) Order (No. 70) of 1967 contained provisions for the application of the Stamp Duty Law which had been in force since the British Mandate and granted powers to the Appointed Officer to prescribe the duties and rates of Payment.

 

            The Marking of Goods (Gaza Strip and North Sinai) Order (No. 168) 1968 conferred on the Appointed Officer authority to direct that goods be marked under the Customs and Excise Laws.

           

9. The fundamental trend of the Security Enactments in the Gaza Strip was identical to that described above in respect of Judea and Samaria, in so far as Petition 69/81 is concerned. The form of the Enactments was obviously adapted to those in force in the Gaza Strip at the inception of the Israeli Defence Forces administration and therefore any comparison of the Security Enactments of the two regions must take the relevant distinctions into account. The substantive provisions, however, are identical in form and meaning and make up the large part of the provisions of the Orders. They sought to bring about uniformity of Customs, Excise and Levies in the Gaza Strip and in Israel, having regard to the corresponding indirect taxation existing in Israel in the form of Excise, purchase tax and levies (under the circumstances described). This uniformity, which had already commenced in 1967 was also expressed, inter alia, in the said subordinate provision relating to wholesale stock returns and was, as already explained, a derived consequence of the free economic flow [p. 228] (with certain exceptions which obtained in Judea and Samaria and mainly concerned agricultural products; see in this connection Order No. 49 in Judea and Samaria and Order No. 291 in the Gaza Strip). There is, therefore, no need for us to repeat the purposes and trends, already explained in para. 7 of this judgment.

 

10        (a) Up to this point we have analysed the facts, for which purpose the main trends of the legislative development have been presented.

           

            We now proceed to the next question, which is the second stage of the inquiry of the present matter, namely: what are the criteria to be applied by this Court when testing the legality and validity of Security Enactments in administered territories?

           

            (b) The legal criteria by which the High Court of Justice tests the legality of an act of the Military Government has been repeatedly clarified in decisions of this Court. In Dvikat v. State of israell [1] at 13, Acting President Landau J. pointed out that the basic norm on which the structure of Israeli rule in Judea and Samaria has been erected - and which obviously applies equally to the Gaza Strip - is the norm of the Military Government. In other words, the law of the State of Israel does not apply to these Regions. The basic legal principles by which the Regions are governed, and the legal system, were established in June 1967 and are concisely expressed in Proclamation No. 1 regarding the assumption of power and Proclamation No. 2 of the Israel Military Governor, which are interpreted according to the rules of public international law. (See M. Shamgar The Law in the Territories Administered by Israel, Public Administration Jerusalem, vol. 8, 1968) 42.

           

            From the point of view of the bounds of the legal question posed by Proclamation No. 2 and the submissions in the Petitions, it is unnecessary to make enquiries regarding the legal standing of the earlier Administration that was replaced by the Israel Military Government. This matter was dealt with in Dvikat [1] at 13, in Ayub v. Minister of Defence [2] at 127 and see also Haetsni v. State of Israel [3] at 595 where Landau J. said in reference to Dvikat:

 

"The argument that Jordan did not possess sovereign rights in Judea and Samaria is an important plea voiced by Israel in the international arena. The consequence thereof is that the Fourth Geneva Convention does not apply to Judea and Samaria but that the Israel Government puts into operation the humanitarian provisions of this Convention voluntarily. This conclusion has not yet been tested in this Court (see Dvikat [1]) [p. 229] and at this time there is also no need to be concerned with it. It is true that Jordan never was the legal sovereign in Judea and Samaria but it does not follow that the Regional Commander could not by declaration give legal effect to the law in existence in the Region before the entry of the Israel Defence Forces. The question of sovereignty in Judea and Samaria under international law must not be confused with the right and the duty of the Military Commander to maintain public order in the Region, to assume his control there and to introduce the rule of law for the benefit of its residents. This right and this duty of his stem from the customary law of war as formulated in Article 43 of the Hague Regulations. This Court expanded on the Almakdassa v. Minister of Defence [8] where the then Acting President (Sussman) said:

           

"Article 43 above obliges the Occupying Power to respect the law that was in force in the administered territory unless he is absolutely prevented from doing so (at 581)...

 

"....In his article, The Observance of International Law in the Administered Territories, Israel Yearbook on Human Rights, vol. 1, p. 262, Meir Shamgar writes about the need to maintain public order in an area under the control of military government:

 

"The expression 'restoration and maintenance of public order' - 'la vie publique' is. it would seem, a paraphrase of the words 'normalization and rule of law.' Rule of Law, in its turn, is based on the defined norms of a given legal system.

            "And later, at p. 276 he describes the legal system set up by Proclamation No. 2 as implementing this objective. These observations match the views of Oppenheim-Lauterpacht, paras. 169 and 172, International Law, (Seventh Edition). It emerges therefrom that the Regional Commander acted within his authority under international law in directing the continuation of the law (de facto) in force in the Region on the eve of its conquest by the Israel Defence Forces (subject to the changes he deems necessary to assure his control over the Region) without needing to delve into the question of the sovereignty in the Region. The proclamation therefore refers to "the law that was in existence in the Region" and this also is a recognition of fact and not as giving retroactive validity to this law according to international law. In so doing the Commander merely preserved the legal system to which the residents of the Region had been accustomed and facilitated his administration of the Region without undue turmoil (see G. von Glahn, The Occupation of Enemy Territory, under the "Preservation of Laws" p. 94 ff)." [p. 230]

 

            (c) As a result of the war in which the previous occupier of the area was defeated and fled, the power of rule and all the authority invested therein was transferred to the Military Force which has since then effectively controlled the area and prevented the continued activity of the return of the previous ruling authority. The authority or the Military Governor is, as we know, temporary in the sense that its continuing force lasts only for as long as effective control exists over the territory and as long as the Military Government established in the area is maintained. But once it has assumed power, and as long as it remains in existence, and public international law sets no restrictions on its duration, the Military Government replaces the Central Government and its agencies that ruled the territory and sees itself as the sole authority in delineating the rights and obligations of the central government according to the law existing in the Region (Abu Awad v. The Regional Commander of Judea and Samaria [4] at 316. But this is subject to the changes arising from the establishment of Military Government and the restrictions deriving from the provisions of the Laws of War. In other words, any restriction expressed in the Laws of War may derogate from the full operation of the governmental and legislative powers possessed by the previous Ruler (see M. Shamgar - Legal Concepts and Problems of the Israeli Military Government in the Territories Administered by Israel 1967-1980 (Jerusalem, 1982) 13.

           

            The Military Commander heads the Military Government and its authorities which derive their powers as a point of law from their effective control of the area, and from public international law, and in greater detail from the Laws of War (see Dvikat [1] at p. 13) which dictate the scope of permitted action. Furthermore, the power of the Military Commander is not limited to the implementation of existing law but is also competent to translate his authority and directives into terms of Security Enactments (as defined in the Interpretation (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 130) 1967) largely in the form of Proclamations, Orders and Notices. However, regarding its aims and degree of intervention in existing law, the authority of the Military Commander is limited by the rules of the Laws of War.

           

11. (a) Concurrently with examining the legality of Government activity according to the Laws of War:

 

"We must also enquire whether an Order was lawfully issued in accordance with Israeli domestic law since ...there exists the authority to examine on a personal basis the office holders in the Military Government who are members of the State executive arm as 'persons who occupy public office under law' and are therefore subject to supervision by this Court under section 7(b) (2) of the Courts Law 1957" (ibid.). (Emphasis mine - M.S.) [p. 231]

 

            This second test means that the Court reviews the legality and validity of the action in accordance with the principles of Israeli Administrative Law, to ensure that the holder of office, carrying out functions of the Military Government, acts lawfully and according to the norms binding on Israeli Public Servants (Samara v. The Regional Commander of Judea and Samaria [5] at 4). More particularly, all this does not signify that Israeli Administrative Law applies to the Region and its inhabitants or that an act performed in the Administered Territory will be examined solely according to Israeli law. The above dictum means that actions of the Military Government and its authorities, as instruments of the Israeli Executive arm, will be tested regarding their legality and validity by additional criteria. Although the rules of Israeli law are not binding on the Area, the Israeli office holder in the area is duty bound to act in accordance with additional standards called for by reason of his being an Israeli agency, wherever he may be. Thus he bears the further and cumulative duty so to conduct himself that the norms of Israeli Administrative Law do not release him from the duty to abide by the Laws of War. He cannot rely on those norms to avoid a duty or prohibition applicable to him under the customary Laws of War. Conversely, in the view of this Court, an office holder does not generally fulfil his duty by merely abiding by what the rules of international law require of him. Since more is demanded of him as an Israeli agent in the area of Military Government, he must also act in accordance with principles that constitute fair and orderly administration. Thus, for instance, the Laws of War do not reveal any firmly embodied rule about the right to be heard, but an Israeli authority will not have discharged its duty when its acts are judicially reviewed by this Court for not respecting that right in those cases where it arises under the norms of our own Administrative Law. All this is obviously subject to specific legislation prescribing special regulations in any particular matter. It was to this that the following remarks were directed that describe the Israeli two-level conception.

           

"From the normative point of view, the rule of law in the territories found its expression in the adoption of two main principles of action:

            (1) the prevention of the development of a legal vacuum by the de facto observance of customary international law and the humanitarian rules included in the Hague Rules and the Fourth Convention and furthermore;

            (2) the supplementation of the above-mentioned rules and provisions by the basic principles of natural justice as derived from the system of law existing [p. 232] in Israel, reflecting similar principles developed in Military Government, supra at 48-49)."

(M. Shamgar, Legal Concepts and Problems of Israeli Military Government, supra at 48-49).

 

            Incidentally, para. 2 cited above is not to be understood as meaning that the other countries mentioned have adopted a similar guideline in military government territories controlled by them. The principles mentioned there are rules of natural justice as adopted in our legal domestic system.

 

Implementation of the norms of administrative law, in order to examine the acts of the Israeli Government authorities, is not an issue in this case, where fiscal Security Enactments are almost exact copies of the legal rules prevailing in Israel. Therefore it is possible to review and determine what the principal guideline is for the applicable substantive law, that will be a guidepost in our examination.

           

            (b) To complete the picture I may add that our examination of the subject will ipso facto entail consideration of the substantive provisions of the applicable laws. If the Military Commander, seeking to make use of certain powers granted him by the local law, acts ultra vires regarding our case law, and with no reference to legislative powers of the wish to implement them, flouts the local law through error or arbitrariness, or the application of invalid criteria, (Dahoud v. Minister of Defence [6]) his act may be declared null and void regarding the substantive provisions of the local law only. The same applies to Security Enactments. Action of a Military Government agency beyond the powers vested in it by the Regional Military Commander - for example, in the matter of State Property (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 59) 1967, or in the matter of Security Provisions [Consolidated Version] (Judea and Samaria) Order (No. 378) 1970, or in the application of invalid criteria (see para. 11 (a) above) - this can constitute a cause for the intervention of this Court, notwithstanding the fact that what is involved is not an act contravening the Laws of War but one contravening the rules of the local law in force under Proclamation No. 2, namely the law in existence on the eve of the establishment of government by the Israeli Defence Forces or the enactments of the Israeli Defence Forces (Tabgar v. The Regional Commander of Judea and Samaria [7] at 149.

           

            12. What then is the criterion by which the enactments of the Military Government are to be tested? As in the past, learned Counsel for the Respondents did not dispute the competence of this Court to review the actions of the Military Government, (see for instance, Almakdassa v. Minister of Defence [8] at 580 [p. 233] and Hilo v. State of Israel [9] at 176), the acts of an Army operating in an area which fell under its effective control as a result of war, as described above. In this case it is immaterial whether we are referring to the regular army forces who are in control of the area as a result of battle or whether we are referring to a special organization created to govern and administer the area. Units of the Military Government derive their powers from customary laws of war, (Hilo at 176) (M. Shamgar, The Law in the Territories Administered by Israel in Public Administration, supra at 42), parts of which have already been integrated into international Conventions, or found expression in other parts of the said Conventions which include only convention law. Other parts are still incorporated into simple customary law, reflected in the written judgments of national or international tribunals, state practice or professional legal literature.

           

            On the other hand, a court does not review these activities according to conventional international law, as such, which does not constitute a norm applied by Israeli Courts unless embodied in enacted legislation. (Y. Dinstein, International Law and the State (Schocken 1971) p. 143, 148). When this Court addresses itself to the question as to which law it must apply on a plea that some act or omission is in conflict with the rules of public international law, we must distinguish between the rules of customary international law, including the general legal principles embodied in international law, and the rules of conventional international law. As it was decided in Eichmann v. the Legal A-G [10] and according to the law in force in Israel, which is similar in this respect to English law (see Chung Chi Cheung v. The King [18] at 168 (1939) and the observations of Lord MacMillan in Compania Naviera Vascongoda v. S.S. Cristina et al. [19] at 497 (1938); of Shamgar Legal Concepts and Problems of the Israeli Military Government, supra at 47), the acceptance of norms drawn from international law and their relation to national law, is decided according to a number of leading principles:

"(1) A rule of law has undergone reception and becomes an integral part of the system of local law only after it has obtained general international concensus....;

            (2) That will only occur when no conflict exists between locally enacted legal provision and the rule of international law, but where such conflict does exist, the Court must give preference to and enforce the provisions of the local legislator...;

            (3) However...when enacted law is open to varying interpretations and its content does not necessitate any other interpretation, it is to be interpreted in accordance with international law" (ibid., pp. 2040-41) (Eichmann v. A-G, (1962). [p. 234]

 

            Professor Dinstein sharpens the matter by stating (op. cit. at 146) that the rules of customary international law automatically become an integral part of the Israeli law, but where obvious conflict arises between those rules and Israeli enacted law, the enacted law prevails. That is not the case regarding conventional law (Ayub [2] Kawasma v. Minister of Defence [11] p. 627). Like the English practice (Cf. A.-G. for Canada v. A.-G. for Ontario et al. (1937) [20] and see an example applicable to the present English Law (The Geneva Conventions Act, 1957), - and differing from the American practice under its Constitution - the rules of conventional international law are not adopted automatically and do not become part of the law as applicable in Israel, so long as they have not been adopted or incorporated by way of statutory enactment or subsidiary legislation deriving its force praeter legem (Cf. sec. 10 of the Military Justice Law 1955). In this connection Berenson J. ruled in this Court (The Custodian of Absentee Property v. Samara [12] at 1829):

           

"The Rhodes agreement is a treaty between the State of Israel and another State. Whatever the force and validity of such a treaty in point of international law, it is not a law to which our Courts will have to refer or recognize. The rights it grants and the obligations it imposes are the rights and obligations of the States who signed the treaty and their implementation lies in their hands alone through the special ways of effectuating international agreements. Such an agreement does not fall at all under the jurisdiction of state courts except in so far as they, or the rights and duties deriving from them, have become integrated into state legislation and received the status of binding law. In this instance, the Court is not in truth bound by the agreement as such but by the Law that set its seal upon it and breathed life into it under our domestic legal system. It also follows that where the Law and the agreement are not consistent, although it is apparent that the Law was intended to implement and embody the agreement, the Court will give preference to the Law, which alone is binding upon it. Moreover, even when an inter-state or international agreement stipulates that certain rights are to be vested in certain individuals, the obligation contained in the agreement is in the nature of an inter-state obligation only. The persons affected do not acquire any substantial rights on the basis of the agreement and cannot effectuate their right in court as beneficiaries of the agreement or otherwise."

 

            To be precise, one must also distinguish between a question arising in a territory where the law of the State of Israel is in effect, and a matter arising in the Administered Territories. The legal principles [p. 235] applied by this Court, in cases of the kind mentioned above, are the principles of customary international law, and by virtue of these the Court is also bound by the applicable local law under Article 43 of the Hague Regulations, which was in essence adopted by sec. 2 of Proclamation No. 2. That is to say, the Court will turn to local law and the Security Enactments made by the Regional Commander under the Laws of War. As has been said (M. Shamgar, Legal Concepts, supra pp. 47-8):

           

"Within the framework of municipal law, the rules of customary international law are regarded as incorporated therein but only in so far as they are not inconsistent with rules enacted by statute or finally declared by national courts or tribunals. In cases of conflict of law in military government regions, the order of precedence is different: such regions are governed according to the norms of international law which provide, inter alia, that the local law there in force continues as a rule to be valid; alteration of the existing law, its suspension or repeal, or the promulgation of new laws are examined according to the restrictions prescribed in Article 43 of the Hague Regulations and Article 64 of the Fourth Convention and is permitted when the exigencies of war, the maintenance of public order and the safety or the welfare of the population so require. Legislative changes have been examined by the Israeli courts according to these criteria."

 

            As has already been mentioned, cases may occur where a submission is made to this Court based substantially on local law alone (see (13)), but here as well the norms of recognized international law assist in consolidating the main guideline: inquiry into the acts of the executive agency, in the light of local law consequent upon its assuming the authority under sec. 3 of Proclamation No. 2, includes not only the examination and interpretation of the applicable law in the territory, whether it be local law or security enactments; but when deciding on a petition, the Court also takes into consideration - at least by implication - the question of how the exercise of authority is reflected in the rules of recognized international law as expressed, for instance, in Article 43 of the Hague Regulations (cf. Regional Electric Corp. v. Minister of Defence [14]). [p. 236]

 

13. The differences between customary and conventional international law, on which I dwelt above, have faced this Court in the past, in petitions by residents of the Administered Territories. In Ayub [2] at 119-1, Witkon J. said in this connection:

 

"The first question to which we must pay attention is whether the Petitioners may, as protected persons, themselves claim rights under these Conventions - and this, in a "municipal" (internal) court of the Occupying Power - or whether only those states who are parties to the Conventions are competent to claim the protected rights - and that, obviously, at the international level. As is known, the answer depends on another question: Has the same provision in the international Convention, which it is sought to enforce, become part of the municipal (internal) law of the state whose court is asked to deal with the matter, or does the provision remain rather in the nature of an agreement between the states, as such, without becoming part of the internal municipal law? In the first event, one is speaking of 'customary' international law recognized by the municipal law itself as long as there is no conflicting provision in the body of the municipal law. In the second event, one is speaking of 'conventional' international law which only binds the states involved.

 

"Nevertheless, before being precluded from considering the actions of the army from the point of the provisions of the Hague and Geneva Conventions, I would have to be persuaded that these Conventions are not to be treated as customary international law but only as conventional international law. Indeed, at one point I thought so on the basis of three judgments of this Court - Steinberg v. A-G, Almakdassa [8] at 580 and Abu eI-Sin v. Minister of Defence. The first of these precedents concerned the provisions of international law in general, but the other two dealt expressly with the Hague and Geneva Conventions. In the view of the justices who gave judgment, these two Conventions are conventional international law, and accordingly cannot be relied upon in a municipal court of Israel.

 

"In the meantime Professor Y. Dinstein published his instructive Note 'The Judgement in the Matter of the Rafiah Gap' in 3 Iyune Mishpat 934, in which he explained that there was a difference between the two Conventions. Whilst the Geneva Convention remains part of conventional international law (and therefore did not become part of municipal law), it is otherwise with the provisions of the Hague Convention. The latter gives expression to the law which is accepted [p. 237] in all civilized countries and is thus regarded as customary international law. In view of this Note, I reconsidered the matter and I am not satisfied that the Hague Convention is recognized as customary law under which a municipal court may be asked to act. The same conclusion follows from Schwarzenberger's International Law, vol. 2 (1968) pp. 164 ff.; see also Von Glahn, Occupation of Enemy Territory (1957) p. 11. Schwarzenberger writes:

 

'As in relation to other codifications of the laws and custom of land warfare, so in relation to the law of belligerent occupation, the question arises whether these treaty provisions are merely declaratory of international customary law or constitute a development of such rules and, thus, are binding only on parties to these conventions.' "

 

            Acting President Landau (as he then was) went on to add in Ayub [2] at 128-129:

           

"The affidavits in reply submit that the Respondents abide by the humanitarian provisions of the Geneva Convention...I have no intention of going deeply into this aspect, since that convention entirely (and all the more so this specific provision in it) is of the nature of conventional international law which, following the English rule that prevails with us, does not bind this Court, its enforcement being a matter for the states which are parties to the Convention (see Custodian of Absentee Property [12] and Eichmann (10)).

 

The Hague Regulations are very widely held to be customary international law and this Court will so regard them and implement them so long as they are not inconsistent with local statutory law (Hilo [9] at 177 and Eichmann [10] at 2055) .

 

            In Dvikat [1] at 16 as well, for example, the Court pointed out that the same criterion serves to give judgment in the concrete case before it in the said Petition (see also Hilo [9] at 177).

           

            In sum, the Court will inquire into the legality of an act according to customary international law; and in the matter before us this criterion directs us, to the provisions of the laws of war and the local law. [p. 238]

           

            There has been no claim that the orders of the Military Commander exceeded the limits he set himself when establishing the legal and administrative system of Military Government, as provided in Proclamation No. 2, or in later legislation. On the other hand, we are presented with the argument that such enactments of the Military Commander are inconsistent with and have modified the local law. As to this, we saw above that part of the Excise Duty Order is properly based on laws and directives (depending on the Region) that were in force when the military government was established.

           

            There remains the question of whether the introduction of changes and innovations, that is, the introduction of the Additional Excise Duty, is in line with the rules of customary international law according to which a military commander must act in military government territory. As will be seen later, the relevant provisions are those of the Hague Regulations. In the present case, no question arises directly involving examination of the Geneva Convention which lies within the framework of conventional international law since that Convention contains nothing with regard to taxation. Nevertheless, in order to complete the picture we shall have to return later to Article 64 thereof, dealing as it does with the protection of civilian persons in times of war since 1949, when we consider the meaning to be attached to the Petitioners' argument that it is forbidden to introduce penal provisions in an order imposing additional excise duty.

 

            In view of the foregoing, we must, at the next stage, turn our attention to the relevant provisions of customary international law; but before so doing, it is proper to preface a number of observations on the nature and limits of this theme.

14. (a) The term customary international law should rightly be understood - for the purpose of determining its contents and limits - in the manner described in article 38 (1) of the Statute of the International Court of Justice:

           

            "(b) international custom, as evidence of a general practice accepted as law."

           

            according to the translation by Prof. Y. Dinstein on p. 45 of his book.

           

            From the nature of the matter, it refers to accepted behaviour which has merited the status of binding law (Dinstein, op. cit., p. 52): General practice, which means a fixed mode of action, general and persisting - to distinguish it from action that is occasional and temporary - which has been accepted by the vast majority of those who function in the said area of law. In other words, the fact of the existence of international custom derives from the consciousness of all those who apply and further the international law [p. 239] in accordance with which they are obliged to act in the manner prescribed by accepted custom, or to refrain from any acts that accepted custom prohibits. I have referred to the consciousness of those involved and not only of their actual practice, since a custom is binding as written in Article 38 when it is accepted as law by those who apply it. As Schwarzenberger has written (op. cit., vol. 1 (1957) p. 27) in this connection:

"In the case of rules of international customary law, the collective body of subjects of international law, whose practice accepted by them as law is requisite for the creation of any particular rule, forms a... principal agency... In any individual instance, room for disagreement on the exact composition of each of the ... principal agencies exists. This does not, however, affect the general conclusion that, in relation to each particular rule, only the collective body of subjects of international law which is required for the creation of such a rule constitutes its relevant law-determining agency."

 

and later on (at p. 28):

 

            "Only the ensemble of each of these agencies can fulfil this function."

           

            A custom is not necessarily formed by virtue of a uniformly held viewpoint by a complex of different national and international tribunals, since it is possible that not one of them has been invited to deal with the question. However, anyone wishing to know whether a custom has crystallised may make inferences from the acts of different states in the international field and their views on any matter. That is to say, 'a practice which is accepted as law' may indeed be deduced only from the acts of those engaged in the practice, although there is no denying that the decisions of international tribunals carry relatively far greater weight because of their more varied composition and their relative independence from any single defined national interest that may actuate them. It is, however, unnecessary to say that what is desirable is not always feasible and that a complex of different and even conflicting interests does not necessarily lead to the desirable shared balanced view but rather to a kind of tug of war between those who hold differing and conflicting views as Schwarzenberger has shown [p. 240] in another connection in International Law, (Law of Armed Conflict, vol. 2, London, 1968) 4, from which it is difficult to extract an accepted rule.

           

            Customary international law is derived to a large extent, of course, also from the writings of 'the most qualified publicists of the various nations.' Since the process of codification of customary law in the form of Conventions is a slow one, because the case law is only concerned with problems that come before the tribunals for judicial decision, and also because state practice is not always open and declared and certainly not uniform, legal literature has become the most varied and prolific source. But here trouble arises, as Schwarzenberger has said, International Law vol. I, supra at 36:

           

"It is about as difficult to find out who are the most highly qualified publicists in a field of international law as to say with any claim of objectivity what is a peace-loving nation."

 

            In the English case of West Rand General Gold Mining Co. Ltd. v. The King, Lord Alverstone C. J. said (at 407):

           

"Any doctrine so invoked must be one really accepted as binding between nations, and the international law sought to be applied must, like anything else, be proved by satisfactory evidence, which must show either that the particular proposition put forward has been recognized and acted upon by our own country, or that it is of such a nature, and has been so widely and generally accepted that it can hardly be supposed that any civilised State would repudiate it. The mere opinions of jurists, however eminent or learned, that it ought to be so recognised, are not in themselves sufficient. They must have received the express sanction of international agreement, or gradually have grown to be part of international law by their frequent practical recognition in dealings between various nations."

 

Thus far as to the sources from which customs and the knowledge thereof are derived. It should be added that examination of these sources can also lead to the conclusion that a custom once accepted [p. 241] and binding as law has been eroded, in the course of time and because of changes in international conditions, lost its force or binding character, either in whole or in part.

 

            (b) Anyone wishing to investigate the existence of a custom, can run into a series of facts, lacking a generally agreed upon and unified viewpoint, which indicate the existence of a custom accepted as expressing a law, although there exist indications that the custom is not sufficiently established as to be binding, or that it has become eroded in the past. The burden of proving its existence and status, as described in its fundamentals in Article 38 of the Statute of the International Court of Justice, is borne by the party propounding its existence:

           

"The Party which relies on a custom of this kind must prove that this custom is established in such a manner that it has become binding on the Party." (The Asylum Case (1950) [26], at 276).

 

            Incidentally, in this last case, which involved a dispute between Colombia and Peru over political asylum, the court, in referring to the features of binding custom, adopted the phrase 'constant and uniform usage', as elements essential for the creation of a custom already emphasized above.

           

            Although a generally accepted practice is involved, as mentioned above, it is not always possible to prove that it is recognised by every one without exception, especially when the viewpoints of the different constituents of the international community are taken into account. However, the views of an ordinary majority of states are not sufficient; the custom must have been accepted by an overwhelming majority at least (see H. Kelsen, Principles of International Law: the Overwhelming Majority (New York, 2nd ed., by R.W. Tucker, 1967) 450.

 

            (c) What is the import of an absence of the requisite international consensus? H. Kelsen says in the first edition of his book Principles of International Law (New York 1952) 305:

           

"If there is no norm of conventional or customary international law imposing upon the state...the obligation to behave in a certain way, the subject is under international law legally free to behave as it pleases; and by a decision to this effect existing international law is applied to the case." (The emphasis is mine - M. S.) [p. 242]

 

            Meaning that, in the absence of an arrangement, customary or conventional, a state is free to act according to its own understanding of principles, and by so doing it applies existing international law, since any conclusion regarding the absence of a binding custom is part of international law.

           

            I may add that I accept the view of Professor Dinstein (op. cit. p. 58) that along with customary law one must also inquire into the application of principles of general law. For the purpose of the present case (Added Excise Tax), there is no theoretical or practical significance to such an inquiry and I shall therefore not dwell on this point.

 

15. In his above cited work, the Law of Armed Conflict (vol. 2, p. 3), Prof. G. Schwarzenberger gives two necessary warning signs that must be taken into account by anyone inquiring into the existence of a binding rule under the Laws of War. One points to the tendency of creating the impression of greater certainty of the existence of binding legal rules that can be attained in the area of the Laws of War in which belligerents seek to retain for themselves, as is natural - although it may not seem so to others - the maximum freedom of action. The second warning concerns the obstacle set up by the unwarranted praise heaped on a given usage with which it is sought to dress up a particular interest with a universal rule that is inappropriate. The viewpoints of parties or sectors of states, parties interested in the upholding of a rule, do not reflect the existing law, but rather only to a description of the legal situation they desire.

 

            The practical conclusion that is to be reached at this stage, is that a careful, detailed and all-inclusive examination is required, giving proper weight to various opinions on a specific subject, to determine whether we are referring to a view acceptable to the overwhelming majority, or to only one of various possible viewpoints.

           

            We can now proceed on to the next stage of examining the treaties containing a codification of customary law or an attempt at codification, such as the Instructions of Prof. F. Lieber, the Brussels Declarations, the Oxford Proposal and the Hague Regulations of 1899 and 1907. Thereafter, we shall refer to the writings of the international law specialists and concurrently to the practice of different states and the available case law. This order of treatment does not necessarily indicate the relative importance of these sources; the arrangement has been largely influenced by the frequency with which the present subject has been addressed in these sources.

           

16. (a) The American Civil War provided the stimulus for the first attempt at consolidation of the modern laws of warfare into an inclusive system of rules. Prof. Francis Lieber of Columbia College, N. Y., [p. 243] drafted a series of guide-lines (hereinafter: Lieber's Instructions) which were reviewed by a staff of officers and later published on April 24, 1863 by President Lincoln under the title of Instructions for the Government of the Armies of the United States in the Field - General Orders No. 100 Adjutant General's Government Printing Office, Washington. See F. Lieber, Contributions to Political Science, Miscellaneous Writings (vol. 2, 1881) 245.

 

            These Instructions were clearly binding only upon the U. S. armed forces - initially during the Civil War when they were published - but their effect on the codification of the laws of war and on the adoption of similar provisions in other countries was considerable. They served as a platform for the preparation of the Project of an International Declaration Concerning the Laws and Customs of War presented to the Brussels Conference on August 27, 1874. For the French text, see. G. F. Martens, Nouveau Recuil General de Traites et Autres Actes Relatif aux Rapports de D'oit International; (Gottingen, 2e serie, Tom. 4, 1876-1908) 219: and for the English text, see J. B. Scott, The Proceedings of the Hague Peace Conference 1899 (New York, 1920).

 

            The Lieber Instructions also guided those who drafted the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907. We shall return later to their relevant provisions as well as to the express references thereto made by Alexander Nelidov, president of the Hague Conference of 1907 and Russian ambassador in Paris, in his opening address to the Conferencion June 15, 1907 as reported in the minutes thereof. (Deuxieme Conference Internationale de la Paix. - Actes et Documents, La Haye, Impremerie Nationale 1907, vol. 1, 49). For the influence exerted by the Lieber Instructions, see also T. E. Holland, The Laws of War on Land Oxford, 1908) 18; H. Kirchhoff, Die Kriegerische Bezetzung Feindlicher Landesteile (Hamburg, 1917) 14; G.B. Davis Doctor Francis Lieber's Instructions 1 Am. J. Int'l L. (1907) 22; D. A. Graber, The Development of the Law of Belligerent Occupation. 1863-1914 (New York, 1949) 14.

           

            In the matter which concerns us here, clause 37 of the Lieber Instructions states:

           

"The United States acknowledge and protect, in hostile countries occupied by them religion and morality; strictly private property; the persons of the inhabitants, [p. 244] especially those of women; and the sacredness of domestic relations. Offenses to the contrary shall be rigorously punished.

"This rule does not interfere with the right of the victorious invader to tax the people or their property, to levy forced loans, to billet soldiers, or to appropriate property, especially houses, lands, boats and ships, and churches, for temporary and military uses." (The italics are mine - M.S.)

           

            According to D. A. Graber (supra at 112) clause 10 of F. Lieber's Instructions also states:

           

"... certain other phases of public law and administration would nearly always be interfered with by the occupant. Examples are police and tax administration". (Italics mine - M. S.)

 

            According to E. Loening, (L'Administration du Gouvernment General d'Alsace. R. D. I. et de L. Comp.. vol. 4. 1872) 650, taxation law figures among the laws having political importance which military government may from its initiation, suspend in the area under its control.

           

            The viewpoint expressed in the Lieber Instructions is that the military regime has the authority to collect taxes from residents of the areas, including property taxes as well as imposed compulsory loans. According to the wording of clause 37 there are no accompanying restrictions or conditions of any kind, through existing taxes or otherwise. Furthermore, the clause employs a broad manner of expression - "tax the people or their property" - that embraces the imposition of new taxes as well as the collection of existing ones. It is up to this point that we shall deal with Lieber's Instructions.

 

            (b) To see the matter in its proper perspective, I should add that there was a radical difference in the basic approaches and emphases during the time of Lieber as compared to the same features at a later date. At that time, attention was directed to expressing in detail the powers of the occupying power and his authority. But later (see e.g., Bluntschli, Das Moderne Kriegsrecht der Civilisierten Staaten, 1866) 8, the restrictions on these powers and authority were emphasised. [p. 245] This emerged from Bluntschli's thesis that existing law is not to be amended unless it is unavoidable, a rule that was adopted afterwards in Article 43 of the Hague Regulations. As regards the matter before us, Bluntschli wrote that if the military government wishes to exercise the power of taxation, its acts will be valid only if consistent with the necessities of war or the requirements of the area and its inhabitants. If the military government levies taxes, there simultaneously arises an obligation on its part to cover the administrative expenses of the area (Bluntschli, supra at 26). This duty was later expressly included in the Hague Convention, which we shall discuss later. (See also Heffter, Das Europaeische Voelkerrecht der Gegenwart (5th ed., 1867) p. 337). A similar but more moderate formulation of the restrictions is contained in the final proposal to the Brussels Conference, which was embodied in Article 43 of the Hague Convention (N. R. G. de T. 2d series, IV, 6-7). Incidentally, the Italian proposal at the said Conference sought to confine the power of amending laws only to those laws that were political, administrative, or fiscal in nature. (ibid. at 77).

           

            According to D. A. Graber (supra at 152, 160, 287, 290) the pendulum of changes of emphasis mentioned above came to a rest on the eve of the First World War when the expected compromise, so to speak, was reached, to the effect that the existing arrangement should be honoured and no departure therefrom should be made except in case of need. The approach adopted after the First World War will be dealt with at a later stage, after considering the Hague Conventions and the rest of their announcements.

           

17. (a) The Brussels Proposal discussed at the Conference held in Brussels in August 1874 did not give rise to the formulation of generally accepted customary rules. The final protocol signed in Brussels on August 27, 1874 by fifteen states (but not ratified by them) explained that the project was what it said it was and remained in the area of a platform that was open for study and discussion. It said:

 

"The modifications which have been introduced into the Project, the comments, the reservations, and separate opinions which the Delegates have thought proper to insert in the Protocols, in accordance with instructions, and the particular views of their respective Governments, or their own private opinions, constitute the ensemble of their work. It is of the opinion that it may be submitted to the respective Governments which it represents, as a conscientious inquiry of a nature to serve as a basis for an ulterior exchange of ideas, and for the development of the provisions of the Convention of Geneva of 1864 and of the Declaration of St. Petersburg of 1868. [p. 246] It will be their task to ascertain what portion of this work may become the object of an agreement, and what portion requires still further examination."

 

The subject of the present Petition is dealt within Articles 5 and 41 of the Proposal, and is expressed in English as follows:

 

            "Art. 5. The army of occupation shall only collect the taxes, dues, duties, and tolls imposed for the benefit of the State, or their equivalent, if it is impossible to collect them, and, as far as possible, in accordance with the existing forms and practice. It shall devote them to defraying the expenses of the administration of the country to the same extent as the legitimate Government was so obligated.

            "Art. 41. The enemy in levying contributions, whether as an equivalent for taxes (see Article 5) or for payments that should be made in kind, or as fines, shall proceed, as far as possible, only in accordance with the rules for incidence and assessment in force in the territory occupied.

            "The civil authorities of the legitimate Government shall lend it their assistance if they have remained at their posts.

            "Contributions shall be imposed only on the order and on the responsibility of the commander-in-chief or the superior civil authority established by the enemy in the occupied territory.

            "For every contribution, a receipt shall be given to the person furnishing it."

 

It follows from the above quotations that those who submitted the Proposal sought to limit the collection of taxes, payments of debts, property taxes, dues and the like to those that were meant to serve the State. That is to say, a request was made to classify a tax according to its purpose. But since the authors of the Proposal sought to protect the property of the authorities, and private property, not of the enemy state as such, they also meant, for example, to prevent the occupying power from collecting [p. 247] what was due to municipalities, other authorities, or individuals. For this purpose, the occupying power replaced only the occupied state, and not the authorities that were non-state, nor its citizens nor its inhabitants, who acted as individuals. The first part of Article 5, delineating the permitted limits of taxation is substantially parallel to and complements the last part of Article 5, dealing with the ways in which the collected taxes are to be used.

 

            In sum, permitted levies are linked as has been indicated, to payments imposed to serve the requirements of the state. Only these may be collected, but if collection of a tax cannot be effected, a parallel and alternative tax may be collected in its place.

 

            Since impossibility to correct an original tax is involved, it is not to be assumed that the alternative tax must in essence be identical with the original one for that would lead to a contradiction: the very need for the alternative tax and the power to introduce and collect it arise only when it is impossible to collect the original tax. It seems that the impossibility of collecting the tax, a concept not included or indicated in the draft proposal, can therefore be coupled with the inability to impose the dominant criterion delineating the nature of the tax or manner of its assessment (for instance, property tax that cannot be collected because land registration records, or other necessary records are not to be found in the occupied area, being held by the former administration, not in the occupied area) and not necessarily because of the impossibility of applying existing procedures (for instance, absence of the possibility of requiring tax returns to be made). A separate sentence is devoted only to the impossibility of applying methods of collection - i.e. 'as far as possible in accordance with the existing forms and practice' and this therefore strengthens the view that the first part of the article is to be construed only by reference to the lack of possibility to proceed according to the substantive basis that serves as a criterion for imposing the tax. That means, that what is involved is not only the same tax under another name but a tax having other criteria. The impossible, (to use the language of the article) becomes the possible only if another yardstick is prescribed regarding the imposition of the tax with a similar criterion regarding the collection of the original tax which does not imply, among other things, the accompanying impossibility of collecting the original tax. To sum up this point - the equivalency, according to the text of the article, does not have to relate to the nature of the tax; it may relate to some other dominant feature from which stems the impossibility of collecting the tax.

           

            As I have already said, there is no occasion for concluding that imposition of an equivalent tax must of necessity relate to the impossibility of acting in accordance with existing procedures, because for this matter there is a separate passage in Article 5 according to which there is no obligation to do so, if the former practice is impractical. Further support for the view supporting the need to understand the term 'equivalent' as being between the essence and character of the tax [p. 248] and the practice of its implementation can be derived from Article 41 which expressly refers to the assessment and collection of the new alternative tax. If the words 'as far as possible, in accordance with existing forms and practice' which figure in Article 5, had also applied to the new alternative tax (equivalent) there would have been no necessity to add anything of the same sense which is expressed separately in Article 41, and relates frequently to the assessment of the new tax and determines that even this shall be as far as possible within the existing framework.

           

            This means that, according to the proposed text, the introduction of taxes, customs, duties or other dues identical in purpose in their general nature to those already existing would, in defined circumstances, be permitted, when it was not possible to collect the tax in its original shape and form. The forms and practices regarding the collection of taxes, customs, duties or other dues, as the case may be, are those that exist, but if it is not possible to follow them, other forms and practices are permitted as far as allowed in the terms of the text.

 

            The point is that there is no absolute and rigorous prohibition at all on new taxation. All that is prescribed is the criterion of the ability of implementing the existing laws. It is here that mention should be made of the fact that the question of introducing a new tax was not overlooked by the experts who discussed the project. At one stage they even proposed the addition of an express provision recognizing the right to impose a new tax, since the cost of the war was, at any rate, making that necessary. (N. R. G. de T. 2nd series, IV, (1879-80) 80). The proposal was not accepted but this was because of reservations very similar to those voiced at the Hague Convention, to which we shall return. The reservations are relevant in this case. Thus Lansberger argued, that while it can be presumed that an occupying power would levy new taxes, he should not be given the authority to do so in advance. G. Moynier maintained that if there was a need for additional revenue, it could be raised by the imposition of levies (G. Robin Jacquemyns in R.D.I. et de L. Couv., vol. 411, (1875) 477). The provision for imposing levies instead of taxes that are not collectable was included in Article 41 for this reason.

 

            The absence of any obligation, absolute and without exception, by virtue of which one must act in accordance with the forms and practices in force on the eve of the occupation takes us back to the phrase 'as far as possible', which expresses implied permission to deviate from the existing situation. The phrase, to which we shall have to return in regard to the Hague Convention, does not subject the possible and the implementable to reasons of military and security exigencies only. That is to say, it is not only the limitations deriving from conditions of war and belligerency that can be legitimate grounds for deviating from the customary and from what is already firmly established. As has been indicated, this text also served as the opening for the recognition of the innate difficulties in the ability of implementation, pure and simple, such as obstacles that resulted from the non-co-operation on the part of former officials. It is obviously impossible to foresee and pinpoint all the circumstances that may be used as grounds for deviation from existing conditions, when the collection of tax, valid and in force before the occupation, has become impossible to implement. [p. 249]

 

            b) The absence of an absolute prohibition obligates reiteration of the guideline referred to in para. 14 (c) above: The prohibition has no force in any particular area of military government activity unless it is derived from a customary rule, and no customary rule can be considered as a firmly recognized principle unless it has received expression in one of the sources we have mentioned.

 

            Sometimes general guidance may be given regarding the form of a solution to be utilized for the case of a lacuna in the laws of war. Thus, the eighth paragraph of the preamble to the Second Hague Convention of 1899 and the Fourth Hague Convention respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land of 1907 refers us to

 

"...the principles of the law of nations derived from the usages established among civilized peoples, (from) the laws of humanity and (from) the dictates of public conscience."

 

            Seemingly the laws of humanity and the dictates of conscience cannot serve as a certain guide for those seeking an answer to the question of introducing new taxation, but in so far as something may be learned from the trends and viewpoints common at the particular time among civilized peoples, the Lieber Instructions and the Brussels Project serve at least as aids for understanding the developments that found expression in the subsequent Hague Conventions, in which expression for the accepted common denominator was requested.

           

18. As mentioned above, the Brussels Proposals remained as the basis for theoretical discussion.

           

            To complete the picture, it should be mentioned that in 1880 the Oxford Institute of International Law published a manual to the Laws of Land Warfare, the work of Gustav Moynier (see Annuaire de l'Institut de Droit International, vol. V (1881-82)186, and J. B. Scott, Resolutions of the Institute of International Law, New York (1916) p. 26).

           

            The manual was designed as well to assist in the gradual codification of the area of international law with which we are concerned. The introduction states:

           

"The Institute.... does not propose an international treaty, which might perhaps be premature or at least very difficult to obtain; but, being bound by its by-laws to work, among other things, for the observation of the laws of war, it believes it is fulfilling a duty in offering to the governments a Manual suitable as the basis for national legislation in each State, and in accord with both the progress of juridical science and the needs of civilized armies. Rash and extreme rules will not, furthermore, [p. 250] be found therein. The Institute has not sought innovations in drawing up the Manual; it has contented itself with stating clearly and codifying the accepted ideas of our age so far as this has appeared allowable and practicable."

 

            The question of taxation is dealt with directly in Article 57 of the Manual, and indirectly in Article 58, as follows:

           

"Art. 57. The occupant may collect, in the way of dues and taxes, only those already established for the benefit of the State. He employs them to defray the expenses of administration of the country, to the extent in which the legitimate government was bound.

            "Art. 58. The occupant cannot collect extraordinary contributions of money, save as an equivalent for fines, or imposts not paid, or for payments not made in kind. Contributions in money can be imposed only on the order and responsibility of the general in chief, or of the superior civil authority established in the occupied territory, as far as possible, in accordance with the rules of assessment and incidence of the taxes in force."

 

            Again there is reference to taxation for the benefit of the state as distinct, for example, from taxes and dues intended to provide funds to a local authority or some other special agency. The point is, however, that the proposed text restricts the military authority for the first time to "only those taxes already established."

           

            The Manual did not achieve official standing: some of its ideas are echoed in the Hague Regulations but, as we shall see, in a different form.

           

19. (a) In May 1899, on the initiative of the Russian Czar Nicholas II, there was convened in the Hague, the first Peace Conference attended by the representatives of twenty-six countries. The second Peace Conference met in 1907 with a larger number of participants and continued as the one before in the preparation of Conventions on the Laws of War. (The Conventions were published by the Dutch Foreign Ministry: Conference Internationale de la Paix 1899 and 1907, Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres, La Haye, Imprimeries National, 1899-1907). With regard to the Final Acts, D. Schindler and J. Toman, in (The Laws of Armed Conflict, Geneva, 2nd ed., 1981) 49 - write as follows: [p. 251]

 

"The Final Acts constitute authoritative statements of the results achieved. They were signed by the delegates but not ratified by the participating states. They have no binding force."

 

            Among the Conventions signed at both Conferences are Convention No. II of 1899 with Respect to the Laws and Customs of War on Land, and Convention IV of 1907 Respecting the Laws of War on Land which came into effect regarding the ratifying states on 4 September 1900 and 26 January 1910, respectively.

           

            (b) During the years that passed after the signing of the Conventions the view steadily grew that the Regulation annexed to the Fourth Convention of 1907 represented customary international law in the field of laws of war, binding on everyone. (See Cession of Vessels and Tugs for Navigation on the Danube Arbitration 1 R.I.A.A. p. 99, 104 (1921); cf. E. Fraenkel, Military Occupation and the Rule of Law (Oxford. 1944) 183-189. Regarding the attitude of the German courts in a case of this kind during the occupation of the Rhine region after the First World War. D. Schindler and J. Toman, supra at 57, write:

           

"The provisions of the two Conventions on Land Warfare, like most of the substantive provisions of the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, are considered as embodying rules of customary international law. As such they are also binding on states which are not formally parties to them. In 1946 the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal stated with regard to the Hague Convention on Land Warfare of 1907: 'The rules of land warfare expressed in the Convention undoubtedly represented an advance over existing International Law at the time of their adoption ... but by 1939 these rules ... were recognized by all civilized nations and were regarded as being declaratory of the laws and customs of war' (reprinted in AJIL, Vol. 41 (1947) pp. 248-9). The International Military Tribunal for the Far East expressed, in 1948, an identical view." (See, Judgment of the International Military Tribunal [p. 252] for the Trial of German Major War Criminals, (Nuremberg, 1946) Cmd. 6964 p. 65)

 

            The statements of the International Military Tribunal are unequivocal and have served many scholars as guide-lines when dealing with the question of the binding force of the Fourth Hague Convention: (See, for example, L. Oppenheim, International Law (London, 7th ed; by H. Lauterpacht. vol. II, 1952) p. 234 and Prof. G. Schwarzenberger, The Law of Armed Conflict, supra, vol. II, pp. 164-65).

           

            It may be noted that at the same time that the International Military Tribunal wrote its judgment, the Allied Military Government in Germany did not consider itself bound by the rules of the Hague Convention since these did not apply to them according to the then accepted rules of international law in the case of debellatio (see L. Oppenheim, supra, at 602 and the arguments presented there, but as opposed to this see, G. Schwarzenberger, supra at 319, and A. Verdross, Voelterrecht, Vierte Ausgabe (1959) p. 385).

           

            At all events, we have already mentioned the view that regards the appendix to the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907 as expressing customary international law in the field of the laws of war, a view adopted by this court in Ayub [2]. (See also Dinstein, The Judgement in the Matter of the Rafiah Gap. loc. cit.). There was, therefore, no argument before us on this point.)

           

20. The provisions pertinent in this case which have been dealt with extensively by the parties are contained in Articles 48 and 49 of the appendices (the Regulation) to the Second Convention of 1899 and the Fourth Convention of 1907. The textual differences are marginal but for the purpose of accuracy and comparison it is only proper to give both versions, side by side:

 

1899

Art. 48. If, in the territory occupied, the occupant collects the taxes, dues, and tolls imposed for the benefit of the State, he shall do it, as far as possible, in accordance with the rules in existence and the assessment in force, and will in consequence be bound to defray the expenses of the administration of the occupied territory on the same scale as that by which the legitimate Government was bound.

            Art. 49. If, besides the taxes mentioned in the preceding article, the occupant levies other money taxes in the occupied territory, this can only be for military necessities [p. 253] or the administration of such territory.

           

1907

Art. 48. If, in the territory occupied, the occupant collects the taxes, dues, and tolls imposed for the benefit of the State, he shall do so, as far as is possible, in accordance with the rules of assessment and incidence in force, and shall in consequence be bound to defray the expenses of the administration of the occupied territory to the same extent as the legitimate Government was so bound.

 

            Art. 49. If, in addition to the taxes mentioned in the above article, the occupant levies other money contributions in the occupied territory, this shall only be for the needs of the army or the administration of the territory in question.

           

            For the binding customary international law in effect now, we must turn to the Hague Regulations of 1907; but in order to understand the background and to facilitate comparison between the versions, both texts of the articles are quoted, as they appear in both Conventions.

           

            It may be added here that the British Army Manual (Sir H. Lauterpacht, The Law of War on Land being part III of the Manual of Military Law (London, 1958) (hereinafter: The British Manual) reproduces part of an English translation of Article 48 which differs from that of J. B. Scott as quoted below:

           

"...as far as possible, in accordance with the rules of assessment and incidence in force."

 

            In the fifth appendix of the British Manual which contains an excerpt from The Hague Regulations (1907), the above passage, at 208, appears as follows:

           

"as far as possible, in accordance with the legal basis and assessment in force at the time."

 

            It seems that the British Manual version is more correct since the French version of the text is as follows: [ p. 254]

           

"Si l'occupant preleve, dans le territoire occupe, les impots, droits et peages etablis au profit de l'Etat, il le fera autant que possible, d'apres les regles de l'assiette et de la repartition en vigueur..." (The emphasis is mine - M.S.)

 

            It follows from the original text that the term les regles (the rules) accompanies the words assie and repartition, as a descriptive noun common to each of them. The meaning of assiette is base or basis (base or fondement) as defined in the Larousse dictionary. Together in its relationship to tax is the word impot which dominates the French text of Article 48, meaning (the legal) basis of the tax. Hence the translation of the words regles de l'assiette corresponds to provisions or rules in relation to the legal basis of the taxes or dues. Therefore the British Manual translated the French expression regles de l'assiette to the English text with the words: "legal basis."

           

            The term repartition means in French distribution or partage. The reference is to the way of determining who is subject to tax (see Larousse above, the explanation of the term impot de partition). The British term incidence also refers to the answer to the question of who is subject to tax and how much it is. (H.W. Fowler, The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English, Oxford, 5th ed. 1964).

           

21. Article 48 -The text accepted in 1899 and that in the Convention of 1907 use the conditional tense, (that is to say... if ...) as opposed to the positive declaratory style that we find in Article 56 of the same regulations, and in other articles, a style more decisive than that demanded by the Oxford manual quoted in para. 18 above. As is acceptable to us in interpretations of statutory law or conventions, the reasons for variations that occur in texts of the same case must be investigated, for the change in text may result in a change of intention, content, and ramifications.

 

            The use of the conditional form of necessity limits the meaning and operation of the article to the given set of circumstances, to the situation created if the occupying power decides to levy existing taxes meant to serve the interests of the state. If it does so, the article provides, it is also bound by defined duties, and more specifically: if it collects taxes as defined it must defray the expenses of the territory and may not fill its own coffers and leave the territory and its problems unattended. The levying of a tax carries with it the duty linked to the tax. On the other hand, as the article is formulated, there is no general and guiding principle applicable to every matter of taxation. The article, according to its structure and content, refers only to what has to be done when existing government taxes are collected [p. 255] and it is thus confined to these given circumstances alone. Likewise, Article 49 also prescribes a duty that the new tax will carry, if the new tax is introduced.

           

            It is indeed apparent that the above-mentioned text, which does not, in a general and positive manner, declare whether the occupying power is allowed to collect existing taxes or levy new ones, was not adopted by chance or in vain, but is a clear and conscious expression of the adoption of part of the achievements in this area of the Belgian representative Auguste Beernaert, in the two peace conferences. At the opening of the debate in 1899, Beernaert posed a general problem centred around the provisions of a chapter of the Convention that dealt with the occupied territories, and which also included Article 48. He expressed the misgivings that the text would present, generally and positively, and in an exhaustive manner, just what actions are permitted to the occupying power, in order to draw up a sort of series of rights, indicating in advance all the legal possibilities open to him. According to Beernaert, that would:

           

"expressly to legalize rights of a victor over the vanquished and thus organize a regime of defeat." (E. Rolin, Report to the Conference from the Second Commission on the Law and Customs of War on Land; Proces - Verbaux, pt. 1, p. 34. Address by A. Beernaert of June 6, 1899).

 

            He saw as unwise a text that accorded rights to an occupying power that would legalize its actions. He proposed that the Convention embody no provisions, that it recognize the existing situation without according vested rights to an occupying power.

           

            In this connection, A. Beernaert and den Beer Portugael (the Dutch representative) proposed deleting from the appendix to the Fourth Geneva Convention, the provision like the one appearing in para. 3 of the Brussels Project, which is also similar to Article 43. They were supported by the Swiss representative (Odier) (See: N. R. G. de T. 2nd Series, vol. III 120, 121; J. B. Scott, The Reports to the Hague Conferences of 1899 and 1907 (Oxford, 1917) 139, 149. These arguments are also mentioned in the Instructions to the American Delegates to the Hague Peace Conferences and their Official Reports (New York, 1916) 49. In order to understand the basic purposes of the drafters of the Regulations it is important to recall the views of E. Robin that Regulations should only emphasize what prohibitions apply to the occupying power and not necessarily what he is permitted to do. (Conference de la Paix, La Hague, 1899 Part III, p. 120). Against this background it is easier to understand why the provision that was included in the Brussels Project was omitted at the Hague, a provision according to which, under certain conditions it was permitted to collect a tax "equivalent" to the existing tax. [p. 256]

           

            The principle of the matter, in the light of A. Beernaert's remarks in Article 48; it was agreed in the second Commission of the Conference that this article should adopt a moderate approach prescribing the significance and ramifications in the event that the occupying power decided to collect the existing taxes as indicated in Article 48; and not introduce a provision that prescribes in a general way, the scope of authority of the occupying power in the field of taxes through a complete presentation of prohibitions and allowances. As E. Robin, the Rapporteur, remarked during presentation of his proposals to the Second Commission to the plenum of the Conference:

           

"It may be observed that the new article adopts a conditional form. This wording was proposed by the reporter with a view to obtaining the support of Mr. Beernaert and other members of the subcommission who had expressed the fears with which every wording seemingly recognizing rights in an occupant as such inspired in them." (J. B. Scott, supra at 150)

 

            Thus, it is clear why a version was chosen from which it is possible to learn only the obligations that fall upon the occupying power regarding the purpose of the collected taxes in the event that he collects the existing government tax (Article 48) or levies new taxes (Article 49). On the other hand, there is no provision, either in the 1899 or 1907 conventions, detailing in any way whatsoever the rights of the Military Government in the field of taxation. At any rate, it is difficult to conclude from Articles 48 and 49 of the Hague Convention appendix that there is a rule of customary international law prohibiting, as it were, imposition of new taxes by the occupying power. There is no such express statement in the Convention, and as may be learned from the discussion that preceded its adoption, there was no intention of including such a provision. Since we are prevented from taking a general position in this particular matter, the basis for a simplistic viewpoint can be discarded under any circumstances that the Convention purports to present a rule inclusive, exhaustive and absolute, which, as it were, might at once resolve the difficulty before us.

            In the 1916 edition of Wheatkon's book, attention is directed to the fact that Article 48 does not, according to the opinion of the author, permit collection of taxes, nor does it prohibit it. Rather, it imposes certain limitations incumbent upon the occupying power if he decides to collect the existing taxes (Wheatkon's Elements of International Law, Coleman Philipson edition 1916, p. 534).

           

22. (a) Article 48 relates to 'taxes, dues and tolls imposed for the benefit of the state.' The terms 'taxes, dues and tolls' represent, from the viewpoint of classifications acceptable to us, taxes, compulsory payments, dues and property taxes (cf. A. Witkon and Y. Ne'eman, Tax Law: Income Tax, Estate Duty and Capital Appreciation Taxes [p. 257] (Schocken, 4th ed., 1969) pp. 4-7, and Bialer v. Minister of Finance (15)), although in the interest of uniformity and simplicity, inclusive expressions may generally be used, like 'tax,' 'taxes' or 'taxation' as the case may be. As mentioned, we are speaking of taxation, the proceeds of which are intended for the purposes of the state.

            The term 'contributions' appearing in Article 49 would be translated as 'dues' or 'tolls.'

            b) Article 48 is made up of two principal parts. The first is the description of circumstances, the factual background, from which emerge other directives and restrictions contained in the second part of the article. Said factual situation arises as indicated, when the military government decides to collect the existing taxes.

           

            The second part of the article contains the provisions that present the principal obligations that derive from the formation of the factual circumstances. These obligations also fall into two groups, as we shall see subsequently.

            Regarding the first part: the conditional circumstances arise, as already mentioned, at the time the military government decides to collect the existing taxes that serve the state, as opposed to taxes that serve any other agencies operating within it. The factual situation described, as appears in the first part of Article 48, follows the pattern of the Brussels Project. However, it must be remembered that the latter was drafted not in a conditional form but in an absolute form that was rejected by the delegates who drafted the Hague Convention, for the reasons set out above.

            The power described is of restrictive significance at another level, and that is, that the decision of the military government to collect the government taxes also obstructs the previous administration from continuing to collect the taxes. In this connection, the learned Frenchman (P. Fauchille, Trait[169] de Droit International Public, (vol. 2, 1921) p. 263) points out that it is in the interest of the occupying power to block the sources of revenue of the enemy, and it can achieve this, inter alia, by taking over the tax revenues. He says that the authority according to Article 48 has two facets:

 

"L'occupant a deux droits correlatifs - (a) le droit d'empecher la perception de l'impot au profit de l'Etat dont il detient une portion du territoire; (b) le droit de percevoir l'impot a sa place."

           

            That is to say, we are speaking of two interdependent rights one of which is the right to prevent the collection of taxes by the defeated state, part of whose territory has been taken over by another state; [p. 258] and the right to collect the tax in its stead (See also R. Lapidot, The Rules of Public International Law Regarding Taxation in Occupied Territory (1968) 3 Tax Quarterly pp. 111-2).

            Regarding the second part: as mentioned above there are two restrictive conditions attached to the collection and use of the tax. One is the manner of collecting the tax, and the other is the manner in which the collected revenues are to be used. First things first: In the matter of the manner of collection there has been a transition from a strict condition in the 1899 version to broader terms in the 1907 version. The 1899 Convention prescribed that collection of taxes should be carried out, to the extent possible, in accordance with the rules in existence and according to the assessment. This added restriction came into being during the discussion on the Brussels Project and the same is true regarding the restriction on the use of the revenues from taxation. (N.R.G. de T. 2nd series, IV, p. 79). The formulation of 1907, as presented by J. B. Scott as mentioned earlier, prescribes, on the other hand, that the tax shall be collected, to the extent possible, in accordance 'with the rules of assessment and incidence in force.' That is to say, in terms of formulation, there was a change in the binding criterion to be obeyed, in so far as possible, according to Article 48: in place of the existing assessment, which in the natural course of things does not change, and will remain the same even under inflationary conditions, for instance, the 'rules of assessment' in the 1907 regulation permit the adoption of changing values that can be affected by changing economic circumstances and the like.

            The 1899 wording related to the collection of tax that was imposed, and whose assessment was determined before the occupation, whereas the 1907 Convention relates only to the principles guiding the manner of imposition of the taxes, and the circumstances under which the obligation to pay arises. Thus, if there remains any doubt about the conclusion to be derived from Article 48 as it was interpreted by the committee in 1907 when taken literally, a comparison between the two versions dispels it.

            The principle is that the duty to follow the rules of assessment and incidence is not absolute: similarly to the Brussels Project, the Hague Convention does not prescribe rigid and absolute rules regarding the collection of tax from which no deviation is permissible. Rather, it stipulates that the guiding principles mentioned above depend upon it being capable of implementation 'as far as possible.' In connection with the flexibility applied to this criterion, at this point it is pertinent to compare this formulation with that of Article 56 of the Hague Convention Regulations for instance, wherein it is clearly stated without conditions or reservations whatsoever that 'any seizure or destruction... is forbidden,' even under circumstances described as the demands of war. [p. 259]

 

            (c) The phrase 'as far as possible' limits the obligation of acting according to the rules of assessment and incidence, and apportionment of the tax burden. As already noted, when the Brussels wording was discussed, the practical ability of implementing the existing arrangements was a condition limiting the obligation to do so. That is, if the matter cannot be executed for reasons such as these, to which we shall refer later, there is no obligation to adopt the principles of assessment and the rules of apportionment of the tax burden, and incidence of imposition and payment of tax.

           

            The question arises, in greater detail, as to the scope for action created by the use of the expression 'as far as possible.' It would seem that the phrase should be interpreted in light of the general understanding expressed in the Convention, for instance, in the letter and spirit of Article 43. Under this article the laws in force are to be honoured, and no change in the law can be made except as a result of substantive data that make it impossible to act in accordance with the article. But comparison of the wording of Articles 43 and 48 of the same Convention, which deal with essentially similar matters, also indicates a difference in the language employed, which reflects varying degrees of emphasis of the prohibition of making changes. Thus, Article 43 says to honour existing law 'as far as possible' while Article 48 says 'unless absolutely prevented.' (See Almakdassa [8] at 581). In terms of severity, one can only conclude from the differences of expression that Article 43 imposed a more absolute obligation than that mentioned in Articles 48 and 49.

            It is obvious that conditions of battle and military pressures can make continuation of action in accordance with existing tax laws incapable of being carried out. However, as stated above, there is no reason to make the possibility of implementation, on the one hand, and the deviation therefrom, on the other, subject to military pressures alone. The simple technicality of missing land registers or lists of debtors, may also constitute cause for precluding implementation, depending on the factual circumstances. It would seem that substantive economic fiscal changes that have a decisive effect on the economic situation and that could render meaningless continued action in accordance with the old rules, may also allow for deviation from those rules.

           

            The British manual suggests that deviation from the existing system of tax collection is permissible only if the officials of the previous government have fled, or if they interfere in any way with the collection of the tax. This is, without a doubt, an example of a situation wherein the collection of the tax cannot be implemented in accordance with the existing pattern. However, we do not know the source of the view described earlier which treats these specific circumstances as the only circumstances in which deviation is permitted. Incidentally, the French Army Manual for Officers of 1893, that preceded the Hague Regulation (Manuel de Droit International a l'Usage des Officers de l'Armee de Terre, (3eme ed. 1893) 95-104) has a more general wording, and a mention of the possibility of imposing a new tax at the existing rates (see the Brussels Project) if it is not possible to collect the existing tax in accordance with the prevailing provisions. [p. 260]

            Every set of circumstances must be examined in the light of its substantive character and its implications. But if, for example, we take a case where many years have passed since the previous government had introduced the existing rules of taxation, and if the economic situation has undergone a drastic change, and no opportunity exists of maintaining a reasonable relationship between the tax collection under the prior criteria and upholding the purpose for which the taxes were intended, as in the second part of Article 48, then rigid adherence to the previous practice does not have to be treated as binding under that article, nor can the article increase the burden falling on the shoulders of the military government because of Article 43, which we will discuss later. In this connection, G. von Glahn, in The Occupation of Enemy Territory (Minneapolis 1957) 151, wrote:

           

"the wording of the Hague Regulations does not prohibit the increase in rates when such increase may be justified truthfully as being in the interest of public order and safety."

 

            The same applies, for example, to very great variations in the level of average income, exchange rates, purchasing power and the like. As we shall see later, the duty of the military government to maintain the vie publique on an ongoing basis, and to do so efficiently, is a legitimate consideration in regard to continuation of the possibility of acting according to the rules that had served the previous administration, which had acted under a decidedly different reality. Every legislative act is subject to a number of relevant considerations, to be dealt with later, but it must always be accompanied by the common denominator of a fixed consideration expressed by the restoration and continuation of orderly government. It is superfluous to emphasize once again that in accordance with the basic concepts that restrict any deviation from the law in force before the occupation, no changes or innovations may be made unless dictated by decisive considerations. Accordingly, the obligation of honouring the existing rules is not to be taken lightly. Only pressures or changes of circumstances of severity as mentioned above (and the list does not purport to be exhaustive) permit abandonment of the existing rules. So far we have dealt with changes that render impossible the implementation of the existing rules for the purposes of the first part of Article 48.

           

            (d) The second obligation, which follows from the decision of the military government to collect the tax, is connected to the condition that determines the disposition of the monies raised. If the military government collects the taxes, which are meant for the state per se, it will thereby be obligated to defray the expenses of administering the territory and at the same time maintain the standard of implementation dictated to it, since under Article 48 it must fulfil its obligations to the same extent that the previous government had been bound.

           

            Incidentally, the identity of the agency collecting the tax does not of necessity determine the disposition of the tax collected. A local agency [p. 261] may collect tax for the central authority and the tax so collected will be treated like the tax mentioned in Article 48 - 'imposed for the benefit of the state' - (G. von Glahn, supra at 152). The same approach applies in reverse. If a given tax is collected by the central government, acting solely as the collecting agent, and the tax is prima facie intended for the local authorities, then it is incumbent on the military government to treat this tax as it would have acted before its establishment, and it is not to treat the tax as a government tax. (See also R. Lapidot, op. cit. at p. 113). Nevertheless, the military government is also competent to supervise the collection of land taxes payable to the local authorities, in order to ensure that they are not used for purposes directed against the military government. (Spaight, War Rights on Land (1911) p. 378).

            This section of the article does not employ here, in connection with defraying the needs of the territory, the wording of 'as far as possible,' nor does it relate to circumstances in which there are insufficient funds for this purpose. However, this may raise the related question of what is the obligation of the occupying power in the event that the sources of revenue in the territory do not produce enough money to defray its administrative expenses? In other words, does that obligate the military government, under Article 43 of 1907, to provide what is required out of its own resources to fulfil its obligation

           

"to restore, and ensure, as far as possible, public order and safety."

           

            This difficulty does not arise in the case before us, and can therefore be left for future consideration. It is dealt with by E. H. Feilchenfeld, supra at 84-85.

            Inherent in the collection of the tax is the obligation to defray expenses according to the standard usual in the past, but regarding surplus revenue, if any, there is nothing in the terms of the provision that requires expenditure of the surplus solely for the needs of the administration of the territory. All that is ensured by the provision is to ensure the priority of defraying the expenses of the administration over other expenditures, without prohibiting the use of the surplus to fill the needs of the military government.

            If the monies collected are insufficient to cover the necessary administrative expenses of the territory, the government also has the option as derived from Article 49, of imposing other obligatory levies. However, regarding these supplementary payments there is clear provision that places absolute restrictions on its use. (See the end of Article 49 in this regard). It can be inferred from what is said in Article 49, according to which monies collected in the framework of supplementary taxation (see the Convention of 1899) or other financial levies are not to be used (as stated in the Convention of 1907) for anything other than military needs, or administrative expenses, thus further strengthening the conclusion that Article 48, whose wording is different, gives priority to defraying the costs of administering the territory, but does not contain a prohibition [p. 262] to render illegitimate the use of surplus revenue, if any, for other purposes. (See the British Manual, para. 527, p. 146).

           

23. (a) Article 49 of the Hague Regulations of 1907 recognized by implication the authority of the military government to impose levies. This authority is not conditional on the inability to collect the existing taxes (compare Article 58 of the Brussels Project), since the article we are dealing with speaks of collection of taxes in addition to those mentioned in Article 48. That is to say, the Hague Regulations removed the restriction according to which taxes were to be imposed only in place of taxes not collected, or instead of requisitioned property, or imposition of fines, as was customary when the Brussels Project and the Oxford proposals were drafted. The restriction was now expressed by indicating the purpose for which the collected tax may be used. (D. A. Graber, supra at 251, but see the contrary view of R. Jacomet, Les Lois de la Guerre Continentale, (Paris, 1913) 9-80).

            Article 49 also employs a conditional wording, i.e., all it prescribes is that if the occupying power collects other taxes, there arises the concurrent absolute obligation to use the income for military needs, or for the administration of the territory. This income cannot be used, as stated, to serve any other purpose, and all that has been said above about surplus revenue from existing taxes does not apply here. All that the article indicates, as mentioned, is the disposition of the income, if taxes were imposed, with no detail as to when and under what conditions the levy can be instituted. We therefore said above that we can learn of the existence of the right to impose taxes by implication only.

            The purposes for which the tax revenue is intended are military needs, which means participation in the war effort, or needs of the government of the territory, and no more. The purpose of detailing the aims as stated is to prevent the application of the taxes for the enrichment of the occupying power. As put by Edouard Rolin, the rapporteur:

           

"On the whole, what is forbidden is levying contributions for the purpose of enriching myself." (J. B. Scott, supra at 151).

 

(See also the British Manual. para. 605. p. 168).

 

            To complete the picture, it is well to recall the conclusion that the Convention in its present wording is sufficient to prevent the subjective use of the monies collected as levies so that their collection will not revert to a means of self-enrichment, or for pressuring the population, was not everyone's opinion. There were those who thought that the Convention did not contain a clear and detailed prohibition such as this, despite the fact that it should, and it still requires clarification and completion on this point. [p. 263] (See Hyde, International Law, Chiefly as Interpreted and Applied by the United States, (Boston, 1922) Sec. 692; J.W. Garner, International Law and World War, (New York, Vol. II, 1920) 114).

           

            There is no denying that the use of the authority to impose levies, according to the examples taken from the accounts of E. H. Feilchenfeld and W. Winthrop and others, strengthens the doubts of J. W. Garner and Hyde, as above, regarding the use of force in the imposition of levies. However, it seems that the aberration in the use of taxes which occurred in practice did not actually come about through the vagueness of the wording of the article or a lack in the accompanying interpretative rule.

 

            (b) As indicated, we are dealing here with 'contributions.' Article 49 of the Convention of 1899 referred to 'other money taxes' i.e., as if the same applies to supplementary 'taxation.' But the expression employed in the 1907 Convention clearly referred to contributions in money, which are parallel, and even identical in substance, to levies in the form of requisitions in kind (as stated in Article 52) which in the English text, in the translation of the 3rd paragraph of Article 52 as cited by J. B. Scott, are called 'presentations in nature.' The British Manual, in connection with the latter, suggested the translation 'supplies in kind.' (The British Manual, para. 605, p. 168).

           

            Incidentally, para. 605 of the British Manual avoids the proper distinction, as required by the wording of Article 52, between 'requisitions in kind and in services and seizure in kind.' In this connection, the British Manual says that:

           

"Cash, over and above taxes, may be requisitioned from the inhabitants, and is then called a 'contribution.' " (My emphasis - M. Shamgar)

 

            The use of the word 'requisition' in this connection is imprecise, (see also E. H. Feilchenfeld, supra at 41) but that is not our concern here.

            What are these contributions? They are the imposition of the payment of sums of money, taking the form of a quota fixed in advance or a similar forced imposition of payments upon a settlement or its inhabitants or every resident of the State. To a great degree this is an act of war of the victor as such, reminiscent of the vae victis story of Livy (vol. 5, 48).

            A list of examples regarding exercising of the authority to impose 'contributions' is given, inter alia, by E. H. Feilchenfeld, supra at 41-43. From these we may infer the nature of the obligation [p. 264] and the basic difference between a contribution and ordinary taxation, direct or indirect, which is related to the fiscal or economic processes of a territory and not with the simple and apparent aim of filling the coffers of the State that is the victor, either temporarily or permanently. The following instructive passages are from examples cited by E. H. Feilchenfeld, ibid., 42-44:

 

"169. Germany was accused in both 1870-71 and 1914-18, of levying excessive contributions not justified by the needs of the army. In examining such accusations it should not be overlooked, however, that some excesses were committed as allegedly lawful reprisals, that the financial needs of modern armies are very great, and that the ultimate use of contributed money is not as easily checked as that of a requisitioned article.

 

170. In 1866 Prussia imposed a heavy contribution on the city of Frankfurt. In 1870-71 almost all occupied cities were forced by the Germans to pay contributions which, it was alleged, were higher than justified by the needs of the occupying army. Thus, the Department of the Lower Seine was forced to pay 24,000,000 francs, and Rouen over 6,000,000 francs, within five days.

Paris, after its capitulation, had to pay a contribution of 200,000,000 francs within a few days. The levying of contributions continued after the signing of an armistice. However, the total of contributions was lower than that of requisitions, which was estimated at 327,581,506 francs....

 

172. During the War of 1914-18, the German occupation authorities in Belgium levied special contributions on many cities, towns, and villages. In addition, by a decree of December 10, 1914, they imposed a general contribution of 480,000,000 francs on the nine occupied Belgian provinces....

 

173. In November, 1915, this contribution was extended indefinitely, and in November, 1916, it was increased by 10,000,000 francs. A third contribution of [p. 265] 300,000,000 francs was imposed on November 20, 1916. This time the monthly payments were raised from 40,000,000 francs to 50,000,000 francs. The fourth contribution came only half a year later, on May 21, 1917. Monthly payments were again raised by 10,000,000 francs per month, being fixed at 60,000,000 francs per month, which remained the amount payable to the end of the occupation...

 

175. In France, during the first few months of the war, the Germans collected over 10,000,000 francs from Lille, Amiens, Roubaix, Tourcoing, Lens, and Armentieres.

 

176. In Rumania the Central Powers imposed a contribution of 250,000,000 lei, but merely in order to cover salary and administration expenses. There is no account of any controversy over this measure.

 

177. The German practices were severely condemned by writers after 1918. Some voices were raised in favor of a total abolition of contribution. Others suggested that a more definite term than 'needs of the army' should be adopted."

 

            The imposition of forced payments as aforesaid was a practice obviously not peculiar to the Prussian or German armies. N. Winthrop, in his classic work on military law (Military Law and Precedents (Washington 2nd ed., 1920) 806) describes some of the incidents of the 19th century, and adds:

           

"Contributions as have been exacted in nearly all the European wars, and conspicuously in the conquests of the English in India, are generally expressed to be for the purpose of defraying the expenses of the war. A contribution may also be levied for the paying of the cost of the military government itself during the period of occupation. Or it may be justified as a penalty imposed upon the conquered nation for having initiated hostilities in violation of treaty or otherwise without legitimate excuse; [p. 266] or as a commutation for the plunder to which the population would otherwise be subject, or a compensation for the protection of life and property and preservation of order under circumstances of difficulty; or as a mulct for the commission by the troops or people of the invaded country of acts specially injurious to the occupying army or to the persons under the protection.

 

            Contributions are generally exacted not from individuals but from the enemy government, or from communities in the mass - as from separate districts, towns, etc., and through the local authorities. Thus, upon the conquest of Mexico in 1847, Gen. Scott levied assessments, (G.O. 287, 395, Hdqrs. of Army, 1847) 'for the support of the American military occupation,' upon the nineteen States of that Republic, in sums from $5,000 to $688,332, the latter being the amount levied upon the Capital. Previously, 1825 in March of the same year, at Monterey, Gen. Taylor had made and enforced an assessment upon the inhabitants of Tamaulipas, New Leon and Coahuila, by way of indemnification for the pillage and destruction of his wagon trains...

            Scott states in his Autobiography (p. 582) that there actually came into his hands 'about $220,000,' of which $102,000 was expended for the benefit of the soldiers, and $118,000 was sent to Washington for the purposes of the founding of an Army Asylum - the present 'Soldiers' Home.' Strictly, this latter, as being in the nature of an investment of the contribution for the profit of the Government, was not a legitimate use of the funds."

           

            See also: Spaight, War Rights on Land (1911) 303; J. W. Garner, Community Fines and Collective Responsibility, 11 Supp. Am. J. Int'l. L. (1917) 511, International Law, vol. 2, supra at 106; D. A. Graber, supra at 217, 285.

           

            Thus all this does not speak of ordinary taxation but a special and exceptional contribution in the form of compulsory collection of money for defined purposes, necessitated by the circumstances of occupation and the requirements of the military government, and constitutes [p. 267] a substantive part of the occupying power's means of defraying its expenses, and also to oppress the population. Therefore, why was it deemed necessary to attach to the very mention of the possible exercise of the said authority of the military express restrictions regarding the legitimate purpose of the contributions and flexible restrictions as to the means of imposition and collection (see J. B. Scott, supra at 150)? As explained, the subject matter is a contribution, the purpose of which is to raise funds for the needs of the army and therefore this authority is similar or parallel to the requisitioning of vehicles or other movable items required for the operations of the army. The explanations of the British Manual dealing with the purposes of the contribution and its disposition indicate directly its character as a direct military and financial means, the main purpose of which is to defray the cost of maintaining the occupying military forces or the administration of the territory, as stated in the Manual (para. 606, p. 168):

           

"The purpose of the contributions is to distribute the burden of requisitioning between the towns and the more productive country districts, cash contributed from the former being used to purchase produce in the latter."

 

            The contributions are not and have never been the sole exclusive means of collecting money from the local population for the requirements of the army. It is sufficient to mention here also collective fines and compulsory loans (see E. H. Feilchenfeld, supra at 46-47).

           

            (c) With regard to the manner of collecting the contributions, Article 51 of 1907 prescribes a series of formal limitations, some of them singular to contributions and some similar to those applicable to 'collection of the existing taxes':

           

"No contribution shall be collected except under a written order, and on the responsibility of a commander-in-chief.

            The collection of the said contribution shall only be effected as far as possible in accordance with the rules of assessment and incidence of the taxes in force.

            For every contribution a receipt shall be given to the contributor."

 

(Compare Article 41 of the Brussels Project).

            (d) In the occupied territories which have been administered by the Israel Defence Forces since 1967, no use has ever been made of the power to levy contributions, fines or forced loans.

           

24. It is possible to attempt to summarize for our purpose the conclusions ensuing from the wording of Articles 48 and 49. [p. 268]

 

            (a) No explicit provision can be found in the wording of the 1899 or 1907 Conventions that "it is forbidden to levy taxes on the population." This means that the most extravagant argument can only take the form of a conclusion implied by the wording, but not the form of a conclusion derived from a clearly expressed provision. Moreover, as we shall see, the implications of that stated in Article 48 are not to be tested within the narrow limits confined by the wording of the article, which, as mentioned, contains nothing to allow an unequivocal conclusion to be drawn regarding the limitations of what is permitted in the area of taxation, but the matter must be considered in the light of the nature of the military government, and its duties and responsibilities towards the territory it controls.

           

            (b) From the wording of Articles 48 and 49 and from the study of the projects and proposals that were prepared prior to the formulation of the Conventions, we can infer that the parties which convened to draft the Conventions wished to avoid as far as possible any all-embracing positive determination of what is permitted and what is forbidden, and that they merely sought to limit the scope of action to a case where either one of two sets of circumstances would arise, that is, the collection of taxes by the occupying power, for the needs of the state, or the imposition of compulsory contributions. If either of these were to occur, the occupying power would be limited in the means of implementation and disposition of revenue, as set forth in the Hague Regulations.

           

            (c) Regarding means of implementation, that is, the rules of assessment and the rules of incidence, the obligation is neither decisive nor absolute. Rather, it is flexible to no small degree and conditional upon the existing rules still being capable of implementation. The concept of 'as far as possible' may vary with the circumstances and something that is possible under a certain given set of circumstances may become impossible under another. The essence is that the rules of assessment i.e., the rules which determine the amount to be collected, and the rules of incidence and apportionment, which are the rules that determine from whom the tax is to be collected, may vary, of course, in the course of time, or if the objective conditions change substantively. In this regard, there is no logic in applying the same criterion to a newly established military government and to a military government that has administered a territory with all the problems of civil administration, for ten years or more.

 

            (d) As regards contributions, it is not explicitly laid down that it is the sole, exclusive means of continuing to raise revenue from the population. It was merely said that if the military government exercises the relevant authority, then the sole use of the revenue shall be as prescribed by the last part of Article 49.

           

            (e) Contributions are a distinctly military coercive measure, a direct result of the assumption of control by the victor. They are expressed in the forced collection of money destined to flow directly into the coffers of the military. They have no connection with taxation (customs duties or indirect taxation, for example) that are civilian in status, purpose and form. [p. 269]

           

25. (a) It may be argued that there is a bond between Articles 48 and 49, as indicated by the wording of the reference in Article 49, and that this has implications as to the extent of the powers of the military governor. To what does this apply? Article 49 of 1907, as its wording shows, is concerned with the imposition of other contributions (other money contributions), and this:

 

"in addition to the taxes mentioned in the above article."

           

            That is to say that, as it were, it can be inferred that the taxes, dues, tolls and land taxes mentioned in Article 48 are merely forms of contribution, and it could be argued that the implication of Article 49 is that the only addition in the area of taxes to that deriving from Article 48 is that which arises from the provisions of Article 49, and nothing more. This means that, if the existing taxes are insufficient, the military is permitted to make up the deficit by means of imposing forced contributions, but in no other manner.

           

            (b) The conclusion reached in sub-paragraph (a) above is not in accord with the nature of the fiscal concepts as expressed in the wording of the Regulations. There is no substantive similarity, in terms of classification and in terms of nature and substance, between "taxes, dues and tolls" on the one hand, and on the other, between "contributions" which, as described, are a forced military levy, which is the result of the belligerent occupation. As L. Oppenheim succinctly defines it, supra at 408:

           

            "Requisitions and contributions in war are the outcome of the eternal principal that war must support war. This means that every belligerent may make his enemy pay, as far as possible, for the continuation of the war."

            (A more restrictive view is expressed by E. H. Feilchenfeld, supra at 41).

           

            The use of "other" in connection with "money contributions" in relation to "taxes" is therefore a generalization, which leads to inaccuracy. It is obvious that any collection of money can be called "taxes," and that every tax is a "contribution" to the government controlling a given territory at a particular time, but except for this general similarity, the two kinds of payments ("taxes" on one hand, and "contributions" on the other) are not to be placed in the same framework. The word "other" which qualifies "money contributions" is merely a relic from the wording of the 1899 Regulations, which related in Article 49 thereof to "other money taxes."

           

            Had the first part of Articles 48 and 49 delineated a positive framework for what was permitted and what was prohibited, it would, of course, have been possible to infer from the variation of the terminology of Article 49 ("money taxes" in the 1899 Regulations, and "money contributions" in 1907) what constituted the limit of the power and authority of the military government. In other words, it could have been argued that while the 1899 wording [p. 270] permitted the imposition of additional taxes, the 1907 version permits only the imposition of war contributions, and nothing else. However, the first part is merely a circumstantial element and merely contains a presentation of a series of theoretical facts, in the form of a conditional clause, accompanied by the remark that if the circumstances described in the conditional arise, the factual background will be created, which will require action according to certain legal constraints. This means that the words "money taxes" or "money contributions" are included only as a description of a theoretical situation, and one cannot conclude that all alternatives have been exhausted thereby.

           

For this reason it was not argued, for example, that forced loans (see E. H. Feilchenfeld, supra at 46) are also illegal, since they are not mentioned in the Hague Regulations. Feilchenfeld (ibid. at 92) found nothing wrong even in forced loans for the benefit of private persons, a matter of which there is also no mention or hint in the Regulations.

            The central point - where the judicial rules are entrenched - is incorporated only in the legal component, i.e., the limitations expressed at the end of Article 48, the end of Article 49 and in Article 51, that present the limitations of the permitted and prohibited in the event that the factual component exists, i.e., when the military government decides to act in one of the ways presented at the beginning of Articles 48 and 49, whichever the case.

           

            (c) Any view that seeks to limit the authority of the occupying power only to the collection of taxes that existed before the occupation and the imposition of war contributions, and nothing more, is not without basis in the laws of war. According to the perception of its supporters, who wish to give it a theoretical foundation, it is anchored in the fundamental doctrine of the laws of war, according to which the military government merely temporarily fills the place of the previous administration that was defeated in the war. Its power and authority derive from its military status and its military government, which arises from its effective control of the territory and from the inability of the previous government to continue to fulfil its function and exercise its powers. According to L. Oppenheim, supra vol. II at 436-37:

 

"...as the legitimate Government is prevented from exercising its authority, the occupant requires a temporary right of administration over the territory and its inhabitants....the administration of the occupant is in no wise to be compared with ordinary administration, for it is distinctly and precisely military administration."

 

            Since the power of imposing ordinary taxes are within the domain of the sovereign alone, accordingly, it is argued, it does not pertain to anyone whose authority is temporary and military, as described. However, while no one disputes [p. 271] the theoretical base of this doctrine, it does not of necessity create a limitation on the power to impose taxation if the benefit and requirements of the territory deem it necessary, since the maintenance of proper balance between them and the requirements of the ruling army is a constant central guiding principle of military government. This character of military government indeed explains why taxes may be imposed only for the requirements of the territory (or requirements of the army when army contributions are involved), but it does not necessarily lead to the conclusion that the limitation on the imposition of taxes also takes precedence over the obligation to satisfy the needs of the territory and its inhabitants, and as far as possible, to restore normal life, including the economic aspect thereof.

           

(d) Furthermore, the military government may not impose on the inhabitants of a territory taxes intended for the coffers of the state on whose behalf it is acting, even if they are levied on the inhabitants of the territory after they were forcefully transferred to the area of the mother state of the military government (J. Fried, Transfer of Civilian Manpower from Occupied Territory, Am. J. Int. L. 40) (1946) 303, 316. However, here the lack of legitimacy of the taxation as described stems from over-stepping of the power of the state to levy taxes, power which is limited to the territory under its jurisdiction, and does not apply to those who were transferred within its borders against their will (St. Louis v. the Ferry Co. (1870) [24] at 430).

            Parallels can be drawn between the rules applying to the said authorities of the state within its own frontiers, and the powers of the military government to impose taxation because of circumstances derived from the needs of the territory and the needs and welfare of its inhabitants. E. Isay says, in Internationales Finanzrecht: Eine Untersuchung [248]ber die - ausseren Grenzen der Staatlichen Finanzgewalt (Stuttgart, 1934) 48:

           

"Taxation of aliens always requires a special justification. Therefore, we (experts on the international finance) have established the doctrine of equivalence: as a matter of principle, a foreigner may be taxed only to the extent to which such taxes form a counter-value for the advantages that he derives from his contact with the regime (inlandische Staatsordnung). Taxes which go beyond this extent are illegal. To demand (zu muten) from a foreigner that he should, without benefiting from the state, enhance the purposes of such state by contributing a part of his own assets, would mean to ask membership fees from a non-member who is prevented from receiving even a limited number of advantages resulting from membership. To subject a foreigner to taxation [p. 272] which is not the counter-value of benefits granted to him, is a usurpation."

           

            The foregoing clearly does not apply to the subject of taxation in military government territory and for the benefit thereof, but the notion it embraces is that the relationship between the imposition of tax on a non-citizen and the return expected by him from the fiscal measure, should rightly be examined. This relationship, in the form it takes in the laws of war, takes us back to the matter of the duty of the military government according to Article 43 of the Hague Regulations. Having returned to this question, examination is required as to the implications in terms of the residents of the territory, in the event that the limitation as argued above is applied to the authority to impose taxation.

 

            (e) The thesis of exclusivity of the authority under article 49 as a singular deviation from that described in Article 48 is extreme in terms of its significance for the local population, for whose protection the Hague Regulations are specifically intended. We can take as an example the case where the needs of the territory change as a result of the extension of services to the inhabitants. If Articles 48 and 49 are exclusive, then ordinary fiscal measures would be unable to defray the necessary expenditures. The military government will not be able to adjust the direct and indirect tax structure to changing needs, although such taxation is considered an acceptable and orderly means as long as they conform to the economic conditions of the area and the capacity of the economy operating therein, and as long as the limitations on the purposes of the revenues are respected. If the old tax system has become obsolescent and has lost touch with the new economic conditions, only one harsh and extreme alternative, as it were, seems to remain for the military government, and that is to impose military contributions, which will take money directly from the pockets of the inhabitants, in keeping with the age-old custom of the armies of all parties in many of the military campaigns of the past century and the beginning of this century, some of whose exploits are described by W. Winthrop and E. H. Feilchenfeld (supra).

            It would appear to be more reasonable to conclude that the greater includes the lesser (as E. H. Feilchenfeld believes, supra at 46), and that if contributions may be levied, the more moderate means may also be employed. It is difficult to reach the conclusion that narrowing the scope of discretion to a choice between two exclusive alternatives - i.e., existing taxation on the one hand, or compulsory contribution on the other - accurately reflects the spirit of the Hague Conventions and the intentions of those who drafted them. It certainly does not fit in with a modern vital and developing economy, and because of this it conflicts with the concept expressed in Article 43, to which we will yet return later. The fact must not be overlooked, that freezing taxation activities in their general form as employed by the military government in the beginning of its rule may bring about over the years, particularly if a few decades are involved, a freezing of the economy, cause its fluctuations, development and self-adjustment to the changes taking place in the world economy, the economy of the area, and the economy of the state which is responsible to the military government, to be ignored if the latter [p. 273] has any implication on the economy of the area under military control. In any event, the inflexibility involved in the contention, the significance of the practical application of which is under discussion here, does not necessarily follow from the wording of the Hague Regulations.

 

            (f) In principle, even if we were to adopt an extreme interpretation as was presented at the beginning of sub-paragraph (2), there is no dispute that the wording of Article 48, contains a clear and obvious opening for flexibility as far as it relates to the means of implementation and rules of incidence, and Article 49 offers an opening to the imposition of additional payments on the inhabitants. There are no restrictions on the frequency of the contribution, nor any real limitation on its accompanying considerations, its means of collection, its extent, the individual rates to be prescribed by virtue thereof, or other features of this kind. The only restriction is that of the purpose of the levy ("the needs of the military" and "requirements of the administration of the territory"), which leaves a very wide opening, as well as restrictions of no practical significance under Article 51, regarding determination of who is to be the decision-maker, following as far as possible, the rules of assessment and incidence, and the obligation to issue receipts.

           

            (g) D.A. Graber, supra at 290, indicates a limitation entrenched in the Hague Regulations. She indicates that, in view of the many complexities which were involved in the occupation of territory in our time, particularly during World War II, when extensive areas were militarily occupied under military rule for extended periods, the only conclusion to be drawn is that the Hague Regulations and the literature of the period up to 1914 are too fragmentary and inadequate to serve as a suitable guide to the practice of military government. Many of the provisions employed very general wording and left their meaning unclear. She believes that the explanation for this lies in the fact that they were formulated during a relatively calm period, during which:

           

"belligerent occupations were generally of a short duration so that occupants were not forced to assume the full governmental burdens which had rested on the displaced sovereign."

 

This means that a lengthy military occupation, which would be required to find solutions for a wide range of day-to-day problems, similar to those an ordinary government would encounter, is likely not to find answers to its questions in the provisions of the Regulations.

 

            (h) To summarize, in view of the absence of an unequivocal provision in Article 48, and since inferences may be drawn from the other provisions of the Regulations on how to fill with content the lacuna created by the wording of Articles 48 and 49, which was adopted as a result of the proposals of A. Beernaert and others who took the same approach, as described above, it is right and proper that any examination of the question of taxation take into account the ramifications arising from the more general provisions contained in Article 43 of the Convention. [p. 274] This article deals with the obligation to maintain "l'ordre et la vie publique" and the obligation to uphold the existing law, unless it is absolutely prevented from so doing (Almakdassa [8] at 581). The applicability of this article hereto will, of course, be clarified at a later point.

           

26. (a) The scope of activity permitted under Articles 48 and 49, which in terms of wording express avoidance of an exhaustive and exclusive treatment of the subject of taxation, has found expression in the interpretation of the rules of customary international law, given in the legal literature, and this subject requires separate treatment, as will be given later.

            (b) Reference to the legal literature dealing with the matter before us obliges repetition of a preliminary remark: That which is stated in the said literature does not merely constitute interpretation. of the Conventions, which themselves are in a form of codification of customary rules. Rather, they can also serve as an independent source indicating the existence of an international custom, as evidence of general practice, which is recognized as law (Prof. Y. Dinstein, op. cit. , p. 44) i. e., in so far as it pertains to the matter before us, even without regard specifically to the Hague Regulations. Therefore, attention must be paid to the foundations upon which rest the conclusion of a particular legal expert, that is to say, is he attempting to interpret the Hague Convention or is he referring to a custom that has taken hold and exists without corresponding to what the Convention actually provides, the description of which does not come within the ambit of what is stated in the Regulations? It is superfluous to add, that both alternatives are relevant to the matter before us.

            A defined and accepted custom prohibiting the levying of a new tax could on the face of it have developed only after the Regulations were drafted, since had there been an existing, prevailing, and binding custom as aforesaid at that time, it would have left clearer indications in the Regulations, despite the reservations of Mr. Beernaert. However, the work preceding the drafting of the Regulations do not lead to the conclusion that during the period preceding the Regulations there was, in fact, any general practice as aforesaid which was recognized as law, but rather the reverse: what is indicated by the projects and proposals, which preceded the Regulations as mentioned above, is that there was no consensus on the matter of the authority to levy a new tax, nor does the practice then prevailing lead to a different conclusion.

           

            (c) In 1870, the Germans revoked the validity of the French customs laws (A. Merignhac, Les Lois et Coutumes de la Guerre (1903) 258), as did the U.S.A. in its war against Spain (La Fur, R. G. de D.I.P. (1898) vol. V, 749).

           

            In 1870, the Germans imposed a new, uniform tax in place of all the various taxes that had previously been in force in Occupied France (Nys, Le Droit International (1906) vol. III 336; E. Loening, R.D.I. et de L. Comp vol. V (1873) 120). [p. 275] The Russians did likewise in Bulgaria, as did the Italians in North Africa, and the Turks in Greece. In reference to the Greek-Turkish War of 1897, N. Politis mentions that the latter imposed a new tax on sheep in Thessaly, and in practice also replaced the excise on salt and tobacco with a new excise (Revue General de Droit International Public (1897) vol. 4, 680, 702, 710), and during the Spanish-American War (1898), as mentioned, the United States changed the customs laws immediately upon the capture of Cuba (R.D.I.P. t.v. 805).

           

            (d) Even during the period following the establishment of the Regulations, there are no signs of the emergence of a different recognized practice. Rather, the opposite is true, which led to the opinion of Sir A. Wilson in his work The Law of War in Occupied Territories (Transactions of Grotius Society) (1933, vol. 18) 17, 33, which deals with the first World War, that new taxes may be imposed, if there arose conditions that were such that the sovereign would have done the same had it continued in power, that is, if it were required for the orderly administration of the territory. A modern reflection of this approach may be found in the works of Prof. J. Stone, to which we shall refer later. Of the new taxes imposed subsequent to the Hague Regulations of 1907, Le Fur mentions the tax on sheep (beglouk) imposed by Bulgaria in the first World War in the occupied areas of Serbia (R.D.I.P. vol. 5, 804). To this example may be added the tax on chattels imposed in occupied Belgium by the Germans in 1917 (W. R. Bisschop, German War Legislation in Belgium, Transactions of the Grotius Society (1919, vol. 4) 110, 140. See also P. Fauchille, supra 265).

            The French introduced their own customs tariff in Alsace-Lorraine in force from 1.2.1919 (Journal Officiel der 31.1.1919, p. 1142) despite the fact that the jurisdiction thereover only returned to France by the Versailles Treaty on 28.6.1919 (Article 51); the return of sovereignty was ratified retroactively from 11.11.1918, apparently so as to legalize actions that were taken during the intermediate period between the Armistice and the signing of the peace treaty. The implied validation arising from the retroactive ratification of the imposition of sovereignty does not, of course, indicate anything about the practice prevailing before the signing of the Versailles Treaty.

 

            (e) R. Lemken describes German customs during the Second World War in Europe (Axis Rule in Occupied Europe (Washington, by H. Fertig, 1973) 63, 64). The theoretical basis he presents is that the occupying power is permitted to collect taxes only for defraying the required expenses of administering the territory. It may well have the power to change the procedure of assessment of the tax since Article 48 adopted the well-known inconclusive wording (i.e., "as far as possible"). However, these changes are allowed only if they are essential for maintenance of orderly administration in the territory. He therefore [p. 276] disqualifies the German edicts in Poland which introduced tax exemptions which were granted only to German residents of Poland, (ibid., at 225) and he also criticizes the high poll tax which was imposed on settled areas and collected from the population there (Edict of the German Finance Minister, 9.12.1940).

 

            (f) During the period of the Allied Military Government in Germany, after the First and Second World Wars, the problem of new taxation apparently never arose. The economic crisis after the First World War (E. Fraenkel, supra at 13) and the general economic collapse after the Second World War (H. Zink, American Government in Germany (New York, 1977) 108) prevented the orderly functioning of any taxation from the outset.

           

            (g) Naturally, it is of special interest to examine the system that operated in this country when it was under British Military occupation after it was captured from the Ottoman Empire. On 7.5.1918 the Military Government proclaimed the renewal of the collection of taxes that had been in force during the period of Ottoman rule (N. Bentwich, Reinstatement of Taxes, Legislation of Palestine, 1918-1925 (Alexandria, 1926) 369) which led to the proclamation regarding Export Duties and House and Land Taxes (15.11.1918, p. 371).

            However, the civil administration acting on behalf of the Military government, also introduced new taxes from 1921 onward (Port Dues Ordinance 1921, vol. I, 133 Foreign Imports Additional; Duty Ordinance 1921 vol. I, 650; Tobacco Taxation Ordinance 1921, vol. I, 651) and also enacted extensive legislation relating to banking, mortgages and guarantees. It also issued orders for the re-evaluation of land for the purpose of house and land tax. Re-evaluation of Land for Purpose of House and Land Tax, vol. II, 42).

           

27. It is clearly impracticable to review the legal literature in its entirety. One can only carry out a selective examination, taking care to present and reflect adequately the variety of views on the subject before us.

            We may commence by saying that the conclusion that clearly emerges from a review of the legal literature is that there is no single clearly established view testifying to the existence of a rule in customary international law prohibiting the imposition of a new tax under all circumstances. It is highly doubtful whether one might say that a majority opinion exists, let alone that there is a decisive majority (H. Kelsen, supra loc. cit.) supporting the thesis of the Petitioners. The views vary in favour of both parties and the conclusion arising therefrom, which adds to that which arises from the wording of the Regulations, and corresponds to that which is implied by the content thereof, will be presented and the end of this review. From here, let us proceed to a sampling of opinions that appear in judiciary literature. [p. 277]

           

28. Looking at the literature chronologically, the British and American Army Manuals, dating from before the First World War, set broad limits to the powers of the military government. However, they nevertheless noted the obligation to maintain the prevailing law as far as possible (Great Britain, War Office, Manual of Military Law (6th ed.) 288-291; U.S. War Department, Rules of Land Warfare 1914, 108-111). Inter alia it was noted that the legislative, administrative and executive powers of the sovereign passed to the army for the duration of its rule. The latter may exercise only such powers as required by the needs of the war, the preservation of public order and security, and the orderly administration of the area. It was also noted that the need to change the tax laws might arise, although the view was expressed that no new tax was to be imposed (spaight, supra at 378-380). Bonfils et Fauchille, Manuel de Droit International Public (7eme ed., 1914) 839, pointed out that the military government may be compelled to change the system of tax collection.

 

29. P. Fauchille, Traite de Droit International Public (Paris, Tome II, 29 (Guerre et Neutralite, 1921) 264, para. 1189), holds that the military government does not lawfully have the power to impose new taxes. To quote:

 

"...il ne peut pas legitimement creer des impots nouveaux."

           

            The writer nevertheless suggested that a method comprising embodiment of all the existing taxes, forming them into a single new tax would be legitimate. It may happen, he describes, that tax officials will resign, or flee with the retreating forces, where the military government would be unable to collect all the taxes by recruiting new clerks capable of collecting the indirect or direct taxes. In this event, or any similar circumstance, tax will be collected by collecting a total "equivalence" sum. Incidentally, this expression takes us back to the phrasing of the Brussels Project of 1874.

           

"On totalisera le rendement de tous les impots directs ou indirects que devait produire le pays occupe d'apres la loi de finances. Cette somme totale sera repartie entre les arrondissement ou provinces, puis entre les communes de l'arrondissement ou de la province, et enfin entres les habitants de chaque commune". (P. Fauchille, ibid., 264, para. 1190)

 

That is to say, it is permissible to total up all the expected revenue from all taxes, direct and indirect, amount, and to divide the total sum received anew amongst the districts, communities and residents thereof. [p. 288] It is superfluous to stress that this method in practice will lead to the introduction of a new tax. Since totalling indirect and direct taxes and imposing them on the residents, by place of residence, leads to the imposition of a new tax not only in theory, but in practice as well, a tax that the resident would often not have had to pay at all if not for the method of embodiment and totalling as described above, the more so since, according to P. Fauchille, it is possible to include contributions, as a further component, as long as the rates are not exaggerated (P. Fauchille, supra at 265, para. 1190). This means that P. Fauchille's words create an opening for taxation created by the military government, in a form of imposition and collection, and in a scope entirely different from the existing taxation. In other words, while Fauchille clings to the view that there is an obligation to maintain existing frameworks of taxation, and to treat the declaration of a new tax as illegitimate, he nevertheless holds that the term "existing framework" includes the entire series of existing frameworks , which were joined together and imposed on the individual in a matter which in practice is not unlike new taxation .

 

30. Hyde, in his International Law (2nd ed., vol. II, 1951) of 1886, maintains:

 

"The military occupant enjoys large freedom in the mode of raising revenues to defray expenses of administration, as well as in the application of funds acquired for that purpose..."

 

            A similar opinion is expressed by Colby in his article Occupation under the Laws of War 26 Columbia Law Review (1926) 146, 166, 168.

            In this respect, Hyde even adopts the view of P. Fauchille that taxes may be combined and re-allocated according to the internal administrative division of the territory for collection from the population, as he says:

           

            "as a capitation tax or otherwise"

           

            For the purpose of this thesis Hyde relies on the Manual of the U.S. Army (U.S. War Department Rules of Land Warfare from 1940, para. 294).

            In connection with the imposition of new taxes, Hyde writes, the Manual of the War Department of the U.S. published in 1934 said that the imposition of a new tax was prohibited, since that power was retained by the sovereign alone and the military government is entitled only to impose contributions or to seize property. However, Hyde chose to stress that no such declaration was included in the new edition of the Manual in 1940. Moreover, he added (supra at 1887): [p. 279]

           

"Doubtless the occupant may lay duties on imports and thereby obtain a convenient source of revenue otherwise difficult to collect. American military occupants resorted to such procedure.... "(Emphasis mine - M. S.)

 

            The argument regarding the practice followed by the American military governments is based on C. E. Magoon, Reports on the Law of Civil Government under Military Occupation (Washington, 1902) which cites the Order of President McKinley of 12 July 1898 concerning customs duties and taxes in the Philippines, which was under American military rule at the time. According to C. E. Magoon, ibid., at 227:

           

"It would seem that the payment of customs duties, if considered as taxes levied by a government resulting from military occupation of hostile territory or as military contribution required from hostile territory or as a condition imposed upon the right of trade with hostile territory, are each and all legitimate and lawful requirements imposed by exercise of belligerent right."

 

            The thesis that follows from the above is that it is possible to identify and accord all the provisions affecting imports (and according to Magoon, also trade with the enemy territory), to the ambit of the military government and in this field it is permissible to impose new taxation.

           

            Had the Hague Regulations contained a prohibition of new taxation, there would have been no place for the above distinction, since Articles 48 or 49 do not differentiate or make distinctions between import, export or any other particular area. It also follows that Hyde, who relies, inter alia, on Magoon, does not hold that the Hague Regulations of 1907 changed in any way the right of the military government to impose new taxation on imports. Hyde's reference to contributions also tells us about the relative freedom of action he propounds. He says that contributions are only

           

            "such payments in money as exceed the produce of the taxes"

 

and he holds that:

 

"By a method other than the imposition of taxes or the collection of customs duties, a belligerent may in fact [p. 280] proceed to increase his revenues from the territory under his control. He may levy contributions."

 

            That is, contributions, which are in effect any payment levied in excess of existing obligations are a legitimate means of increasing the revenues of the military government.

            As a consequence of the above approach of Hyde, he also recommended (supra at 1888) that the Conventions prescribe clear and more precise limitations on the authority to impose contributions, in order to avoid self-enrichment of the military government.

            Incidentally, this is the place to mention that some legal scholars hold that contributions should be levied only upon communities and settlements and not directly upon residents as individuals (J. W. Garner, supra at 115, Contributions, Requisitions and Compulsory Service in Occupied Territory, 11 Supp. Am. J. Int. L. (1917) 74, 83. However, it seems that this viewpoint, which was not adopted as a practice, is only theoretical anyway, since contributions are not collected from the settlement funds only, but ultimately from the residents of the settlement (see K. Strupp and H.J. Schlochauer, Woerterbuch des Voelkerrichts (Berlin, vol. II, 1961) 299, para. 3(c)).

           

31. (a) In his article The Legal Relations Between an Occupying Power and the Inhabitants 33 L.Q. Rev. (1971) 363, L. Oppenheim sets out the contents of Articles 48 and 49 of the Hague Regulations without going into the interpretations and ramifications.

 

            (b) Neither in L. Oppenheim, vol. II at 442-448 (ed. Sir H. Lauterpacht) is there a positive or negative reference to the introduction of new taxes: a summary deals with existing taxes, referring to Article 48 only, and no conclusion can therefore be drawn from there about the stand which would be taken in the matter at hand.

           

32. In dealing with the powers of the military government according to the distinction between "competence jurisdictionelle" and "competence reglomentative," Rousseau, in his book, Droit International Public (Paris 1953) 559, points out that after the occupation ceased, the courts of the occupied countries recognized the legitimacy of acts that had been based on considerations of the general public good (considerations d'interet general). In this connection, he mentions instances of taxation, as distinct from cases where the fiscal laws were changed arbitrarily. The concept raised here found a similar expression in the study of W.R. Bisschop, supra at 110, 141, which has already been mentioned. [p. 281]

 

            In connection with new taxes on property, which the Germans introduced in Belgium during the first World War (at 141) he says:

           

"It seems to me that, in principle, these ordinances were not ultra vires, but everything depends upon their execution and the extent to which they were required by the circumstances."

 

            It is not the imposition of a new tax which is illegal, but its imposition made without objective economic justification or exploitation for extraneous reasons, like the imposition of taxes on Belgians who had already left the country (tax of 16 January 1915).

            Rousseau (supra at 570) lays down the major principle that taxes should be collected, as they were before the occupation, but since the application of this principle is difficult (cf. Loening, supra vol. 5, 100) the occupying power may initiate an alternative tax:

           

            "il peut le percevoir sous forme de remplacement."

           

Therefore, in spite of the difference in terminology, this is similar to the view of Fauchille when he spoke of "equivalence," where he discussed the creation of a new tax embodying all the direct and indirect taxes.

 

33. In the book "Les Lois de la Guerre et de L'Occupation Militaire, "Charles-Lavauzelle (1956) 50, Capitaine Lubrano Lavadera dealt with the matter before us. He was of the opinion that the right to collect existing taxes is bound up in the obligation of the military government to ensure operation of the administrative agencies under its control.

            Incidentally, this definition of the obligation of the military government, as the writer puts it "assurer le fonctionnement des organes administratif" leads us by implication to the wording of the obligations under Article 43, although this provision of the Convention is not specifically mentioned in this connection. In any events, Article 48 manifests no connection as aforesaid between the definition of the obligation and the right to collect taxes, since Article 48 lacks any description of the reason for according this right.

            Lubrano-Lavadera adds further that the military government has the right to impose supplementary contributions for the needs of the army or administration of the territory, and the reference is clearly to Article 49, although this article is also not clearly mentioned in this connection.

           

34. Debbaseh, in his "L'Occupation Militaire"(Paris, 1962) 39, maintains that the occupying power [p. 282] has no right to enact legislation for new taxation, and he bases this view on "international law and the spirit of the Hague Regulations." ("Le droit international et l'esprit du Regliment de La Hag").

            Yet, he adds that Article 48 is among the provisions that were imprecisely drafted, because the prohibition of instituting new taxes arises merely indirectly, and from conclusions arrived at by negative inference: (in the words of the author: "indirectement et a contrario"). This thesis is similar to that which von Glahn expressed in his opinion submitted to this Court, that we may infer the absence of any other powers from the powers granted by the article as though the article were describing the powers exhaustively and exclusively.

            We now turn to a contrary viewpoint. Dr. C. Meurer in Die Voelkerrechtliche Stellung der von Feind besetzten Gebiete (Tuebigen, 1915) 76, a book published during the First World War, contends that Article 48 deals only with the authority to collect existing taxes. During the deliberations of the first Hague Conference it was repeatedly emphasized that the right to levy new regular taxes is not restricted by what is stated in Article 48. That power exists, and in the opinion of the author, arises from Article 49 which, provided he holds the necessary balance permits the imposition of "Steuer Kontributionen," which are contributions intended as taxation, a subject also presented in the works of K. Strupp & H. J. Schlochauer.

            A similar view is expressed by R. I. Miller The Law of War (Lexington, 1975) 92 who contends inter alia that:

           

"The funds with which to pay for requisitioned property can be secured by the occupant through 'contributions' levied on the local population. These contributions are actually taxes levied by the occupant."

 

            That is to say, with regard to specific circumstances which demand monetary resources, the writer expresses his contention that Article 49 is nothing other than a basis for the creation of new taxation.

           

35. The present Manual of the U.S. Army, The Law of Land Warfare (FM 27-10 Department of the Army, July 1956) 156, deals with "Public Finance" and in this regard refers first to the wording of Article 48. At para. 426 (ibid., at 157), in connection with changes of tax provisions, it states:

 

            "426. Changes in Taxes [p. 283]

           

a. When Existing Rules May be Disregarded. If, due to the flight or unwillingness of the local officials, it is impracticable to follow the rules of incidence and assessment in force, then the total amount of taxes to be paid may be allotted among the districts, towns, etc., and the local authorities required to collect it.

b. New Taxes. Unless required to do so by considerations of public order and safety, the occupant must not create new taxes."

 

From the negative expression used in para. 426(b) above, we may infer the positive, i.e., if considerations of "public order" and "safety" require it, new taxes may be created. The use of the term "public order and safety" indicates its sources, since it is patently clear that the wording of Article 43 was adopted and is viewed by the American Manual as the authority for the introduction of new taxes when the circumstances demand it. Thus, the term "public order" must be taken in its meaning in Article 43, and not literally, i.e., it is not the mistaken English translation of Article 43 that shall be used as a guide-line in prescribing the limits of rights, but rather the French original which refers to "la vie publique"-an expression wider and different from the English "public order," which expresses concern about public order only. As the British Criminal Court of Appeal of the Supervision Committee in Germany stated in Grahame v. Director of Prosecutions (1951) [22], at 232:

 

"L'ordre et la vie publique, (is) a phrase which refers to the whole social, commercial and economic life of the community."

 

            (See also Almakdassa [8] and E.H. Schwenk "Legislative Power of the Military Occupant under Article 43, Hague Regulations" 54 Yale L. Rev. (1944-45) 393).

            The reference in Article 43 to taxation reflects the conclusion already dealt with, that Article 48 is not exhaustive and does not cover all the aspects of the problem of taxation. Incidentally, the conclusion that in specific provisions of the Regulations, no complete answers to general problems likely to arise in occupied territory, are to be found (D. A. Graber, supra at 290) is expressed not only in the reference to the general provisions, which are contained in Article 43. When the question arose before the U.S. authorities after World War II, whether it was permissible to print and issue occupation currency in Italy, a matter not dealt with in the Regulations, it was deemed fit to rely on the general provision [p. 284] (Martens clause) of the preamble to the Hague Convention relating to the laws and customs of war on land, to the effect that:

"in cases not covered by the rules adopted by them, the inhabitants and the belligerents remain under the protection and governance of the principles of the laws of nation, derived from the usages established among civilized peoples, from the laws of humanity and from the dictates of public conscience."

 

            Since the introduction of the currency did not conflict with the recognized practice of civilized peoples, the laws of humanity or the dictates of public conscience, they deemed it lawful to do so (Hearings on Occupation Currency before Senate, 80th Congress, 1st session (1947) 72, 84; see also W. Bishop, International Law. (Boston, 2nd ed., 1962) 821).

            To sum up, the question of the introduction of a new tax, in the view of the U. S. Army Manual, depends upon whether it is necessary for the purposes of "la vie publique" and "safety" in the occupied territory.

           

36. The question before us was discussed in K. Strupp and H. J. Schlochauer, supra vol. II. at 298 in an article by I. Seidl-Hohenveldern, that speaks for itself:

 

"If existing taxes as such are collected, it is not a matter of war contributions (Kriegs-kontribution); but frequently the military governor will levy a special tax instead (eine besondere Steuer), and that because the collection of regular taxes cannot be effected for technical reasons. Such imposition of taxation (Steuer Kontribution) is permissible even today under Article 43 (Remark: not Article 49 - M.S.) of the Hague Regulations, and the same applies to the increase of regular taxes, which is almost always required."

 

            That is to say that a special tax levied on the grounds of difficulty in implementing existing taxes, is permissible under Article 43, and is not necessarily to be regarded as a contribution under Article 49. As to increase in taxes, the writer sees it as a normal and acceptable action.

            The above serves to emphasize the variety of the range of interpretations in the matter before us. [p. 285]

           

            E. Castren, in his book The Present Law of War and Neutrality (Helsinki, 1954) 224 points out that there are those who hold the opinion that the removal of customs barriers between the occupied territory and the state of the occupying power (the home state) is illegal, and that the currency of the home state may not become legal tender in the occupied territory, and that no other action intended for the enrichment of the home state is permitted. However, he adds that Article 49 is the basis for the authority to impose supplementary taxes, when the needs of the army require it. His remarks in connection with supplementary taxes (at 241) follow:

           

"The most important money contributions are the real war taxes, which according to Article 49 of the Land War Regulations may be imposed to cover the costs of the occupation when the regular State taxes referred to in Article 48 do not suffice for this purpose. Additional taxes may be levied to meet the needs of the army of occupation. The origin and limitation of the right to collect taxes of this kind is, like that of requisition, military necessity, and some of the principles of and limitations on the right to requisition may be applied to them. Some writers have correctly observed that the right to levy war taxes involves a dangerous inroad upon the protection of private property." (Emphasis in the original - M.S.)

 

38. Verdross, supra at 383 mentions the government's right to levy regular taxes, customs duties and fees, as well as the right to impose extraordinary contributions in the form of money or requisition of goods or services. He does not mention the levy of new taxes, and it may be assumed, in view of the context that he does not support the existence of such a right, since according to what he says he sees the rules he himself has set out as an exhaustive description of the limitations of the laws of war.

 

39. (a) The 1958 edition of the British Military Manual does not unequivocally prohibit the introduction of new taxes but, on the contrary, it indicates that circumstances permitting it may arise. Indeed, it presents this as an extraordinary measure only, but the inference is clear. In regard to our matter, the Manual states (at 146):

 

"529. Unless required to do so by considerations of public order and safety, the Occupant must not create [p. 286] new taxes, as this is the right of the legitimate Sovereign and temporary possession does not confer it (1). However, as will be seen, he may raise money by way of contributions (2).

(l) Thus in 1870, the German occupation authorities in France suspended the tobacco monopoly.

            (2) See para. 605 and Hague Rules 49."

           

            The Army Manual mentioned above, the 1958 version of which was edited by Sir. H. Lauterpacht in 1958 and from which the above extract was cited, deals with all its aspects of taxation and not merely with new taxes (supra at 146, paras. 527-529). The basis for his conclusions regarding the rules applicable to taxation rests exclusively on the Hague Regulations. The implication is that the above view about new taxes contained therein must also correspond to the thesis guiding the editor of the Manual regarding the legal ramifications of Articles 48 and 49 of the Hague Regulations. In other words, since the rules of taxation are not derived from a separate and independent source, but from Article 48, it therefore follows logically that the above quoted passage, in the view of the author, agrees with the rules of what is permitted and prohibited as expressed in the Hague Regulations, Moreover. although not explicitly stated, it follows from the wording, i.e., from the reference to "public order and safety," that Article 43 is the basis for the exception permitting the introduction of new taxes. Thus, the approach taken by the British Manual is the same as that expressed, for example, by E. H. Feilchenfeld, and by the U.S. Army Manual of 1956.

           

40. The present question was also discussed by M. Greenspan The Modern Law of Land Warfare (Berkeley, 1959), who argues in his introduction to this subject that the Military Government does not have the right to introduce new taxes, since that is the prerogative of the sovereign. His view is based on his book, ibid. at 228, on the British Manual and on Rolin, Le Droit Moderne de la Guerre, but he adds that:

 

"Hyde, III, 1887, points out that while a statement to the effect that the occupant could exercise such powers was contained in the United States Rules of Land Warfare of 1934 (Rule 295) the statement was not repeated in the 1949 edition of those rules. However, the 1956 edition (The Law of Land Warfare) now states: 'Unless [p. 287] required to do so by considerations of public order and safety, the occupant must not create new taxes.' "

 

In a footnote, M. Greenspan at 229, note 54, adds:

 

"Apparently the manner in which customs are levied and the method of collection might be varied, provided the incidence of the dues is not materially altered, e.g., ad valorem dues might be substituted for specific dues and categories might be regrouped. See also on customs duties, Hyde, III, 1887. Feilchenfeld, op. cit. p. 49, states that Art. 48, Hague Regs. would not seem to exclude taxation increases, 'particularly such changes as have been made desirable through war conditions, or, in the case of an extended occupation, general changes in economic conditions.' Further, he appears to be of the opinion that the occupant may introduce new taxes and customs duties in cases where they are necessary to safeguard the welfare of the territory and therefore maintain public order. Cf. U.S. Law 426b; Br. M.M.L., pt. III, par. 529."

 

            Thus, M. Greenspan first presents an apparently absolute view concerning the imposition of new taxes, which he bases on the British Manual (which does not contain any absolute prohibition, as we have seen) and on Rolin, but in conjunction with this he presents a different view of his own, i.e., that expressed in the U.S. Army Manual and in E. H. Feilchenfeld, which we have already dealt with at length above.

            It is clear from this that M. Greenspan does not purport to make reference to a firmly recognized thesis of customary international law. The picture we once again obtain, which we have encountered throughout the course of our analysis of the literature, is that there are at least two principal schools of thought in the interpretation of the rules of what is permitted and what is prohibited, one permitting the introduction of new taxes, including new customs duties when it is justified - either expressly or by implication, as explained - by considerations based on the obligations of the military government as set out in Article 43 or by way of interpretation of Article 49, and the other rejecting the above .

           

41. Prof. J. Stone in his Legal Controls of International Conflict (Florida, 1959) 713, takes the usual approach that the collection of existing taxes rests on Article 48. [p. 288] In his opinion, nothing in Article 48 prohibits an increase in taxes. He emphasizes that he is aware that there are other views, but he adopts the approach of E. H. Feilchenfeld, which will be dealt with later. The principal thing, is that in his opinion it is also possible to impose new taxes and customs duties. (At 712-713), he says:

 

"It is arguable that even new taxes and duties may be warranted where (due to changes in yield) the sovereign himself would have to resort to them."

 

            This shows that he holds that new taxes may be introduced, if there arise circumstances which would also have provoked the previous government to introduce a new tax. To remove any doubt, he observes that the criticism of the introduction of a new tax that the Germans imposed on the Belgians, who had left Belgium in the first World War (decuple tax) was not levelled because it was a new tax, but because of the reason it was levied, because it was an extra-territorial tax and because there was no substantial justification for it.

            When we turn to the question of how the preceding government would have acted, it is clear that it will be mere supposition, since there is no possibility or logic in asking the theoretical opinion of government authorities that have been ousted, if they still exist, how they would have behaved under the circumstances. Their negative response is foreseeable, if they would respond at all to the enemy's request, and it is extremely doubtful that this reaction or lack thereof would add or detract anything.

           

            Prof. J. Stone also refers to the use of the authority to levy contributions as a means of introducing new taxes. He holds that contributions can have two legal grounds (at 713), the first:

           

" 'extraordinary' taxation to meet the needs of administration."

           

            Secondly, as a contribution for the needs of the occupying army. The first ground, he adds, is taken by the British as the only legal basis for creating a new tax. The second reflects the views of those legal scholars who regard the authority to impose contributions as an opening for creating a new tax, that is, according to this view the possible basis for creating a new tax is not Article 43, but Article 49. These conclusions from Stone's observations indicate once again the variegated nature of the approaches to the existence of a lawful possibility of imposing new taxation.

           

42. Prof. G. Schwarzenberger, supra vol. 2, holds that the provisions on taxation are a consequence of the leading rule that the military government [p. 289] must respect private property. Hence, his opinion that taxation must remain, as far as possible, within the limits that existed before the military government was established. Supplementary monetary contributions may be raised only for the needs of the army, i.e., for the purposes of the occupying military forces or for maintaining the administration in the territory (ibid., p. 246). In summary, Schwarzenberger raised two restrictions. The first, to respect the existing situation as far as possible, that is a wording similar to the limitations set forth in Articles 43 and 48, which involves an obligation that must be upheld "unless absolutely prevented," and second, the purposes for which the funds may be used are only those defined above, which derive from Articles 48 and 49. In essence, the writer does not advance a thesis of an outright prohibition or a categorical restriction of changing the existing tax system.

 

43. E. H. Feilchenfeld devoted his book to the economic aspects of government of occupied territory. In summary form he summarizes his approach to the matter of taxation as follows:

 

            (a) The needs of the army occupying the territory should be defrayed by imposing contributions but not by drawing on regular taxation.

           

            (b) A contribution may also serve to defray the requirements of the territory and its inhabitants, but this is not the only way, and money collected through existing taxes designed to serve the state may also be used for such purposes.

           

            (c) The military government has the right to levy taxes for its own purposes and call them contributions, as he says at 49:

           

"The occupant is quite free to levy taxes for his own benefit and to call them contributions. Hyde observes that a military occupant 'enjoys large freedom in the mode of raising revenues to defray expenses of the administration, as well as in the application of funds acquired for that purpose.' "

 

            (d) It is permitted to increase the rates of existing taxes.

           

            With regard to Article 48 (apparently particularly to the phrase "as far as possible" therein), E. H. Feilchenfeld writes:

 

"The provision would not seem to exclude, as has been asserted, taxation increases, particularly such changes as have been made desirable through war conditions or [p. 290] in the case of an extended occupation, general changes in economic conditions." (Emphasis added - M. S.)

           

            (e) Regarding new taxes, E. H. Feilchenfeld is of the opinion, ibid. 49:

           

"It is not clear that the occupant may introduce new taxes and customs duties. There have been several instances of such practice. Article 48 does not authorize them expressly but they may be justifiable in individual cases under the occupant's power to restore and ensure public order. The revenue laws of an occupied country may provide for inadequate revenue; the amount of revenue produced by any one tax may change materially in wartime; new needs may call for new revenue; if the occupation lasts through several years the lawful sovereign would, in the normal course of events, have found it necessary to modify tax legislation. A complete disregard of these realities may well interfere with the welfare of the country and ultimately with 'public order and safety' as understood in Article 43." (Emphasis added - M.S.)

 

            This shows that there may be justification for introducing a new tax, if there are special conditions, like those arising from substantial changes in the economic conditions or the changing requirements that accompany the extended existence of a military government. It can also be understood from what the writer says that the absence in Article 48 of express permission to introduce a new tax need not be used as a prevention for doing so, when circumstances obliging it exist. The obligation to follow the basic intention of Article 43 will prevail, since it ranks preferable to the significance attributable to the absence in Article 48 of any reference to the introduction of new taxation.

            To demonstrate his view that there is express occasion for introducing a new tax under certain circumstances, examples of which have been quoted above by the writer, E. H. Feilchenfeld refers to the criticism levelled against a new tax in the form of forced levy, which was even penal in character, when it was introduced in the First World War during the German occupation of Belgium. He expresses his opinion in this connection, which view was also adopted by Prof. J. Stone, that it was not the novelty of the tax that disqualified it. He says in his book (at 50):

           

"203. During 1914-18 Germany imposed a 'decuple tax' [p. 291] on all Belgians who had voluntarily left their domicile unless they returned by March 1, 1915. This imposition has been severely attacked. If it was unlawful, its illegality would flow from more serious reasons than that it was a 'new' tax. This measure evoked vigorous protests and complaints. It became, on May 1, 1916, the object of a decision of the Belgian Court of Cassation, at that time functioning in France. In its decision the court refused to recognize the decuple tax. One does not have to look at the amount of the tax, however, to find sufficient grounds for this decision in the body of Belgian case law. The Belgian courts throughout denied the right of Germany to interfere with 'ordinary' legislation and, of course, were even more opposed to extraterritorial effects of such measures.

Actually, a technical answer may turn on the question of whether the decuple tax should be regarded as a tax or as war contribution. If it was a regular tax, that is, a tax collected for the benefit of the Belgian State, then its character is very dubious indeed. If, however, it was a war contribution, that is, a levy for the benefit of the occupying army, then it may have been justified as a contribution in so far as it affected merely assets situated in Belgium. It is true that even then it was clearly not in conformity with the modes of levying and imposition prevailing in Belgium; but the provision to this effect in the Hague Regulations is not mandatory; it only stipulates that the occupant shall follow a certain procedure if possible. Its possible extraterritorial effect raises, of course, additional and different questions." (Emphasis added - M.S.)

           

            To sum up, E. H. Feilchenfeld is of the opinion that the Regulations do not prohibit the introduction of a new tax.

           

            44. In chapter 12 of his book, The Occupation of Enemy Territory (supra at 150 ff), [p. 292] Prof. G. von Glahn discusses the question of taxation, basing his conclusions on Article 48 of the Hague Regulations. Regarding the matter in question he says:

           

"While the occupant is legally empowered to collect existing taxes, he is not permitted to create new and additional taxes, either for his own benefit or for that of the occupied territory (6), if additional revenue is needed, it has to be collected in some other form, such as through monetary contributions. The obvious reason for the legal inability of the occupant to institute new taxes is that such a power is vested exclusively in the absent legitimate sovereign and not in the temporary belligerent occupant."

 

            The author's conclusion is this a result of the vesting of the power to levy regular taxes in the sovereign, as distinct from the military power, which is temporarily administering the territory. The possible implications of this point of view have already been examined above, but attention should be paid to the fact that von Glahn saw fit to qualify the absoluteness of this conclusion by a note which he attached to his above quotation. The following is footnote (6) to his remarks on the levying of new taxes quoted above (at 159).

           

"(6) British Manual, para. 372; Bustamente y Sirven, op. cit., p. 373; Fauchille, II, 263; on the other hand, both JAGS No. 11, pp. 196-197 and Land Warfare, para. 426 (a-b), imply that an occupant could impose new taxes and also would not be bound, under certain conditions, by the previously existing rules of assessment and incidence." (Emphasis added - M.S.)

 

            The reliance placed on the British Manual in this footnote does not seem to be very precise, since the 1958 edition of the Manual does not prohibit the imposition of new taxes, but the reverse, since para. 529 thereof implies that when required for reasons of "public order and safety," such imposition is permissible.

            In any event, the writer's review embraces the two opposite prevailing approaches to the matter. [p. 293]

           

            As for customs duties, the writer points to the existence of greater flexibility and freedom of action. He says (at 154):

           

"The right of an occupant to modify tax laws is fairly limited, as shown in the preceding section, but no real restrictions appear to exist with respect to the collection and rates of customs duties in the occupied territory, unless such duties would be held to be included in the 'dues' mentioned in Article 48 of the Hague Regulations of 1907. The current interpretation of the question seems to be that customs duties, under the conditions described, rest on a dual basis: on the rights of the occupant based on the Hague Regulations, and on such direct and lawful orders as may be issued by the authorities of the occupying state." (Emphasis added - M.S.)

 

            The side-by-side presentation of the rules derived from the Hague Regulations and the orders of the state responsible for the military government cited at the end of the above quoted passage is an improper combination of unlike situations and seems to by-pass the matter. Von Glahn seems to be referring to Presidential directives in the Spanish-American War (see supra at 54) regarding customs duties that were changed by the U. S. on the spot; thus new duties were imposed on imports from the U.S. immediately when Puerto Rico was captured. However, military government regulations are valid and legal in the event that they are based on the laws of war, or to be more exact, in the event they are not restricted by the principles on which these laws are based, or by the specific provisions contained therein. As Schwarzenberger, supra vol. II at 191, puts it in relation to the nature, force and structure of the laws of war:

           

"The scope of the legitimate powers of a belligerent occupant is limited only by such restraints as are imposed by international law."

 

            The domestic laws and provisions of a state establishing military government have no independent status in complementing, as it were, the laws of war, as might be inferred from von Glahn. Hence, the only pertinent question here is whether the laws of war created an opening for the introduction of new customs duties. The answer would be in the affirmative if Article 43 were deemed a basis for new fiscal legislation, when required by circumstances. In any case there is no basis for any distinction - from the viewpoint of the Hague Regulations - between customs duties and taxes. Von Glahn has also not explained the source for his approach, which distinguishes between one piece of fiscal legislation and another. [p. 294] If a prohibition proceeds from Article 48, as he now believes, that would apply both to taxes and dues, and if no such prohibition exists, as would emerge from views of other authors, according to which one can deduce from Article 48 only the regulation of the specific problem it deals with (i.e., all aspects of the collection of existing taxes) and that it does not prevent the application when necessary of Article 43 for enacting new or amended fiscal legislation - then that opinion would apply equally to taxes, dues and tolls. It is superfluous to add that edicts proclaimed in the home country of the military government, whether presidential or otherwise, are immaterial to the distinction between "taxes" and "customs (dues)."

            Ultimately, von Glahn's views on new customs duties, as he presents them in his book, may support by implication the thesis that circumstances may arise which permit the military government to enact new customs legislation or to amend the existing customs legislation.

            The difference, however, in approach to direct tax, on the one hand, and to customs duties (indirect taxes) on the other, may have another effect on the subject of our present concern. Indirect taxes, not only customs dues, are not merely an auxiliary means of augmenting the treasury of the government, but frequently serve as a means of economic regulation and balance: they have repercussions on the flow of imports and exports, and affect supply and demand, and are thus an important and essential constituent of any process of organizing the economy and its proper operation. The latter functions are part of the tasks of those entrusted to ensure public life and accordingly the subject of indirect taxes goes beyond the mere question of arranging collection per se and for this reason calls for much wider freedom of action than that applying to the collecting of existing taxes, which largely serve the budgetary requirements of the territory. The incomplete collection of direct taxes from a population whose average income is not high may entail a budgetary deficit that will need to be made up by drawing upon the financial resources of the home country; however, the lack of proper application of indirect taxes (including customs duties) because of abolishment, variation, addition and the like, may also affect, in a significant manner, the economy of the territory and lead to unemployment, shortages, flooded markets and other like negative phenomena. Accordingly, control over indirect taxation by adjustment to ever-changing requirements is, frequently a not unhappy necessity.

 

45. Prof. G. von Glahn also deals with taxation in military occupied territory in a recent book Law Among Nations (1981) where he writes (p. 686):

 

"It has been asserted by a few commentators that an occupant may impose new taxes in occupied enemy territory, and the Israeli authorities in the West Bank area did introduce an 8 per cent 'value-added' tax in 1976 [p. 295] (such a tax had been in effect in Israel proper for several months). Imposition of the tax resulted in repeated business strikes called by the mayors of a majority of the communities on the West Bank. Neither Geneva-IV nor PR-I mention the subject of new taxes, but the American Law of Land Warfare states (par. 426-b) that 'unless required to do so by considerations of public order and safety, the occupant must not create new taxes.' That view appears to be shared by a majority of governments and of commentators."

 

            The main conclusions of this passage are, first, that the author emphasizes that the Fourth Geneva Convention and the Supplementary Geneva Protocol of 1977 contain no reference at all to the subject of the imposition of new taxes, but in view of what follows, it is particularly interesting that the author does not propound the view that Article 48 of the Hague Regulations creates an absolute prohibition on the imposition of new taxes. Secondly, the author refers to the American Military Manual now in force, which indicates that new taxes are not to be imposed unless considerations of "public order and safety" require it. That means that if such considerations are present, the imposition of a new tax is permissible. Moreover, Prof. von Glahn adds that this is the view held by a majority of countries, and is shared by most commentators. Thirdly, at the beginning of the passage he points out that only few commentators think that imposition of a new tax is permitted. In view of the latter part of the passage according to which considerations of public order and safety allow the imposition of new taxes, and according to which most commentators support this view, one can but understand that the first part of the passage is directed towards the view (if such indeed exists) that would permit imposition of a new tax under any circumstances, even when military government is not required to do so by considerations of "public order and safety."

           

"required to do so by considerations of public order and safety (at 686)."

           

            Although the author linked his reference to the introduction of value added tax in Judea and Samaria to this last view, he gives no details as to why and on what basis he did not connect the matter to circumstances - for public order (la vie publique) - which necessitated the introduction of the tax, a view currently advocated by the majority of states and commentators. To great sorrow, the only conclusion to be drawn as supported by the footnotes of his book, is that the author on this matter took no more trouble [p. 296] than examining certain newspaper reports nor did he examine the considerations and explanations of the government authorities in Judea and Samaria.

           

            It is noteworthy, as mentioned, that there is nothing in his book of 1981 to support the contention that it is prohibited to impose a new tax in any and all circumstances.

           

46. (a). The Petitioners to the High Court of Justice in H. C. 493/81 submitted to the Court the written opinion of Prof. G. von Glahn. The main points he expresses therein are: the financial resources needed for administration of the territory are usually covered by the taxes and contributions collected in the territory. There have been precedents where the military government also imposed new taxes, in which cases the question arose as to whether this action was permissible according to international law.

 

            Later in the opinion, he examines this Court's rulings regarding the applicability of the Hague Regulations to the occupied territories, the meaning of Article 43 and its implications on the legislative power of the occupant, a subject to which we shall return.

            Prof. von Glahn analyzes Article 48 of the Hague Regulations, and on the central issue before us, has this to say in the opinion:

 

"I am not unmindful that Land Warfare, par. 426-b implies that new taxes may be created by the occupant under certain conditions, cited by Von Glahn, 150:

 

'426-b. New Taxes. Unless required to do so by considerations of public order and safety, the occupant must not create new taxes.'

 

"The British War Office Manual of Military Law (1914 edition), par. 372, repeated in the 1958 edition, par. 529, duplicates the American manual par.

426-b.

            "However, this paragraph in the American and British manuals is not a statement taken from a valid treaty or from customary law but an interpretation of the U.S. Department of War, not binding on any court or tribunal .

           

            "I fail to see what considerations of public order and safety are relevant to the creation of new taxes. If unstable [p. 297] conditions in the occupied area required expenditure for order and safety above revenues received from existing taxation, such funds could be raised either by increasing tax rates or by levying money contributions under the provisions of Articles 49 and 51 of the Regulations. It is regrettable that par. 426-b was inserted in Land Warfare at all, for if it is interpreted by an occupant as a given permission to create new taxation, it could easily lead to the very abuses that were corrected by the binding provisions of Article 48 of the Regulations. But a few writers have ventured to defend an alleged right of an occupant to impose (create) new taxes in occupied territory. But in modern times the consensus of a handful of most writers on the subject is in favour of a denial to the occupant of creating new taxes."

           

            Thus, the opinion shows that Prof. G. von Glahn dissociates himself from the wording of the rules of what is permitted formulated in the U.S. and British Manuals, and as we have also seen from his book, which was published in 1981. He claims that the approval which is apparent in the U.S. Army Manual could form the basis for abuse of the power to levy taxes. He says that prevailing modern opinion rejects the power to impose new taxes, but he does not go into detail on what he bases his assumption of the purported existence of consensus on this matter.

           

            Prof. von Glahn refers to the argument that prolonged military government weakens the binding force of the strict observance of Article 43, and the principle of his summary follows:

           

            "There exists a considerable and somewhat inexplicable confusion among legal writers concerning the influence of a prolonged duration on a belligerent occupation. The problems center on an uncalled-for intermingling of the occupant's powers relative to legislation and to taxation. The provisions of Article 43 of the Regulations clearly are not graven on stone; they permit changes in legislation by the occupant subject to the limitation that such changes are limited to the restoration and ensuring [p. 298] of public order and 'civil life.' It is thus conceivable that in the course of time an occupant may, lawfully, introduce new legislation, all designed to enable him to fulfill his responsibilities under Article 43. Such a development can be anticipated particularly in an extended occupation and may come in a multitude of aspects of the social and economic life of the inhabitants. (See also Schwenk, op. cit., 399-401, for a set of cogent comments on the legality of changes in legislation during an extended occupation.) On the other hand, however, when the question of taxation per se is considered, Article 43 must be viewed as retreating into the background and the provisions of Article 48 become the governing rule, coupled with the related provisions of Articles 49-51. Article 48, however, is possessed of an inflexible point of view concerning the imposition of taxes; nowhere does it contain a permissive provision for the introduction of new taxes nor does it contain any reference to the length of an occupation. 'The obvious reason for the legal inability of the occupant to institute new taxes is that such power is vested exclusively in the absent legitimate sovereign and not in the temporary belligerent occupant.' (Von Glahn, 151). And 'temporary' has never been defined in a binding legal instrument dealing with the law of belligerent occupation."

 

            On the divergence from the provisions of the Regulations because of the economic link between Israel and the Occupied Territories, which has created over the years a kind of single integrated entity, and on the argument that the link justifies military legislation introducing new taxes which equalize the situation in the Territories with that in Israel, von Glahn's opinion is:

           

"It cannot be denied, of course, that extensive economic relations have developed between Israel and the Gaza Strip, both in the form of trade (exports and imports) and the utilization of Palestinian labour in Israel, derived from the Gaza Strip. On the other hand, exaggerations of importance of the trade have appeared, [p. 299] and inasmuch as the Gaza Strip has few economic resources outside of manpower, the viewing of Israel and the Gaza Strip as an economic totality does not appear too close to reality.

            "The absence of specific authority to create new taxation by a belligerent occupant represents a restriction based on customary international law. This provision is clear and unequivocal.

            "It is almost axiomatic that in all cases of occupation, economic changes and in some instances material changes - have taken place after the inception of the places; good examples are supplied by the Allied occupation after World War II, by the German occupation of both World Wars, and by the American of Japan after 1945. If one were to allow the changes in question to set aside in whole or in part, the limitations imposed on an occupant by the Hague Regulations Article 48 would in effect become meaningless.

            "On the other hand, I understand that it has been argued that, the primary responsibility of an occupant being the 'civil life' of the inhabitants under the interpretation of Article 43 of the Regulations, even new taxes could be created by the occupant, if this act would enable him to better fulfill his lawful responsibilities (see Shefi, op. cit., 290). In other words, so the argument runs, if to a certain extent occupant and occupied territory develop into one extended economy, subject to one set of economic laws, then, if a new tax were needed in the occupied part of that economy, Article 43 allegedly would override Article 48 of the Regulations.

            "While the growth of economic relations between Israel and the Gaza Strip is undeniable, and while an Israeli intention to promote the 'civil life' of the inhabitants of the Strip is in accordance with the intent of Article 43 [p. 300] of the Regulations, Article 48 of those same Regulations poses an instrumentable obstacle to any claimed attempt to implement Article 43 through the imposition of a new tax in the occupied territory.

            "The occupant's avowed reason for the VAT tax was not a desire to increase revenue for the use of the administration of the Gaza Strip, but, it has been claimed, a fear on the part of the military authorities that economic relations between the Gaza Strip and Israel would be affected adversely if taxes between the two areas were not equalized. Furthermore, it was alleged, exports from the Strip were to be encouraged by exempting them from the application of the VAT, and, secondarily the imposition of the tax would enable collection in full of income taxes (Note: this probably means VAT-M.S.) in Israel, for the tax would follow the production process across the border into Israel.

            "The last-mentioned claim in support of the imposition of a VAT cannot be supported from the point of view of International Law, because the claimed result is for the benefit of Israel rather than of the occupied area. The other claims in support of a VAT fail, under International Law, because they attempt to support what well may be legitimate endeavours under Article 43 of the Regulations by resort to the unauthorised new tax in violation of Article 48."

           

The concluding summary is that:

 

"a belligerent does not possess the legal power to introduce new taxes in occupied territory....the restoration and maintenance of order (and of the civil life of the inhabitants) cannot be assisted by an introduction of new taxes, in view of the provisions of Article 48 of the Regulations. The prohibition on the imposition of new taxes in occupied territory [p. 301] is divorced totally from questions of legal sovereignty over the occupied territory before its occupation, from the length of the belligerent occupation, and from any growth in economic ties between the occupied area and the homeland of the occupant. The principles laid down in the 1907 Regulations, accepted as indications of prevailing customary international law, override the factors mentioned and bar the occupying Power from levying new taxes in occupied territory, for such is beyond the competence of the occupant.

            "Accordingly, the imposition of 'value added' tax in the Gaza area by the Israeli military authorities is not legal and cannot be supported, or warranted by, from any point of view of the Hague Regulations."

           

            (b) As has already been indicated, Prof. G. von Glahn in his opinion abandons, by implication, the thesis on the problem of taxation he presented in his books, of which relevant passages have been cited above. He also seeks to show that statements in the U.S. Army Manual and the British Army Manual have no foundation in customary international law. Whilst in connection with his book in 1957 it may still be argued that it merely refers to a directive of the U. S. Army Manual and no more, without taking any position on whether the directive has a firm basis in customary international law, it seems more difficult to accept this argument upon comparing it with what he has to say in his later book Law Among Nations (1981), where he explicitly observes that the directive in the U.S. Army Manual enabling the imposition of new taxes if "required" for "consideration of public order and safety" is the accepted doctrine of the majority of governments and commentators. Furthermore, at the beginning of the relevant passage in his book (ibid.), as quoted above, appears the statement that the opinion of a number of commentators is that the military government has the power to impose new taxes under certain circumstances. The view of most commentators and governments is different, from the point of view of legal standing, and certainly from the point of view of weight, from the quotation of the U. S. Army Manual alone, although regarding what is said therein, it is difficult to accept the thesis that it is a new creation and is merely the result of interpretation by the Defence Dept. of the U. S., and that it is independent and divorced from the law and without reference to customary law.

 

            I agree that caution is always needed in reaching conclusions as to what falls within the framework of customary international law, especially when the view of any particular learned commentator, does not necessarily reflect [p. 302] the opinion held by the overwhelming majority. As C. G. Fenwick, International Law (New York, 3rd ed., 1948) 74 says:

           

"The works of great writers must, however, be used with the caution that they have often failed to distinguish sharply enough between rules that have been generally adopted by the nations as a body and those to which two or more nations, their own included, have given their consent. Moreover, many writers have been inclined to adopt the role of advocates in the endeavor to show that the practice of their own country was the correct rule of law on controversial questions."

 

            However, notwithstanding all the proper caution in relying on interpretation as aforesaid, the views expressed by experts may be used as admissible, valid and even convincing evidence of the existence of a custom or the absence of a prohibition under customary law. Justice Gray therefore said in the well-known judgment of "The Paquete Habana" (1900) [25] 700, in reference to the significance of the articles of the analysts and legal experts in the field of international law, that:

 

"Such works are resorted to by judicial tribunals, not for the speculations of their authors concerning what the law ought to be, but for trustworthy evidence of what the law really is."

 

            It is superfluous to add that there is particular evidential weight to the practice of states (C. G. Fenwick, supra at 73, 76) especially of those among them who possess status in the enlightened world. Therefore, it is difficult to deny the force and value of the U. S. Army Manual and the British Army Manual, and cancel them with the stroke of a pen, as it were.

            If von Glahn had satisfied himself with asserting that in view of the conflicting opinions in support of either view, no undue status is to be accorded to any of them in particular, and that one must conclude that no firm rule binding in international law has emerged on the subject before us, it would have been easier to accept his opinion. However, his rejection of the interpretation of the Army Manuals of two states that possess special standing in regard to the shaping and formation of the laws of war, and his disavowal of what he had determined in his own book to be the views of most states and analysts, arouses, in the nature of things, doubts and surprise. In any event, Prof. G. von Glahn's change of approach has not been satisfactorily explained. [p. 303]

           

            The other assumptions of the learned writer in his said opinion raise difficulties, which are no less serious. Prof. G. von Glahn points out, in regard to the U. S. Army Manual. which says

           

"considerations of public order and safety are relevant to the creation of new taxes."

 

that he cannot understand what are the considerations of public order and safety that can be relevant to the institution of new taxes. He says, that if the situation in the territory is unstable, further resources are required to ensure order and safety, and if they cannot be covered by existing taxation, then, he says, it is permissible to raise the tax rate or to impose forced contributions. He seems to have ignored the significance of "public order and safety" and reverted to the literal English meaning of the term (in which the emphasis is on the safety of the military government) and ignored in this passage of his opinion the French original which the said translation attempts to reflect. What is involved is "l'ordre et la vie publique." and von Glahn himself saw fit to refer to the meaning of the term in an earlier passage of his opinion where he indicates that it means "ensuring" (in English, "ensure" - in French, "assurer") the civil life of the residents of the territory (page 6 of the opinion). That means, according to the clarification in the judgment of Grahame [22], as mentioned above:

 

"L'ordre et la vie publique" (is) a phrase which refers to the whole social, commercial and economic life of the community. (Emphasis added- M. S.)

Acting President (as he then was) Sussman explained in Almakdassa [8] at 582:

 

"The scholars of international law did not overlook the fact that where the military occupation is very prolonged, until peace is achieved, the occupant's duty towards the civil population may even oblige it to amend laws, since the needs of society change in the course of time and the law must respond to those changing needs.... Leurquin says regarding the German conquest of Belgium during the First World War....

            "When the occupation is prolonged and when owing to the war the economic and social position of the occupied country undergoes profound changes, it is perfectly evident [p. 304] that new legislative measures are essential sooner or later."

           

            (The passage from Leurquin is cited from his "The German Occupation in Belgium and Article 43 of the Hague Convention" - M.S.). "Life does not stand still, and no government, whether an occupier or not, can fulfil its duty, toward the population as it should if it freezes the laws and avoids changing them to meet the needs of the times."

           

            (See also H. C. 202/81 [16]; Professor Y. Dinstein, The Power of Legislation in the Occupied Territories; E. Nathan The Power of Supervision of the High Court of Justice over Military Government; Military Government in the Territories Administered by Israel 1967-1980 (Jerusalem 1982)109 149).

            The decision to impose taxes need not only arise from the needs of safety as such, as is implied in the opinion of Prof. G. von Glahn, but may also ensue from the aim to ensure (assurer) the economic needs and well-being of the population and, for example, to provide essential fiscal arrangements required for maintaining the balance of the local economy and avoiding serious harm to the livelihood of the inhabitants of the area. Levying contributions or increasing the rates of existing taxes may be entirely impractical for achieving these aims where the economy has changed in a substantial manner since the inception of the military government (see the tables appearing in Military Government, (ibid.) p. 442). For this reason, apparently, Prof. G. von Glahn also regarded customs duties in military government as a field which should be exempted from the usual restrictions that he imposes upon the imposition of new taxes (see his The Occupation of Enemy Territory, supra at 154, cited above). Here arise difficulties; as has already been noted, this distinction between customs duties and taxes is not reconcilable with his interpretation of Article 48, since all the restrictive meaning he attaches to the article applies equally to both taxes and customs duties, as shown by the wording of Article 48 as analysed above. If Prof.

G. von Glahn's hypothesis, with which we have already dealt, were correct, i.e., that Article 48 imposes an absolute prohibition on any new tax, one cannot understand whence he derives the view that one may act much more liberally with regard to customs duties, a view which is also accepted by most analysts. It is superfluous to repeat that the regulatory and balancing effect on the economy from the exercise of powers in relation to all indirect taxes is similar, in its consequences in economic implication to the regulatory and balancing effect arising from changes in customs duties, since these are nothing other than a form of indirect tax. [p. 305]

 

            That is, the wonder expressed by Prof. G. von Glahn about the possible connection between public order and safety and the imposition of a new tax is incomprehensible if we bear in mind that we are dealing with the assurance of "la vie publique" in its original French meaning, and not necessarily with the safety of the forces of the military government.

           

            (c) We saw above that Prof. G. von Glahn takes the stand that the provisions in the British and American Manuals are without any foundation in customary international law. However, the professional literature, some of which was reviewed above, does not support this extreme hypothesis. There are, we have seen, a variety of opinions on both sides' readings, but a thesis which propounds that the Manuals are inconsistent with customary international law - i.e., as if there is a firm customary rule which is clearly in conflict with them - is a complete novelty in the opinion, and has no basis even in his book of 1981, wherein he saw fit to present the U. S. Manual as expressing the view of a majority of states and commentators. It would have been proper for the opinion presented to this Court to have attempted to explain the reason for the digression from the former opinion, and the basis for it.

            The main thing is that a review of the literature does not support the argument of Prof. G. von Glahn that a consensus purportedly exists denying the right to introduce a new tax. The reverse is the case; there is a clear school of thought among the experts to the effect that the needs of "la vie publique," may, perforce, call for changes in tax law. (K. Strupp and H. J. Schlochauer, J. Stone, E. H. Feilchenfeld and others, as cited above).

            The view that the provisions of Article 43 in all questions of taxation yield to the purportedly absolute prohibition in Article 48 is also a novel one. Here, one must remember that we are not inquiring into whether such a view can be presented as de lege ferenda, but whether there is any basis to accord it the benefit of having the status of an accepted customary rule of international law which reflects general practice recognized as law. All that has been said above - prior to the examination of von Glahn's opinion - including the review of the wording of the Regulations, their background and development, and a representative review of the professional literature, is diametrically opposed to the contention that a customary rule has evolved from which an absolute prohibition to imposing tax may be inferred from Article 48, or that the rules implied from the article, which deviate from what it expressly provides, as to the extent of the authority vested under Article 43 are to be preferred. (It is enough to recall here, for example, the observations of Prof. J. Stone and E. H. Feilchenfeld cited above). In this connection, Prof. G. von Glahn emphasizes that Article 48 does not contain "a permissive provision for the introduction of new taxes," but we have already explained that, in essence, the article was not designed by its drafters to create a permissive provision, but rather one that is restrictive, having implications on the subject of the collection of existing taxes with which it deals. Here, we need only refer back to the reservations of Beernaert during the discussions on the drafting of the Regulations and to the remarks of Prof. G. Schwartzenberger (see para. 44) set out [p. 306] in para. 42 of this judgment. The thesis that Article 48 is an insurmountable barrier to applying Article 43 to the problem of introducing new tax conflicts with the opinions of many writers, as I have said, including E. H. Feilchenfeld, J. Stone, G. Schwartzenberger, and H. Lauterpacht (the author of the British Manual).

 

            (d) In discussing the necessity for introducing the value added tax, G. von Glahn refers as aforesaid to the argument that the new tax is an essential consequence of economic developments. Unfortunately, the facts regarding the nature of the economic ties between the two systems - that of Israel and that of the Territories - were insufficiently set out as required by the subject dealt with in the opinion, and we shall return to this matter later.

           

47. In brief, the professional literature, including the books of von Glahn, but excluding his opinion as presented to this Court - cannot serve as a basis for the conclusion that there is a recognized customary rule prohibiting the introduction of a new tax under any circumstances - that is, even when it is required according to criteria embodied in Article 43. I see no reason to relate once again here to the theoretical proposition that links additional taxation to the provisions of Article 49, since it was not argued that it is this article which served as the legal basis, in the case before us, for the introduction of the value added tax. This view is recalled simply for the purpose of completing the picture, that is with regard to the categorical argument of G. von Glahn in his opinion that there is a "clear and unequivocal" prohibition to introducing a new tax under any circumstances.

 

48. In the case of Ligabue v. Finanze [23] (1952) (Guirisprudenza Italiana 1952,

L. 2.719) there is a translation of a judgment of the Venetian Court of 28.1.52. The plaintiff owned a bonded warehouse at which the German army confiscated a shipment of brandy, during the occupation of northern Italy. The confiscation order stated that no excise duty would be levied on the confiscated brandy, and the proceedings centred around the question as to whether it was permitted to collect the tax.

            The Italian Court held that the confiscation was effected during a period of military occupation and therefore the German forces were competent to issue directives, and the Hague Regulations - which in view of the grounds cited in the judgment were to be considered as part of the law then applicable in Italy - were applicable to the subject at issue. On the problem around which the petition centred, the court said (at 617-618):

           

"It is the opinion of writers, and it appears, indeed, from the wording of that article (48), that the obligation to respect so far as is possible the tax system already in force in the occupied territory, as distinct from the obligation to defray the costs of administration on [p. 307] the same scale as the legitimate Government does not disable the Occupying Power from imposing new taxes or abolishing or modifying those already in existence. And on this basis, orders of the Occupying Power cancelling customs duties on goods imported for military purposes or for the needs of the occupying force may be seen to be justified. But, if the rule laid down in Article 48 is not to be deprived of all force as a provision designed for the protection of the population of the occupied territory, it must be held to require that the imposition of new taxes or the remission of old ones shall be effected by measures of a general character. Fiscal impositions or exemptions effected under colour of the Occupant's power of taxation by particular orders, and creating in effect privileges for individuals prejudicial to the general civil order which the Occupant is bound to maintain, must be regarded as contrary to the international laws of war.

 

            "It follows that the orders for the waiver of customs duties which were made by the German command in favour of Ligabue were irregular in terms of international law; for, as is not disputed, they were made from time to time as requisitions were made upon him, and were not based on any general legislative provision modifying the fiscal system. They were in reality concessions in the nature of privileges such as the international order does not permit." (Emphasis added - M.S.)

           

            To summarize: the court held that the occupying power does have the power to levy new taxes, provided that such is made by virtue of a general provision of a legislative nature, and not by granting extraordinary personal consensi, which have no general legislative form. The petition by the owner of the bonded warehouse was not successful because of reasons which are irrelevant to our case. Evidently, in regard to the essence of our case, the reasons given by the Italian Court speak for themselves.

           

            This Italian judgment is cited by A. D. McNair (Legal Effects of War (Cambridge 1986) 386, note 5) as a reference source on the rule of permissible changes that may be effected in the fiscal system of a territory which is under military occupation. [p. 308]

           

49. This sampling of the views of legal scholars and the mention of a number of instances exemplifying the practice of states lead us to a series of conclusions which are worthwhile summarizing in an interim summary for the purpose of continuing examinations of the petitions according to the relevant criteria.

 

            (a) There is no foundation for the argument that a binding rule has evolved in customary international law, prohibiting absolutely, under any circumstances, any military government legislation seeking to introduce new taxation.

           

            (b) Nor is there, on the other hand, room for any conclusion that new taxation is left to the unrestricted discretion of the military government.

           

            (c) Examination of the commentaries reveals a variety of views. Some assert that Article 48 of the Hague Regulations is an exhaustive description of the powers of the military government, and that anything not expressly permitted therein is prohibited (see, for example, O. Debbasche, op. cit.). This view, it seems, is held by the minority. There is a view which permits the introduction of new taxation, but only when required for the purposes of public safety or "la vie publique" (see, for example, the British and American Manuals and Prof. J. Stone). Among those who hold this view, some refer expressly to Article 43, and some take the stand, in general, that "public order and safety" allow for such legislation, without reference to Article 43 specifically. There are also those who infer that the power to introduce new taxes lie in Article 49, which deals with contributions (see, for example, Seidl-Hohenweldern in the book by K. Strupp and H. J. Schlochauer). However, the application of this thesis is necessarily limited, according to the interpretations, by the wording of Article 49 in everything pertaining to the purposes for which it is permitted to impose contributions, and by the other limitations and requirements accompanying the imposition of contributions, according to the Regulations. Ultimately, the existence of a variety of viewpoints contradicts the thesis that a customary rule has evolved, reflecting a general uniform practice, recognized as law.

 

            (d) Most commentators link the powers relating to the imposition of taxation to general legislative powers and the resulting conclusion is that the powers are delineated and restricted by the provisions inherent in the wording and the interpretation of Article 43 of the Hague Regulations.

           

50. (a) The view adopted by the Respondents is that they acted within the framework of the provisions of Article 43, and did not overstep its bounds.

            Having rejected the argument that a binding customary rule exists, absolutely prohibiting new taxes, and having raised the argument that the Respondents acted within the framework of Article 43, we must now examine the extent of the powers according to the said article, in order to be able to determine whether the Respondents indeed did not deviate from Article 43 to the extent that justifies our intervention. [p. 309]

           

            (b) The boundaries and interpretation of Article 43 have been considered by this court on various occasions (Regional Electric Corp., Jerusalem v. Minister of Defence [17], Ayub [2], Dvikat [1], Haetsni [3], Abu Awad [4], and recently Tabib [16] in the judgment of my honoured friend, Judge Shilo). The matter has also been examined comprehensively by Prof. Y. Dinstein in his article "Judicial Review of the Acts of the Military Government in the Occupied Territories" (1973-74). Iyunei Mishpat 330, 334 and by E. Nathan in his above mentioned article.

            Hence, there is no reason for me to repeat the main points of the article and I will be satisfied with a summary of what is acceptable to me in this matter. This summary is required inter alia, because of the lack of uniformity in emphasis present to some degree in the rulings of this Court, on the one hand, and in the remarks made in the course thereof, on the other.

           

            (c) The duty of the military government, which is defined in Article 43, as has already been explained, arises out of the very fact that it has set up effective rule in a territory. After the clouds of battle disperse and it becomes apparent that the former Government has been defeated, and the military power which removed it from the territory is in power, the duty automatically arises to take the steps dictated to it by Article 43, and they are:

           

       (1) Restoration (in the original "retablir"), as far as possible, of order and public life.

       (2) Assurance (in the original "assurer", to ensure), as far as possible, of order and public life.

           

            Here it is irrelevant whether the armed forces that were involved in the fighting still exert authority, or whether a special governmental framework has been created, whose particular task is that of administering the territory. However, a permanent and continuing administrative system will be faced with a greater range of problems demanding solution, than the military forces which subjugated the territory, whose function is military/operational, and not administrative. Nor is it redundant to recall that the restoration of order and public life to what they were is not in line with the duty to assure these aims: restoration, as far as required, is the first step, and assurance of the above mentioned aims is an added and separate obligation that is not necessarily satisfied in every case by restoration to the former situation, and it exists even if the situation did not deteriorate during the battle and there was no need for restoration to the former situation. That is, in the matter of the obligation to assure public life, a continuing obligation is involved, rather than a one-time act, and it should accordingly be fulfilled, only in consideration of the circumstances, which change from time to time, and with due regard to the needs occasioned by the passage of time, and that will continue to change with the passage of time. The circumstances referred to are not simply those of security, but also relate to the economy, health, communications and the like. Therefore, the duty to restore things to what they were, cannot overshadow the further duty, which is linked to the dynamics of life. [p. 310]

           

            The drafters of the Regulations defining these duties did not use unequivocal and absolute language, but from the outset kept in mind the objective difficulties that might emerge from a change of government resulting from a military operation, when the new government continues to function as a military government which is of legal temporary character. Hence, the duties were defined as being conditional on what is possible (d'autant qu'il est possible). The degree of possibility of fulfillment of the duties is measured according to a complex of circumstances, that is, not only in the light of the needs of the territory, but also in the light of the legitimate needs of the military government (cf. Dr. E. Rauch, The Concept of Military Necessity in the Context of the Law of War, Federal Ministry of Defence, (Bonn 1979)12), who is responsible for the concept of "belligerent occupation" (translation of the expression by Prof. Y. Dinstein) and whilst striving for a proper balance between the two.

 

            (d) In restoring and ensuring public life, the military government must obey the existing laws in the territory, unless it is absolutely prevented from so doing (sauf empechement absolu - unless absolutely prevented). What does this condition mean? Prof. Y. Dinstein, in his article in Iyunei Mishpat B, p. 509, says:

           

"It is generally agreed that the adjective 'absolute' is not as absolute as it sounds and in truth makes little difference. The correct and accepted meaning of 'absolute prevention' is 'necessity'. "

 

            The necessity referred to is military necessity, on the one hand, and humanitarian considerations, on the other, and absolute prevention may therefore arise from the legitimate interests of the military government and the maintenance of public order, or from interests of concern for the local population and the assurance of its public life, all, of course, whilst maintaining a reasonable balance between the considerations, whilst the military interest or necessity is not in itself enough to permit a serious violation of human rights. A similar conclusion was reached by Schwartzenberger (supra vol. 2 at 193) who inferred from the decision of a mixed German-Belgian tribunal in Ville d'Anvers v. Germany (1925) [27] at 716, that the term "absolutely prevented" should not be taken literally but should be seen as an imperative which is relative and conditional upon a combination of circumstances.

           

"as any other supposed absolute in international law"

 

            As he said:

 

"the word "absolutely" had to be interpreted in functional terms." [p. 311]

           

            That is, the obstacle to observing the law in its old formulation is absolute if conditions and circumstances demand legislative intervention for a purpose legitimate under Article 43.

            The British Army Manual sums up the matter in even broader terms, that is, without prescribing a duty to balance the different necessities saying at 145, para. 523:

           

"If the exigencies of war, the maintenance of order, or the welfare of the population so require, it is within the power of the Occupant to alter or suspend or repeal any of the existing laws."

 

            Among the examples cited there are all the provisions regarding trade relations between the area of the military government and its home country, including the removal of customs barriers (at 146, para. 530). Likewise, the introduction of the currency of the home country as legal tender, as well as other similar fiscal measures, are permitted, provided that their purpose is not solely for the benefit of the military government and its state, and provided that they are not designed to harm the economy of the territory, in order to enrich the state maintaining the military government. The opposite may also be inferred from these observations, that is, that divergence from existing legislation and the introduction of new legislation is a form of expression of the presence of "absolute prevention" to continue to observe the law enacted by the previous government, if the new legislation truly and honestly flows from the necessity of adapting the territory's economy to changing circumstances and avoiding adverse effects on its stability and strength, adverse effects that are foreseeable if the new legislation is not enacted. The new legislation will not be disqualified merely because at the same time it fits in with the fiscal policy of the military government and of its home country, which has nothing to do with the interest of self-enrichment or the intention to harm the economy of the territory. The need to preserve balance and co-ordination between the economic systems so as to maintain orderly economic life in the territory is therefore legitimate even if that requires changes to the existing law. The same spirit was expressed by my honoured friend, Judge Shilo, in H. C. 202/81 [16] where he said (at 630-631):

 

"The duty lies on the government to respect the laws in force when the territories were occupied unless there is an 'absolute prevention.' What is an 'absolute prevention?' E. H. Schwenk rightly notes in his comprehensive and exhaustive article that this juxtaposition of words has no meaning in their context, since the occupant, as supreme power, will never be prevented from respecting the laws in force, if he sq wishes. E. H. Schwenk, in the same article, refers to the views of many scholars on this point. None of them takes the stand that the duty to respect the law in force is absolute. [p. 312] We shall cite only some of them. L. F. L. Oppenheim holds that the law in force may be modified if the modification arises from the occupants' interests or military requirements; E. H. Feilchenfeld believes that change is permitted when it is 'sufficiently justified.' Another view is that 'absolute necessity' justifies a modification of existing laws. What all these views have in common seems to be that as long as the occupying power is diligent in restoring and ensuring public life he is not bound by the existing laws, especially in the area of administrative and public laws, to differentiate perhaps from laws intended to ensure the basic rights of the citizen. E. H. Schwenk himself says:

"....it seems that Article 43 enables [the occupant -Y.S.] to amend civil and criminal law in those matters where the change is justified by the needs of the good of the public, or of its (the occupant's) military concern."

           

And in summing up, Judge Shilo (at 415) remarks:

 

"Although the legislative power of the military occupant is theoretically limited, in practice it includes general authority over all aspects of the civil life of the enemy population, if the occupation continues for an appreciable length of time..."

 

            In H. C. 337/71 (1) at 581-582, Acting President Sussman, after considering the views of E. H. Schwenk, says:

           

"The occupation of enemy territory vests in the occupying power the right to do whatever is required for military purposes and the security of its forces, and as Oppenheim-Lauterpacht write in International Law, para. 169 - to this end its authority is almost absolute....

            "In fact, the rule is that the occupant continues to administer the affairs of the occupied territory according to local laws as they were in force on the date of occupation. However, scholars of international law have not overlooked the fact that when military occupation persists for a lengthy period...the duty of the occupant towards the civil population even requires it to amend the laws, since social needs change during the passage of time and the law must respond to those changing needs."

           

            From all the foregoing, it can be understood why E. H. Feilchenfeld (supra at 49) linked the authority to initiate new taxation necessitated by the territory's requirements to the powers vested in military government by Article 43. [p. 313]

           

            In this connection, there is special importance attached to the time element, of which more later.

           

            (e) The needs of any area, whether under military government or otherwise, will naturally change over the course of time, along with attendant economic developments. As explained above, the drafters of the Regulations were not satisfied with defining a duty which is discharged by restoration to the former situation. The length of time that a military government continues may affect the nature of the needs involved, and the urgency to effect adjustment and reorganization may increase as more and more time elapses. The argument put forward by Prof. G. von Glahn in his opinion as submitted to this Court that there is no foundation for the idea that the duration of military government affects the character of the duties and the extent of the powers of military government, is, therefore, irreconcilable with the character of the duties and powers vested in it by Article 43. It is true that this article contains no rules as to adjustment or reclassification bound up with, or conditional upon the time element, but the effect of the time dimension is implicit in the wording, according to which there is a duty to ensure, as far as possible, order and public life, which patently means order and life at all times, and not only on a single occasion. The element of time is also decisively involved in the question of whether it is absolutely impossible to continue acting in accordance with existing law, or whether it is essential to adapt that law to new realities. In the legal interpretation of Article 43, the relationship between the time element, and the form taken by the provisions of Article 43 is stressed more than once. It follows that the time element is a factor affecting the scope of the powers, whether we regard military needs, or whether we regard the needs of the territory, or maintain equilibrium between them.

           

            Reference to the subject of time in legal literature is frequent, but I mention only as an example Loening's study in Revue de Droit Internationale et de Lois Comp. vol. IV, 632-634, where he stresses the duration of the military government; if a short period is involved the adoption of minimum measures in order to ensure safety and the requirements of belligerency is sufficient. If, however, a lengthy period is involved, he holds that special attention must be paid to the needs of the population. D. A. Graber, supra at 290, points out the absence in the Hague Regulations of specific provisions in many fields and, in this connection she adds that the longer the military government continues, the greater its obligation, as she says,

 

"to assume full governmental burdens."

           

            The observations of Prof. J. Stone on the matter at hand have already been mentioned. It may be inferred from the stand he takes that, from the viewpoint of the extent of the duty and its attendant powers, the passage of time creates a gradual process of equating the status of the military government with the status of the former government.

           

            In his notes on H. C. 337/71 (8) Prof. Y. Dinstein in Iyunei Mishpat 2 at 511, [p. 314] also refers to the legislation of the British military government in this country since 1918. As we have seen above, that government refrained from amending Ottoman law, but after a lapse of two years the needs of military administration and of the population together apparently necessitated the introduction of amendments, including the enactment of new taxation. We have already given the details of this above (cf. N. Bentwich, The Legal Administration of Palestine under the British Military Occupation. The British Year Book of International Law (1920-21) 139, 145-146).

           

            To sum up, it seems that one cannot do better than to recall the words of Acting President Sussman (his title then) in H. C. 337/71 (8) at 582. He said:

           

"Life does not stand still and no government, whether an occupier or not will not properly fulfil its duty to the population if it freezes the legislative situations and refrains from adapting it to the needs of the times."

 

I accept the observations, which vary in form, of Dinstein, (Iyunei Mishpat 2, at 509-510; Judge Nathan, supra at 109, 165) that the welfare of the population should not be the sole criterion but should be integrated and balanced with the considerations of military necessity. However, in the prevent case, the legislative change which is the subject of the hearing also meets these requirements: Undoubtedly, military government has a clear and direct interest in avoiding any disruptions in the regional economy and inter alia it will do all it possibly can to prevent as far as possible reduction in trade or increase in unemployment. To cut off existing markets, especially those created during the period of military government, has a direct effect on incomes and therefore upon the standard of living; unemployment is a fermenting and unsettling factor from the standpoint of security and both these phenomena are among those the military government tries to avoid in so far as possible; at least a military government that aspires to the good of the public in the territory, and the good of the security interests of the occupier in so far as possible and practicable. It is all the more reasonable in the case of the Israeli military government, which not only does not enrich itself from the revenues of the territory but injects money of its own into the territory (Y. Lipshitz, Economic Development in the Occupied Territories 1967-1969 (Maarachot 1970) (in Hebrew); The Administered Territories 1972/1973 - Data on Civilian Activities in Judea and Samaria; The Gaza Strip and Northern Sinai (Co-ordinator of Government Operations in the Administered Territories, Ministry of Defence) p.14; Survey of the Administered Territories 1967-75 (Ministry of Defence) 5, 10),

 

            Prof. Y. Dinstein (Iyunei Mishpat 2, at 511) notes that no objective criterion exists to distinguish between a valid or invalid concern [p. 315] for the local population. However, in most cases, the criterion can be very simple, that is whether the military government is filled with the same concern in regard to its own people and applies the same measures taken in the area of military government in its own area. I do not think that this criterion is exhaustive and it would seem that neither does Dinstein think so. Since situations may occur where conditions in a territory and special circumstances demand legislative steps not required at the time, or at all, in the home country, but for the present purpose, the above criterion will suffice to demonstrate the reasonableness of the use of the powers vested by Article 43 for instituting a value added tax. It is not an extraordinary arbitrary tax, but the introduction of a fiscal measure with positive aims, which was also introduced in Israel at the same time.

            To remove doubt, I should add that adoption of the above test is in addition to the above, that is, it is an additional consideration justifying the conclusion that harming the territory's economy by cutting off the labour force and trade from its environment in existing political conditions injures the population and creates - simultaneously and concurrently - a definite security danger. This point of view was expressed - at least as regards the declaration of intentions - in The Administered Territories 1967/1971- Data on Civilian Activities in Judea and Samaria; The Gaza Strip and Northern Sinai (Co-ordinator of Government Operations in the Administered Territories, Ministry of Defence) 76 where it is said (at 8):

           

"The Six Day War abolished to all intents and purposes the 'green line' that in the past demarcated the Israeli sector from the administered territories. Naturally and unavoidably, these areas are becoming dependent upon Israel for all their economic and service needs. As long as this situation continues.... it will become harder and harder to preserve a standard of living that differs markedly in the territories from that in Israel. If one wants to prevent a potential outbreak of social unrest, the only way is to work consistently to raise the standard of living and the standard of services...."

 

            As we have already said, securing the rights of the population under Article 43 is achieved not only by taxation in the territories but is also accompanied by streaming resources from Israel (see Meron, The Economy of the Administered Territories 1977-78 (Research Department of the Bank of Israel, 1980) (in Hebrew); Y. Lipshitz, in his above-mentioned book, at 111). This emphasizes the relevance of the conclusions submitted to the Treasury in 1972 by [p. 316] the Asher Committee on whose recommendations value added tax was introduced into Israel:

 

"The security and social requirements of the State do not make possible the drastic reduction of expenses. It may be foreseen that these requirements will even increase in the near future. In such a situation it is essential to seek out resources to ensure the necessary income without adversely affecting the will of the population to work and produce."

 

51. In view of what the Asher Committee said, some explanation of the nature and purpose of value added (excise) tax is also called for at this point.

            The term "value added" indicates the addition in value which an economic unit contributes by its activity. Generally speaking, this added value is expressed by the difference between the purchases and sales of an enterprise, or between the costs of services provided and services received (Value Added Tax Bill, 5735-1975). Every businessman and provider of services in Israel (and under a corresponding order, in the territories as well) is liable for the said tax. This includes members of the free professions and every person - other than salaried employees - who does work, carries on a trade, or renders a service for a consideration. A consequence of the tax is that every businessman must keep records and accounts according to the size and nature of his business; a small business is obliged to keep books on an elementary basis only, but as the business turnover increases, more detailed accounts are necessary. The businessman calculates the tax on the basis of what he sold, and he is entitled to deduct from it the amounts that he paid as value added tax on goods he purchased or services he received. The businessman is also entitled to deduct the tax that he paid on goods imported for his business purposes. The same rights are available to business people in the occupied territory, also applicable, of course, to goods they bought in Israel or imported via Israel for which they paid the tax as usual.

            Obviously, the method of calculating the tax prevailing in Israel under the above tax regulations, would of itself have created a gap necessitating fiscal or other protective measures, had the territorial contiguity and the free movement of goods and services not been accompanied by identical indirect tax laws as described.

           

            In light of the broad base of the tax - and its character of a tax reform - it was also accompanied by substantial changes in the system of indirect taxation that was in force in Israel at the time of its introduction, to which the system prevailing in the occupied territories had been equalized by the late sixties and the early seventies (see the article by Advocate M. Hertzberg and Review of the Occupied Territories 1972-73, supra at 82).

            The tax was initiated after a comprehensive comparative study, because it was also in practice in the European Common Market and other countries in Europe, in North Africa and South America. [p. 317]

            A Knesset committee that in 1971 toured European countries where the tax was in effect, concluded (Knesset Minutes (5735)2420) that:

           

"It is the most reasonable, just and effective of all existing indirect taxes known in the world. It encourages export and investment and it is capable of preventing injustice and discrimination and is neutral in relation to various elements of the economy and their activities."

 

            The Treasury regarded the tax as a central means for the achievement of their objectives in economic policy, especially fiscal policy (Knesset Minutes, supra). Its noteworthy features were simplicity of operation because of its uniform rate, general application on a broad basis, the contribution it makes to exports and investments and its resulting non-discrimination between different branches of the economy. Israel's association with the Common Market made its introduction especially important as a side effect of the removal of customs barriers between the members of the EEC and Israel, a matter which understandably had direct repercussions in the territories. The integration of Israel into the EEC and the reduction of customs duties that followed in its steps automatically obligated, the existing political and economic situation, the imposition of the tax, which was present in all the countries of the Market, and the changing of customs duties. Economic integration - as a compelling motive for introducing the tax - was obviously a dominant factor in all decisions having implications on the economic relations between Israel and the territories.

           

52. (a) The fiscal purposes outlined above of necessity oblige consideration of the facts of economic life in the territories. However, this obviously means the principal characteristics, since it is impossible to conduct an exhaustive study and discussion in this field in the judgment of this Court.

            In his opinion, Prof. G. von Glahn refers to the economic connections between Israel and the territories but, unfortunately, does not give the sources of the information he used as a basis for his conclusions. He negates the significance of the argument about the economic dependence of the territories on Israel or of the specially close relations between Israel and the territories, and it seems that anyone wanting to learn from the facts presented in his opinion would conclude that in actuality there is nothing more than a movement of labour and trade between the occupied areas and Israel.

           

            The picture he draws does not conform to reality.

           

            (b) To present the processes in a general and summary fashion it would be proper to look at the facts just prior to the introduction of the value added tax in 1976. In this regard the Review of the Administered Territories 1967-75, mentioned above, points out, at p. 2:

           

"In the period mentioned, the economy of the territories was characterized by a very high rate of growth. The growth rate of G.N.P. reached on the average 18% per year, which was [p. 318] higher than that of many other economies in the world. As a result of technical improvements, changes in labour methods and practices, the introduction of new materials and modern mechanization in many branches of manufacture, including agriculture, local output per worker grew at the average rate of 12% per year.

 

            "The unprecedented rise in income and profits in manufacturing industries, as well as the increase in the availability of work in Israel, led to an average 11% increase in private consumption per year (an outstanding increase in comparison with many developed countries).

"The ties created between the limited economy of the territories and the developed Israeli economy grew much closer during the eight years. As a consequence, there was a yearly increase in the imports and exports to and from the territories. Exports, of which the export of labour services to Israel is the main constituent, increased by 28% annually while imports, mainly from Israel, increased by an average of 19% per year.

"As a result of the increasing demand for labourers in the territories and in Israel since 1968, unemployment was eliminated and the number of employed persons increased by 6% per year. As a result, there was an average 15% annual increase in workers' wages, while the wage increases of the middle income group in the territories contributed to greater equality in the division of income."

 

We shall now examine these processes in greater detail.

 

            The effect which Israel had upon the territories was and remains significant for the welfare of the population. The most outstanding indication of that is the growth and expansion it brought to the economy of the territories (A. Bergman, Economic Growth in the Administered Territories 1968-73 (1974) p. 9). Thus, in Judea and Samaria, the G.N.P. trebled during 1968-72, and in the Gaza Strip the result was even more emphatic. As a result of modernization of labour methods and technology, agricultural productivity rose by about 12% per year, and this statistic is very important, because agricultural production in 1972, for example, was 37% of total production. The increase in agricultural products was due, to a decisive degree, to the assistance from Israel and the innovations it instituted. It may thus be noted, for instance, that the number of tractors in Judea and Samaria increased from 459 in 1968 to 1,898 in 1979, and in the Gaza Strip from almost nothing in 1968 to 418 in 1979 (Military Government in the Territories Administered by Israel 1967-80, p. 449). Industry in Judea and Samaria was not developed in 1967 with the establishment of the Military Government, and it represented only 8% of Jordanian industry. During the period of military government it has grown gradually by 15% per year (from IL 43,000,000 a year in 1968 to IL 75,000,000 per year in 1972), and this increase maintained the status of industry. During the same period, the number of workers in industry increased from 2,000 to 7,000. [p. 19] Industrial output also increased (Quarterly of Statistics in the Territories, III, 3, (1973) p. 46, 52; Israel CBS, Statistical Abstract of Israel 1973, No. 24 (Jerusalem, 1974) 473). During the same period, sub-contracting connections were established between Israeli industry and industry in the territories. Industries were also established with direct Israeli investment, and loans were made to industry.

           

            A third important statistic is that income from wages earned in Israel (incoming revenues) constituted a significant proportion of the G.N.P. (e.g., 30% in 1973). (M. Nissan, Israel and the Territories, 1967-77, Turtledove Publ. (1978) 188). It should be mentioned here that as a consequence of the 1967 War, unemployment in the territories rose to 30%. That changed very quickly, largely as a result of employment in Israel (A. Bergman, in his above-mentioned book, p. 34), as a direct effect of the removal of the prohibition on movement and the creation of free conduct from Israel to the territories and vice versa. As a result of this, unemployment disappeared (M. Nissan, supra at 127).

            In light of these economic statistics the commercial relations between Israel and the territories were described by M. Nissan, supra at 127 as:

           

"a de facto common market between Israel and the Administered Territories."

 

            Incidentally, according to what Nissan says, more than half of the exports of the territories to Israel are industrial goods, and not agricultural produce, that is to say, products which are subject to value added tax, which is the subject of this petition. M. Nissan adds in this connection (at 189, note 28):

           

"It is important to note that, in fact, more than one-half of West Bank exports to Israel were industrial - not agricultural - products. This suggests that the classic 'colonialist model' applies only at a very general level."

 

            Thus, Israel has become a major partner in trade with the territories. Now as to the tangible expression of development in the standard of living in the territories: in 1966-67, average annual per capita income in Judea and Samaria was $200. By 1970, that figure had already increased to $300 (M. Bruno, Israel Policy in the Administered Territories in I. Howe and C. Gershman, Israel, the Arabs and the Middle East (New York, 1972) 255-256). [p. 320] Incidentally, for the growth of ownership of household appliances in the territories, see Military Government, supra at 442, 448, 449.

           

            Returning to the analysis of M. Nissan (at 129):

           

"The general economic prosperity in the territories was due considerably to close trading ties with Israel - and was not based primarily on domestic development. The rise in the Arab standard of living and a changed lifestyle, based on economic prosperity, was founded insecurely on the accessibility of Israeli employment and products."

 

            I draw attention to the world "insecurely" in the above passage which has direct implications, under existing conditions, to the present matter, in so far as changes in the flow of commerce and manpower are concerned.

            The initial picture described above did not change following the Yom Kippur War in 1973, that is, before the introduction of the value added tax in the territories. M. Nissan, supra at 150, says:

           

"The war did not upset the pattern of intensive trading ties between Israel and the territories whose economies were, by then, closely integrated and mutually dependent. In 1975, 83 per cent of the area's trade (imports and exports) was with Israel as opposed to 73 per cent in 1972. Nearly 90 per cent of the area's foreign products were imported from Israel in 1973 and this formed approximately only five per cent of Israel's foreign trade. The benefit of close trading relations maintained its economic value over time."

 

            The statistics set out above point to the great dependence of the economy of the territories on that of Israel and it is therefore obvious that any separation of the economies as long as Israel rules over the territories - if that were at all possible in view of the territorial contiguity and the continuation of free conduct - would likely have immediate destructive effects on the economy of the territories and the well-being of the population. Cessation of free movement would immediately have even more serious ramifications from the viewpoint of manpower in the territories and from the viewpoint of trade and industry.

 

            (c) To sum up, in view of the economic realities created by the conjunction of political facts (military government) and geography (territorial contiguity) directly bound up with the relative sizes of the economies and the sectors comprising [p. 321] them (agriculture, industry, employment), the economy of the territories is umbilically tied to the economy of Israel. For this reason, it was decided at the time of the establishment of the military government that the two economies would not be separated (see Lipschitz, in his book, above-mentioned) along the lines, as it were, of the Armed Truce before 1967. To separate them as aforesaid would impede the possibility of a return to orderly life and prevent the effective observance of the duty regarding the assurance of "la vie publique."

            (d) As a result, the military government at its outset took action to equalize rates of indirect taxes. The argument of the Respondents, that economic development in other countries with which Israel and the territories maintain close economic ties cannot leave the territories untouched is therefore reasonable. Having seen that a value added tax must be introduced in Israel, the wheel could not have been turned back without affecting the proper fulfilment of the duties deriving from Article 43. It is such circumstances that E. H. Feilchenfeld meant when he said (supra at 49):

           

"If the occupation lasts through several years the lawful sovereign would, in the normal course of events, have found it necessary to modify tax legislation. A complete disregard of these realities may well interfere with the welfare of the country and ultimately with 'public order and safety' as understood in Article 43."

 

            The integration and binding together of economies has both good and bad results: just as they found expression in developments and changes in the standard of living, they also required strict attention to the parallel supervision of fiscal developments. That had been done in regard to customs duties and indirect taxes in the past, and the same was required upon the introduction of value added tax in Israel.

           

            That is to say, fiscal or economic developments that are of significance in Israel directly affect the territories either negatively or positively, and both the welfare of their inhabitants and the needs of Israel affect - in a way not given to clear differentiation - the answer to the question of whether parallel fiscal measures should be introduced at the same time in both Israel and the territories. The method of tackling economic problems in Israel cannot, it seems, stop at the old pre-1967 borders which today are open for passage of people and trade. An economy supported by and leaning on the Israeli economy in many different aspects, will be immediately harmed if any attempt is made to restore economic relations to what they were before 1967. In view of the foregoing, the evaluations of the committees appointed to examine the need for the introduction of the value added tax as presented in the Petitioners' reply, cannot be rejected. [p. 322]

           

            A similar approach was adopted by the Israel National Section of the International Commission of Jurists in its publication The Rule of Law in the Territories Administered by Israel, (1981), at 94-95, where it is said:

           

"Immediately prior to the Introduction of VAT in Israel in 1975, the question arose as to whether a similar arrangement was necessary in the Region in view of the close economic ties that had developed over the years between Israelis and the local population.

            "In order to examine this question, two committees of economists were set up, one by the Ministry of Defence and the other by the Ministry of Finance. Both these committees came to the conclusion that the same arrangement in this regard should apply to both Israel and the Region, primarily to avoid causing economic harm to the merchants and traders in the Region.

            "More particularly, it seemed to the committees that if such an arrangement were not applied in the Region, the following results would ensue :

           

            (a) Exporters in the Region would not be entitled to recoup the VAT in the same way as Israeli exporters.

            (b) Israelis accustomed to purchasing goods or services in the Region would cease to do so because they could not deduct from the VAT chargeable on their subsequent transactions the taxes, other than VAT, that had been paid by the residents of the Region. Consequently, the Israelis would look for alternative sources in Israel so as to obtain such tax benefits.

            (c) Residents of the Region accustomed to purchasing goods or services in Israel would pay the VAT in Israel but would not be able to offset such tax on a subsequent transaction in the Region. As a result, [p. 323] they would effectively be making a smaller profit than their counterparts in Israel, particularly where the sale price is fixed.

            (d) All Israeli Government companies are prohibited from purchasing goods and services other than those included in the VAT system. As the activities of Government companies in Israel are very extensive, great harm would be caused to those residents in the Region who had been selling them goods and services.

(e) VAT was introduced in Israel within the framework of reform of indirect taxation, and, as a result of its introduction, many other indirect taxes, especially purchase tax, were subsequentially reduced. Therefore, had VAT not been introduced in the Region, indirect taxes there would have been appreciably higher than in Israel."

           

53. (a) When the Israel Defence Forces entered Judea and Samaria in 1967, there already existed in the Region a framework of legislation that permitted the imposition of excise duties and indirect taxes on certain local and imported products. This legislation allowed for further types of goods to be taxed from time to time, along with changes in the rates of taxation. On the other hand, no tax like the added excise duty was then in force in the Administered Territories.

 

            (b) Shortly after the military government was set up, the customs barriers between the territories and Israel were abolished and the rates of indirect taxes and excise duties in the territories were equalized with those in force in Israel. At the same time, close bilateral economic relations were instituted that were expressed inter alia in the movement of trade and manpower.

           

            (c) The existence has not been proven of any customary rule in public international law that prohibits, in all circumstances, legislative amendments in existing taxes, nor has the existence been proven of any practice accepted as law that adopts an interpretation of Article 49, from the positive provisions of which one may infer the negative with regard to any further powers in the field of taxation. On the contrary, not a few analysts hold views opposite to those put forward by the Petitioners. The main point is that the divergence of the opinion among the commentators is substantial. [p. 324] Accordingly, there is no majority, or decisive majority, in support of the interpretation put forward by the Petitioners.

           

            (d) Even among those commentators whose views are close to those advanced by the Petitioners, there are some who distinguish between direct and indirect taxes, and see the scope of activity of the military government regarding the latter, as being very wide. Customary international law does not contain any prohibition on dismantling customs barriers, provided that the purpose of the action is not to harm the economy of the occupied territories.

           

            (e) Some commentators see Article 43 as a basis for new fiscal legislation if conditions in the territory warrant a departure from what exists and adoption of new rules necessary to fulfil the purposes facing the military government, in light of the first part of Article 43.

           

            (f) In view of all this, we have not seen fit to dismiss the submission of the Respondents that the introduction of the value added tax in Israel also necessitates as a consequence the introduction of parallel taxation in the territories, that is, that the fiscal solution adopted was necessitated by the complex of economic facts confronting the military government, and that it was in the nature of an essential measure in the existing political reality, in order to facilitate continuation of a situation embracing a variety of positive economic phenomena that are most important for the territories and its population, in the given situation, and further, and this is the main thing, the argument is not to be denied that the opposite approach, which is pleaded by the Petitioners, is likely to bring serious economic harm to the territories and its population, which would cause security dangers. The reasonableness of the Respondents' approach is patent, and in the light of the comprehensive review of the rules of customary international law in general and the Hague Regulations in particular, in the light of their development, interpretation, and practice that has evolved in consequence thereof, we find no occasion to deny the legality of the steps they took .

 

54. The Petitioners also submitted that Article 64 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 purportedly prohibits the imposition of penal sanctions for non-observance of the obligations arising under the added excise Orders. We have expanded earlier on the distinction for the purpose of this Court between conventional and customary rules of the Laws of War. However, even if we had referred to the terms of Article 64, it would not have helped the Petitioners. Among other things, that article permits penal legislation:

 

"to maintain the orderly government of the territory."

           

            In view of the recognized interpretation, this concept is parallel to the provisions regarding the permitted purposes of legislation arising under Article 43 (J.S. Pictet, Commentary (vol. N 1956) and G. Schwartzenberger, vol. II, supra at 194). There is nothing, therefore, in Article 64 to add to or detract from the case before us. [p. 325]

           

55. The Petitioners also argued that it was technically impossible to abide by the instructions regarding the keeping of books, as required by the said Order. In view of the nature and extent of the Petitioners' business one can only express surprise that this plea was raised at all. The requirements of a small businessman are elementary, and the owner of a larger business cannot seriously plead this argument.

 

56. The Respondents opposed the petition of the Petitioners by pleading laches. I shall not deal with the question of whether in the circumstances of the case there was anything on which to base this plea, but it is not to be inferred from the reference to the matter itself that the plea was entirely without foundation as regards the Petitioners or some of them. However, according to the discretion vested, in my opinion, in the High Court of Justice in such matters, and in view of the far-reaching implications of the matter, we have decided that it would be right for this case to be adjudged on its merits and not merely on the basis of some procedural plea.

 

57. In view of the foregoing, it has been decided to dismiss the Petitions and set aside the orders nisi made thereunder.

 

            The Petitioners in each of the Petitions shall as a group bear jointly and severally the costs of the Respondents in the sum of IS 25,000 for each group of Petitioners in each of the two Petitions.

           

Judgment given on April 5, 1983.

Abu Safiyeh v. Minister of Defense

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 2150/07
Date Decided: 
Tuesday, December 29, 2009
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

Facts: This is a petition to allow free movement  of Palestinian vehicles and pedestrians along Road 443 and on the Beituniya Road. In 2002, Road 443, which served as the main traffic artery for the Palestinian residents of the area between the villages in the area and Ramallah, was closed to all Palestinian traffic. This closure was ordered following the numerous terrorist attacks that were perpetrated along the Road. The arguments related to the question of the authority of the military commander to order the restriction of traffic on the Road in general, and closure of the Road to Palestinians in particular; they also related to  the mode of  exercise of the military commander’s authority and his discretion, based on the relevant Israeli and international law dealing with belligerent occupation.

 

Held:  The High Court of Justice granted the petition (by majority opinion) in relation to Road 443.  It held that it is not sufficient to anchor a decision on the closure of the Road in a security order and in travel provisions.  The authority of the military commander is derived from the laws of belligerent occupancy, which pertain in the Area of Judaea and Samaria. Article 43 of the Regulations Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land of 1907, appended to the Fourth Hague Convention of obligates the occupying state “to ensure, as far as possible, public security and safety…”.

 

Road 443 was designed to safeguard the needs of the local population. According to the rules of public international law, the military government’s authority to expropriate is exercised for the benefit of the local population, i.e. the “protected persons” in terms of the Convention. It was assumed that the Road would also serve Israeli residents, and traffic needs between the Judaea and Samaria and Israel. However, closure of the Road to Palestinian vehicles results in the Road serving primarily for purposes of “internal” vehicular traffic in Israel between the center of the country and Jerusalem: in accordance with the case law of this Court, the military commander would not have been authorized to order construction of the Road from the outset, had this been its main purpose.

 

The arrangement resulting from the closure of the Road, whereby it no longer serves the interests of the local population, but is rendered a “service road” of the occupying state, exceeds the authority of the military commander and does not comport with the international law dealing with belligerent occupation. Consequently, the travel restrictions imposed by the military commander cannot stand in their present format, and must be set aside.

 

In exercising his authority, the military commander must balance three considerations: the security-military consideration, including the security of Israelis travelling on the Road; safeguarding the rights of the Palestinian residents, who are ‘protected persons’; and preserving the rights of Israelis who live in Israeli settlements in the Area.” A main criteria in the framework of this balancing act is proportionality.

 

The Court held that there is no basis to intervene in the position of the respondents whereby there is a rational connection between the measures that were adopted and between ensuring order and security. The situation prevailing on the Road, in practice, since the security measures were adopted, supports this position.

 

As required by the limitation clause in Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, the Court examined whether there exists an alternative measure to that adopted, one that is less prejudicial to the rights of the petitioners, that will achieve the security purpose. While acknowledging the impact of the closure of the Road on security, the Court was not convinced that due consideration was given to possible alternative measures for protection of travelers on the Road which would be less prejudicial to the rights of the local residents.

 

The constitutional test of proportionality examines the relationship between the measures and the benefit from their adoption. The Court found that the travel restrictions had indeed been substantially detrimental to the fabric of life of the residents of the villages. It held that in the said circumstances, the sweeping prohibition on travel imposed on the Palestinian residents of the Area does not meet the test of proportionality, since due weight was not ascribed to safeguarding their rights as “protected residents”.  The said prohibition, therefore, cannot stand.

 

The authority of the military commander to order the closure of a road without a written document should be exercised only where there is an immediate need to close the road due to safety concerns. When the closure is not for a short and limited time, the order should eventually be committed to writing.

 

The Court held that there is no cause to intervene in the decision of the military commander concerning the operation of the Beituniya crossing.     

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
Author
concurrence
Author
dissent
Full text of the opinion: 

HCJ 2150/07

 

Ali Hussein Mahmoud Abu Safiyeh, Beit Sira Village Council Head, and 24 others

v.

1. Minister of Defense

2. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area

3. Commander of the Benjamin Brigade

4. Shurat Hadin Israel Law Center and 119 others

5. Fence for Life

 

The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

[5 March 2008]

 

Before President D. Beinisch and Justices E.E. Levy, U. Vogelman

 

Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

 

 

Facts: This is a petition to allow free movement  of Palestinian vehicles and pedestrians along Road 443 and on the Beituniya Road. In 2002, Road 443, which served as the main traffic artery for the Palestinian residents of the area between the villages in the area and Ramallah, was closed to all Palestinian traffic. This closure was ordered following the numerous terrorist attacks that were perpetrated along the Road. The arguments related to the question of the authority of the military commander to order the restriction of traffic on the Road in general, and closure of the Road to Palestinians in particular; they also related to  the mode of  exercise of the military commander’s authority and his discretion, based on the relevant Israeli and international law dealing with belligerent occupation.

Held:  The High Court of Justice granted the petition (by majority opinion) in relation to Road 443.  It held that it is not sufficient to anchor a decision on the closure of the Road in a security order and in travel provisions.  The authority of the military commander is derived from the laws of belligerent occupancy, which pertain in the Area of Judaea and Samaria. Article 43 of the Regulations Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land of 1907, appended to the Fourth Hague Convention of obligates the occupying state “to ensure, as far as possible, public security and safety…”.

Road 443 was designed to safeguard the needs of the local population. According to the rules of public international law, the military government’s authority to expropriate is exercised for the benefit of the local population, i.e. the “protected persons” in terms of the Convention. It was assumed that the Road would also serve Israeli residents, and traffic needs between the Judaea and Samaria and Israel. However, closure of the Road to Palestinian vehicles results in the Road serving primarily for purposes of “internal” vehicular traffic in Israel between the center of the country and Jerusalem: in accordance with the case law of this Court, the military commander would not have been authorized to order construction of the Road from the outset, had this been its main purpose.

The arrangement resulting from the closure of the Road, whereby it no longer serves the interests of the local population, but is rendered a “service road” of the occupying state, exceeds the authority of the military commander and does not comport with the international law dealing with belligerent occupation. Consequently, the travel restrictions imposed by the military commander cannot stand in their present format, and must be set aside.

In exercising his authority, the military commander must balance three considerations: the security-military consideration, including the security of Israelis travelling on the Road; safeguarding the rights of the Palestinian residents, who are ‘protected persons’; and preserving the rights of Israelis who live in Israeli settlements in the Area.” A main criteria in the framework of this balancing act is proportionality.

The Court held that there is no basis to intervene in the position of the respondents whereby there is a rational connection between the measures that were adopted and between ensuring order and security. The situation prevailing on the Road, in practice, since the security measures were adopted, supports this position.

As required by the limitation clause in Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, the Court examined whether there exists an alternative measure to that adopted, one that is less prejudicial to the rights of the petitioners, that will achieve the security purpose. While acknowledging the impact of the closure of the Road on security, the Court was not convinced that due consideration was given to possible alternative measures for protection of travelers on the Road which would be less prejudicial to the rights of the local residents.

The constitutional test of proportionality examines the relationship between the measures and the benefit from their adoption. The Court found that the travel restrictions had indeed been substantially detrimental to the fabric of life of the residents of the villages. It held that in the said circumstances, the sweeping prohibition on travel imposed on the Palestinian residents of the Area does not meet the test of proportionality, since due weight was not ascribed to safeguarding their rights as “protected residents”.  The said prohibition, therefore, cannot stand.

The authority of the military commander to order the closure of a road without a written document should be exercised only where there is an immediate need to close the road due to safety concerns. When the closure is not for a short and limited time, the order should eventually be committed to writing.

The Court held that there is no cause to intervene in the decision of the military commander concerning the operation of the Beituniya crossing.     
 

 

Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

[1]     HCJ 7015/02 Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [2002] IsrSC 56(6) 352.

[2]     HCJ 2056/04 Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2004] IsrSC 58(5) 807.

[3]     HCJ 7957/04 Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [2004] IsrSC 60(2) 477; [2005] (2) IsrLR 106.

[4]     HCJ 7052/03 Adalah – the Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Minister of the Interior (2006) (not yet reported).

[5]     HCJ 393/82 Jam’iyyat Iskan al-Mu’allimun al-Ta’wuniyya al-Mahduda al-Mas'uliyya, a Cooperative Society Legally Registered at the Judaea and Samaria Area Headquarters v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [1983] IsrSC 37(4) 785.

[6]     HCJ 4289/05 Bir Naballah Local Council v. Government of Israel (2006) (not yet reported).

[7]     HCJ 1661/05 Gaza Beach Local Council v. Knesset of Israel [2005] IsrSC 59(2) 481.

[8]     HCJ 10356/02 Hess v. IDF Commander in West Bank [2004] IsrSC 58 (3) 443.

[9]     HCJ 69/81 Abu ‘Ita v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [1983] IsrSC 37(2) 197.

[10]   HCJ 591/88 Taha v. Minister of Defense [1991] IsrSC 45(2) 52.

[11]   CrA 6659/06 Anon. v. State of Israel (2008) (not yet reported).

[12]   HCJ 7862/04 Abu Daher v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria Area [2005] IsrSC 59(5) 368.

[13]   HCJ 351/80 Israel Electric Corporation, Jerusalem Region Ltd. v. Minister of Energy and Infrastructure [1981] IsrSC 35(2) 673.

[14]   HCJ 2612/94 Sha’ar v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria Area [1994] IsrSC 48(3) 675.

[15]   HCJ 3933/92 Barakat v. O/C Central Command [1992] IsrSC 46 (5) 1

[16]   HCJ 2942/05 Mansur v. State of Israel (2006) (not yet reported).

[17]   HCJ 2645/04 Nasser v. Prime Minister (2007) (not yet reported).

[18]   HCJ 6339/05 Matar v. IDF Commander in the Gaza Region [2005] IsrSC 59(2) 846.

[19]   HCJ 4363/02 Zindah v. IDF Commander in the Gaza Strip (2002) (unreported).

[20]   HCJ 4219/02 Gusin v. IDF Commander in the Gaza Strip [2002] IsrSC 56(4) 608.

[21]   HCJ 2577/04 al-Khawaja v. Prime Minister (2007) (not yet reported).

[22]   HCJ 11344/03 Salim v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria Area (2009) (not yet reported).

[23]   HCJ 9593/04 Morar, Yanun Village Council Head v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria (2006) (not yet reported).

[24]   HCJ 3680/05 Committee of the Tene Settlement v. Prime Minister of Israel (2006) (not yet reported).

[25]   HCJ 6027/04 Raddad, a-Zawiya Village Council Head v. Minister of Defense (2006) (not yet reported).

[26]   HCJ 8414/05 Bil’in Village Council Head v. Government of Israel (2007) (not yet reported).

[27]   HCJ 401/88 Abu Rian v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [1988] IsrSC 42 (2) 767.

[28]   HCJ 202/81 Tabib v. Prime Minister [1982] IsrSC 36 (2) 622.

[29]   HCJ 6982/02 Wahidi v. IDF Commander in the Gaza Strip (2002) (unreported).

[29]   HCJ 1890/03 Municipality of Bethlehem v. State of Israel [2005] IsrSC 59(4) 736.

[30]   HCJ 2717/96 Wafa v. Minister of Defense [1996] IsrSC 50(2) 848.

[31]   HCJ 5539/05 Atallah v. Minister of Defense (2008) (not yet reported).

[32]   HCJ 11163/03 Supreme Monitoring Committee for Arab Affairs in Israel v. Prime Minister of Israel (2006) (not yet reported).

[33]   HCJ 4764/04 Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza [2004] IsrSC 58(5) 385.

[34]   HCJ 5139/05 Shaib, Beit Lid Village Council Head v. State of Israel (2007) (not yet reported).

[35]   HCJ 1748/06 Mayor of Dhahiriya v IDF Commander on the West Bank (2006) (not yet reported).

[36]   HCJ 5488/04 al-Ram Local Council v. Government of Israel (2006) (not yet reported).

[37]   HCJ 1998/06 Beit Aryeh Local Council v. Minister of Defense (2006) (not yet reported).

[38]   HCJ 3969/06 Dir Samet Village Council Head v. IDF Commander on the West Bank (2009) (not yet reported).

[39]   HCJ 6379/07 Committee of the Dolev Settlement v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area (2009) (not yet reported).

 

International Conventions cited

Fourth Hague Convention of 1907

Regulations Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land of 1907, appended to the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907

Geneva Convention (IV) Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War 1949

Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol I), 1977

 

For the Petitioners – L. Yehuda, D. Yakir

For Respondents nos. 1-3 – O. Mandel, M. Tzuk

For Respondent no. 4 – R. Kochavi

For Respondent no. 5 – I. Tzion, A. Baruch.

 

 

JUDGMENT

 

Justice U. Vogelman

The petitioners in the present petition are residents of the villages of Beit Sira, Safa, Beit Liqiya, Khirbet al-Masbah, Beit Ur a-Tahta, Beit Ur al-Fawqa (hereinafter: “the villages”), the council heads of the villages, and the Association for Civil Rights in Israel. In the present petition, they are asking the court to order respondents nos. 1 – 3 (hereinafter: “the respondents”) to enable Palestinians to travel freely, in vehicles and on foot, on Road no. 443 and on the Beituniya Road; the respondents are further requested to remove all of the fixed roadblocks that prevent access from the villages to Road no. 443.

General background

1.    Road no. 443 (hereinafter: “Road 443” or “the Road”) connects the area of the Ben Shemen interchange in Israel to the Ofer Camp intersection (near the settlement of Giv’at Zeev). The total length of the Road is approximately 25.5km. The petition before us concerns the eastern section of the Road, which passes through the area of Judaea and Samaria hereinafter: “JSA” or “the Area”), between the Maccabim-Reut bypass at the western end and the Ofer Camp intersection at the eastern end. The length of the aforesaid section of the Road is approximately 14km. The Road, according to the definition provided by the respondents, serves “as a major traffic artery connecting the area of the coastal plain and the Modi’in Bloc to the area of Jerusalem. In addition to Highway no. 1, Road 443 constitutes one of the two major traffic arteries leading to the capital.” The Road also serves as an access route for the Israeli settlements in the JSA sector. As stated by the respondents, the settlements are inhabited by 55,000 residents. Of all the settlements in question, the Road constitutes the sole access route only for the residents of the settlement of Beit Horon.

2.    The origins of the Road date from the time of the British Mandate. The Road functioned as a local access road which passed through the centers of the villages. Over the years, changes took place in the statutory planning; the Road became a “regional road” and it was widened and its route modified accordingly, such that it no longer passed through Palestinian villages. Throughout all the intervening years and up to the outbreak of the “Second Intifada” in 2000, the Road was used for travel by both Palestinian and Israeli vehicles. The Road served as a major traffic artery for the Palestinian residents of the Area, including the residents of the villages. The residents of the villages customarily used the Road to travel between the villages, and as a traffic artery to the city of Ramallah (access to Ramallah from Road 443 is via the Beituniya Road, which will be discussed below). Israeli vehicles drove along the Road between the coastal plain and Jerusalem. In addition, the Road served as an access road to the Israeli settlements in the Area.

3.    In 2000, the “Second Intifada” broke out. Heavy fighting occurred in the area of Judaea and Samaria, including thousands of terrorist attacks against Israeli citizens and residents in the Area and within the borders of the State of Israel. On more than one occasion, this Court has discussed the scope and severity of the fighting, stating, inter alia, as follows:

‘Since the end of September 2000, heavy fighting has been taking place in the areas of Judaea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip. This is not police activity. This is armed conflict. Within that framework, some 14,000 terrorist attacks have been carried out against the lives, persons and property of innocent Israeli citizens and residents, including the elderly and children, men and women. More than 600 citizens and residents of the State of Israel have been killed. More than 4,500 have been wounded, some very gravely. Death and injuries have also been incurred by the Palestinians. Many of them have been killed and wounded since September 2000. Furthermore, in one single month – the month of March 2002 – 120 Israelis were killed and hundreds more wounded in terrorist attacks. Between March 2002 and the writing of this opinion, 318 Israelis have been killed and more than 1,500 have been wounded. We are awash in bereavement and pain’ (HCJ 7015/02 Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [1], at p. 358. See also HCJ 2056/04 Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at pp. 814-815; HCJ 7957/04 Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at pp. 484-485; HCJ 7052/03 Adalah – the Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Minister of the Interior [4], per  Deputy-President (ret.) M. Cheshin at paras. 6-12).

Nor has this reality skipped over Road 443. Large numbers of Israeli vehicles move along the Road. This fact, combined with the topographical characteristics of the Road, has transformed it into what the respondents define as a “security weak point” – a “convenient” target for the perpetration of terrorist attacks. In fact, a large number of terrorist attacks have been perpetrated along the length of the Road over the years, causing injury and loss of life: these have included the use of firearms and the throwing of stones and improvised incendiary devices. All these were aimed both at drivers along Road 443 and at the security forces. We will discuss this point at a later stage.

4.    As a result of the aforesaid security escalation, and along with additional measures that were taken in order to safeguard the security of Israeli drivers, which we will discuss below, the respondents began to prevent entry to Road 443 by Palestinian vehicles. Initially, this prevention was partial, and was carried out by means of roadblocks and patrols of the security forces, which ensured that Palestinians were kept away from the Road. Beginning in 2002, during the period of escalation in the security situation, the prohibition against travel by Palestinian vehicles on the Road became absolute. All the access roads linking the villages to Road 443 were blocked, and the residents of the villages were prevented from making any use of the Road. At the present time, as a general rule, only Israeli vehicles travel along the Road. According to data provided by the security establishment, approximately 40,000 vehicles travel each day on Road 443 (in both directions).

5.    A brief summary of the data with regard to the Beituniya Road, which is also a focal point of the petitions, is in order. The Beituniya Road connects Road 443 (from the Ofer Camp intersection) to the city of Beituniya, near Ramallah. Over the years, this road served as an access artery to Ramallah for vehicles traveling on Road 443. In recent years, with the construction of the security fence in the Area, the Beituniya Road has been blocked to both Palestinian and Israeli vehicles. In the place where the security fence crosses the Beituniya Road, a “back-to-back” crossing known as the “Beituniya Crossing” was set up for the movement of merchandise between Israel and JSA. The Beituniya Crossing is not intended for passage by private vehicles or persons, as specified in the Transfer of Goods Order (Amendment No. 2), 5765-2005. The respondents point out that, in addition to the movement of merchandise, the Beituniya Crossing is used, to a limited degree, for purposes such as security checks of pedestrians coming to the nearby [military] courts which are located in Ofer Camp.

6.    The Association for Civil Rights in Israel (petitioner no. 7) has contacted the respondents several times on behalf of the petitioners and on behalf of the council heads of the villages, demanding that they remove the roadblocks that were placed on the roads between the villages and Road 443 and enable travel by Palestinian vehicles on the Road. Not only has this demand not been met; the Office of the Legal Advisor for JSA – in a letter dated 18October 2006 claimed – contrary to the actual state of affairs – that IDF soldiers do not prevent Palestinians from traveling along the Road; rather, they limit the exit points from the region of the villages to the Road to a few exit intersections, at which gates are set up for the purpose of security checks (the ramifications of this misstatement will be discussed below). Following receipt of that response, the present petition was filed.

7.    Only after the filing of the petition – on 28August 2007 – did the then-Commander of the IDF Forces in the Area of Judaea and Samaria, Major General Gadi Shamni, by virtue of his authority under the Security Provisions Order (Judaea and Samaria) (No. 378), 5730-1970 (hereinafter: “Security Provisions Order”), issue Travel and Traffic Provisions (Road 443) (Judaea and Samaria), 5767-2007 (hereinafter: “the Travel Provisions”). The Travel Provisions prohibited the travel of non-Israeli vehicles (as this term is defined in the Travel Provisions) on Road 443 without a permit. The validity of the Travel Provisions was limited in time, and they have been extended from time to time.

The arguments of the parties

8.    The petitioners argued that the closure of Road 443 to travel by Palestinians deprives the local population of the possibility of using the only main road in the area and makes life extremely difficult for the residents of the villages, who are forced to use an alternative road, which passes through settlements, and along which military roadblocks are set up from time to time (hereinafter: the Village Route). Travel along the Village Route is difficult: the road is narrow, winding and in disrepair; its quality is poor, and using it lengthens travel time significantly and increases travel costs. In addition, the petitioners argued that, as a direct result of the aforesaid difficulties in traveling, both the fabric of life of residents of the villages and the economy of the villages in general are suffering, primarily because the residents are cut off from the city of Ramallah, which is their local urban center. Thus, for example, the prohibition against traveling on the Road has led to the closure of many businesses in the villages and has made it difficult for workers to reach their places of work in Ramallah. As a result of these factors, the number of unemployed persons in the villages has risen sharply. In addition, the closure of the Road has interfered with access by residents of the villages to medical services; with access by fire and rescue services to the villages; with access by residents of the villages to the educational institutions in the villages and in Ramallah; and with the possibility of paying visits and maintaining social relationships. The petitioners further stated that the closure of the Road has prevented their direct access to their agricultural lands (although it does not entirely block such access) and has imposed difficulties on the movement of agricultural produce. It was further argued that the closure of Road 443 has led to the transfer of traffic congestion to the internal roads and that, as a direct result, the number of road accidents has greatly increased, along with the potential for loss of human life.

According to the petitioners, the ban on travel on Road 443 by Palestinian residents is illegal. They state that the prohibition was imposed in order to reserve Road 443 as an “internal” Israeli traffic artery, connecting the coastal plain to Jerusalem. The military commander thereby exceeded his authority, which was granted exclusively for the purposes of the occupied Area itself; he breached his duty of safeguarding public order and the lifestyle of the protected residents within the occupied territory; and he exercised extraneous considerations. It was further argued that the prohibition is illegal because it constitutes improper discrimination on a national-ethnic basis; because it is tantamount to a breach of the prohibition against collective punishment; because it is tainted with extreme unreasonableness; and because it disproportionately prejudices the human rights of the protected Palestinian residents – including the right to freedom of movement, the right to earn a living, the right to live with dignity, the right to education, the right to family life and contact with family members, and the right to health and medical treatment. The petitioners further argue that the respondents’ position in the procedure before us runs counter to arguments which the respondents themselves raised, years ago, in a petition that concerned the expropriation of lands for the purpose of building the Road (HCJ 393/82 Jam’iyyat Iskan al-Mu’allimun al-Ta’wuniyya al-Mahduda al-Mas'uliyya, a Cooperative Society Legally Registered at the Judaea and Samaria Area Headquarters v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [5]). The petitioners emphasize that in that case, the respondents argued that the transportation needs of the Area residents required the planning of a new road system, whereas today – more than 20 years later – the respondents are arguing that the residents of the villages have a reasonable transportation system at their disposal. The petitioners point out that although the ban on travel on Road 443 was defined as “temporary,” it has continued throughout the last seven years, and that there is no serious intention of considering its cancellation in the future. The petitioners further argue in their petition that the ban on travel ought to be struck down because it was imposed with no valid legal source, without any written basis for the prohibition. After the Travel Provisions were issued, this argument was obviated; nonetheless, the petitioners emphasize that this phenomenon of imposing a ban on travel with no written authorization, has repeated itself again and again and that, in their view, a clear court ruling is necessary on this issue.

With regard to the Beituniya Road, the petitioners argue that its opening is necessary in order to reduce the harm caused to the residents of the villages, who need Road 443, inter alia, to travel to the city of Ramallah (as explained above, the Beituniya Road connects Road 443 to the city of Ramallah). As they see it, there is no impediment to the use of the Beituniya crossing for private vehicular traffic, alongside the use of the crossing for moving merchandise.

9.    The respondents are opposed to the petition. They confirm that Road 443 had initially been planned for the purpose of travel by both Israelis and Palestinians, and that this situation prevailed until 2000, but following the outbreak of the fighting and terrorist incidents, the security situation changed drastically. They argue that the Road was closed to Palestinian vehicles to preserve the security of the Israeli civilians who reside in JSA, including those who use Road 443. The respondents mention brutal and murderous terrorist attacks along the Road, in which Israeli civilians were killed and many others wounded. They argue that some of those terrorist attacks were perpetrated by residents of the villages. The military commander is responsible for the security of the residents of the Area and Israeli citizens within the bounds of the Area, and this is what led to his decision – which was based on purely security-related considerations – to adopt a series of measures, some of which were temporary, in order to safeguard the security of the Israeli travelers on the Road. Among the various measures taken were the increase in ongoing operational activity and the increased military presence along Road 443 and in the Area in general; the construction of fencing and observation posts along a number of sections close to the Road; a temporary ban on travel by Israelis on several roads in the Benjamin area; improvement of the standard of security checks at the roadside security checkpoints adjacent to Road 443; and the construction of the security fence in the areas surrounding Jerusalem, including in the vicinity of Road 443. An additional measure taken by the military commander – the measure that is the object of the petition before us – is the temporary blockage of the roads connecting the Palestinian villages to Road 443, with a view to preventing Palestinian vehicles from entering the Road in an uncontrolled manner. This was based on an understanding that those vehicles might be used for the launching of terrorist attacks, whether as car bombs; or drive-by shootings followed by escape to a nearby village – a scenario that is familiar from other incidents that occurred in JSA, including in the area of Road 443; or kidnapping Israeli travelers along the Road, or transporting terrorist operatives and weapons into the territory of the State of Israel. In fact, after these measures were taken, there was a substantial decline in the number and severity of terrorist attacks along Road 443, although the danger remains. In the respondents’ affidavit of response and their supplementary affidavit, we were apprised of the details of attempts to harm travelers along Road 443 and attempts to harm the security forces. These attempts began – in the period relevant to the matter before us – on 21 December 2000, with the fatal shooting of an Israeli civilian, a resident of the city of Modi’in, and continued with additional shooting attacks in 2001, in the course of which additional Israeli civilians were killed and wounded, and a female suicide bomber who blew herself up near the Maccabim roadblock, resulting in the wounding of police officers who were manning the roadblock. The latest of these attempts, as of this point in time, are incidents that occurred after the filing of the petition. Together with these events, there were hundreds of cases of stone-throwing and dozens of incidents involving improvised incendiary devices. Thus, for example, during the period between 4 June  2007 and 1 January 2008, fifty-eight incidents were recorded in which stones or improvised incendiary devices were thrown at vehicles traveling along the Road.

In their written and oral pleadings, the respondents pointed out that in the military commander’s view, restricting access by Palestinian vehicles to Road 443 at the time was, and continues to be to this day, an important and necessary security measure, as part of a series of security measures intended to preserve the lives of the Israeli civilians who travel on the Road. The respondents emphasized that Palestinian pedestrian use of the Road was not prohibited. The respondents further contended that the petitioners’ arguments regarding the damage they incurred as a result of the travel restrictions were exaggerated and factually unsubstantiated. They argued that the Village Route is available to the petitioners, providing a reasonable connection among the villages themselves and between the villages and the city of Ramallah. The respondents noted that the security forces have no fixed roadblocks on the Village Route. The respondents further clarified, during the hearing of the arguments by the parties, that as part of the security fence project in the sector surrounding Jerusalem, a number of “fabric of life” routes are being constructed, at a cost of tens of millions of shekels. The “fabric of life” routes are intended to serve the Palestinian residents of the Area and to reduce the harm to their way of life resulting from the blockage of roads (see HCJ 4289/05 Bir Naballah Local Council v. Government of Israel [6], at para. 11). The respondents argued that upon their completion, these routes will significantly shorten the duration of travel between the villages and Ramallah, and will provide a proper response and a reasonable alternative to travel on Road 443. They further pointed out that, aside from the Village Route, the residents of the Villages can also use an additional alternative route which runs along the original route of Road 443. Today, this route connects the villages of Safa, Beit Ur a-Tahta and Beit Ur al-Fawqa, and in the future, it will enable access to the Beit Ur-Beituniya “fabric of life” route (the paving of which was completed after the hearing of the arguments; we will discuss this road further in this judgment).

According to the respondents, the military commander is obliged to balance the protection of the security interests of the state authority occupying the territory, on one hand, against ensuring the needs and rights of the local population, on the other hand. Within this framework, the military commander is authorized to initiate security measures with a view to protecting all of the population within the Area, including Israeli civilians, and the fact that the Road was constructed by virtue of an expropriation order cannot change that. The restrictions imposed by the military commander are necessary for security reasons; they do not cause disproportionate harm to the local population and, at the very least, they do not exceed the bounds of proportionality. In this context, the respondents mentioned an arrangement they had devised whereby restricted travel by Palestinian vehicles on the Road would be permitted (the details of the arrangement will be discussed below). According to the respondents, among the powers vested in the military commander, the one which is important in the case before us is his authority to impose various restrictions of movement upon the local population. This authority is anchored in arts. 88 and 90 of the Security Provisions Order, and has existed as far back as the 1945 Defense (Emergency) Regulations, which were part of the applicable law in the Area even prior to the inception of the belligerent occupation, and which continue to apply to this day. By virtue of these powers, the military commander imposed the restrictions with regard to travel on Road 443. The respondents agree that when the restrictions on travel along the traffic artery remained in place, they ought to have been backed with a signed written order. And indeed, as mentioned, on 28 August 2007, the Travel Provisions were issued, and the petitioners’ argument in this regard has therefore become moot. The restrictions that were imposed are based on relevant considerations, and accordingly, they do not constitute prohibited discrimination; rather, they represent a permitted distinction. The respondents further emphasize that the measures in question are preventive security measures and not collective punishment, as was argued. Admittedly, in actual practice, these measures inflict harm on civilians who do not participate in terrorist activities, a category which includes the majority of the Palestinian population. This, however, is not an indication of the illegality of the measures taken. The respondents went on to discuss their position as it was presented in Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander [5]. It was argued that the building of Road 443 and the way in which the road was utilized throughout the years up to 2000 were compatible with their position as presented in that proceeding. We would emphasize that whereas in the affidavit of response (sec. 22), the respondents pointed to the connection between the section of the Road in question and that which was discussed in the above Jam'iyyat Iskan case, in their supplementary affidavit (sec. 412), the respondents argued that the system of roads that was discussed in the Jam'iyyat Iskan case had nothing to do with Road 443 or with its expansion. As a parenthetical note, we will comment that we do not need to discuss the dispute between the petitioners and the respondents in this last regard, as it has no impact on the normative decisions in the Jam'iyyat Iskan case, which will guide us in the present matter as well.

With reference to the Beituniya Road, the respondents argue primarily that the authorities were not approached in advance on this matter, and that the factual and legal basis on this matter in the petition statement was insufficient. As such, that aspect of the petition should be denied in limine (as a parenthetical note, we note that the petitioners’ above arguments were first raised in their reply to the affidavit of response which was filed on behalf of the respondents). On a substantive level, the respondents argue that the Beituniya crossing does not have appropriate infrastructure for the passage of private vehicles or pedestrians, and to prepare it for this purpose would require the construction of extensive infrastructure, at a high cost. The respondents further point out that in accordance with the security concept underlying the construction of the security fence in the areas surrounding Jerusalem, the course of the fence was planned in such a way as to separate the lands and residents of JSA from the Israeli settlements north of Jerusalem and within the boundaries of the State of Israel. Fence crossings were limited to a number of fixed crossing points that are suitable for the passage of private vehicles or pedestrians. In their view, opening an additional crossing point in the security fence would lead to “a certain breach” of the security obstacle, itwould increase the risk of infiltration by terrorist activists into the vicinity of Jerusalem, and it would create a friction point that would increase the danger to the security forces in charge of the crossing points. The respondents further noted that the Beituniya crossing is situated in a problematic location that is subject to security threats; expanding the crossing and allowing the passage of private vehicles as well would therefore constitute a real risk.

10.  Respondents no. 4 (Shurat Hadin and 119 others (hereinafter: respondents no. 4)), who were added to the petition at their request, emphasize in their response the importance of Road 443 as a major traffic artery in Israel, connecting the city of Jerusalem with metropolitan Tel Aviv. They state that Road 443 is the only practical alternative to Highway No. 1, and, in addition, it is the only transportation artery which is open, in practical terms, to the residents of the Israeli settlements along its route. Respondents no. 4 further discuss the terrorist attacks that occurred on the Road during the years since the outbreak of the Second Intifada, some of which, they argue, were perpetrated by residents of the villages, and the deaths and injuries that resulted from them. Respondents no. 4 argue that as a result of the security measures taken – which constitute the object of the petitioners’ complaints – the petitioners incurred no more than inconvenience. They argue that the petition raises the question of the balance between that inconvenience and their right to life and physical safety. In the case at hand, they believe that the right to life and physical safety should be given preference. Respondents no. 4 go on to state that the decision to close the Road [to Palestinians] is a reasonable and unavoidable position, based on a military need, which was made under the proper authority.

Respondent no. 5, “Fence for Life – the Movement for Construction of the Separation Fence”, was also joined to the petition as a respondent, at its request. Respondent no. 5 also points out the security risk inherent in the resumption of travel by Palestinian vehicles on Road 443, which is likely to cause a renewed outbreak of bloody terrorist attacks along the Road and even to lead to the crossing of the Green Line by Palestinian vehicles, through checkpoints at both sides of the Road.

The proposed travel arrangement and the “fabric of life” roads

11.  As explained above, the respondents presented an arrangement they had devised with a view to enabling restricted travel by Palestinian vehicles on Road 443. In addition, during the hearing of the petition, the laying down of some of the “fabric of life” roads has progressed, and some of them have been completed and opened to traffic. We will discuss this below.

12.  The affidavit of response, which was filed by the respondents on 2 September 2007, stated that after the security forces and the Central Command of the IDF had re-examined the restrictions on travel in the area of Road 443, it was decided, as a temporary measure, to permit partial travel by a limited number of Palestinian vehicles along the Road. This decision was backed by a temporary order, signed by the O/C Central Command, which remained in force until 31 May 2008. According to the arrangement, the intention was to issue permits for travel along the Road to approximately 80 Palestinian vehicles, most of them commercial and public vehicles, the identity of which would be determined in coordination with the petitioning villages, and those vehicles would drive Palestinian passengers along the Road. The vehicles would enter the Road at a checkpoint near the village of Khirbet al-Masbah, and would then reach Ramallah through a passage in the security fence, known as the al-Jib crossing, which is located near the settlement of Giv’at Zeev. From the al-Jib crossing there is convenient and rapid access to the city of Ramallah via the Bir Naballah – Qalandiya “fabric of life” road. The arrangement would only operate during the day; at night, travel would be permitted subject to prior coordination, to provide a response to humanitarian needs. The respondents stated that this arrangement was approved “with a heavy heart and with considerable misgivings”, as implementing it involves a considerable risk to the security of Israeli citizens traveling on Road 443 and in the hinterland of the State of Israel. In an update notice of 17 December 2007, the respondents mentioned that for the purpose of implementing the arrangement, a meeting was held with the council heads of the Villages, aimed at promoting cooperation in the implementation of the arrangement. As we were told, in a letter dated 20 November 2007 the council heads announced that they did not intend to cooperate with this arrangement. Nevertheless, the respondents decided to implement the arrangement even without cooperation, and addressed the residents of the Area directly, by publishing a notice to the public in which the residents were offered the opportunity to submit applications for permits to travel on Road 443. In a supplementary affidavit dated 20 February 2008, the respondents announced that no applications for permits had been filed by the residents. Another supplementary affidavit, dated 8 September 2008, stated that additional attempts had been made to implement the proposed arrangement. Nevertheless, despite various efforts on the part of the respondents, no applications have yet been filed for implementation of the arrangement or for permits to travel along Road 443.

The petitioners, in their reply to the verified response, stated that the proposed arrangement is in the nature of “mocking the poor”. They believe that the respondents are creating a mechanism which transforms a basic right into a privilege, to be granted or denied at the military commander’s whim. In any event, this proposed arrangement, as the petitioners view it, will not lead to a reduction in the harm caused to the residents of the villages, given the small number of vehicles which would be permitted to travel and the hours during which the arrangement would operate. In addition, the petitioners point out that according to the proposed arrangement, travel to Ramallah would require passing through two checkpoints, and that the travel distance is twice as long as it would be on the original road (via Road 443 and from there to the Beituniya Road which leads to Ramallah).

Respondents nos. 4 and 5, for their part, expressed their objection to the proposed arrangement, in light of the security risks it entails.

13.  As a marginal note in this regard, we will state that in addition to the aforesaid arrangement, the respondents, in their preliminary response, added that the military commander regularly allows travel on the Road by a limited number of vehicles with Palestinian license plates – mostly public vehicles – which have been individually examined. These are vehicles belonging to the village of a-Tira (which is not among the villages that are petitioners in this case), which are used to transport residents of that village to the city of Ramallah. As we were told, this arrangement, which was achieved within the framework of a petition to this court (HCJ 2986/04), will remain in force until the completion of the “fabric of life” road between the village of a-Tira and the village of Beit Ur al-Fawqa. A supplementary affidavit filed by the respondents on 8 September 2008 clarified that this road has, in fact, been completed and has been opened to traffic.

In addition to all this, the respondents, as aforesaid, pointed out the further progress that has been made in constructing the “fabric of life” roads. Among those roads are three that pertain to the petition before us. One of them, the “fabric of life” road connecting the villages of Beit Liqiya and Khirbet al-Masbah, is open to traffic. The second is the “fabric of life” road connecting the villages of a-Tira and Beit Ur al-Fawqa, which includes an underground passage beneath Road 443. This road was opened to traffic on 1July 2008. An additional road of importance to the matter before us is the road connecting the villages of Beit Ur al-Fawqa and Beituniya, which gives the residents of the villages access to the city of Ramallah (through Beituniya). As stated in the update notice of 8 September 2008, the planned date for completion of the paving work and opening of the road to traffic was December 2008. Already then, the respondents stated that once the road was open, the trip to Ramallah for residents of the villages was expected to be short and quick, even compared to travel on Road 443. The respondents emphasized that the “fabric of life” roads were built at “a high standard”, in accordance with the criteria generally accepted by Israel’s Public Works Council for ordinary civilian roads and, accordingly, the building costs were very high. In an additional update notice, delivered on 8 April 2009 (following the completion of arguments), the respondents added that the “fabric of life” road, a dual-carriage road that connects the petitioning villages to the regional city of Ramallah “by means of a short, fast and convenient route, even by comparison to travel on Road 443,” had meanwhile been completed. After its opening, the road was closed for a limited period of time for maintenance and repair work, including work that resulted from weather damage.

The petitioners, for their part, argue that from the standpoint of the population of the Area, there is no need for the “fabric of life” roads, because the road available to that population should have been Road 443. In addition, they point out that for the purpose of laying the “fabric of life” roads, lands were expropriated from the local population, in addition to the lands that were previously expropriated for the construction of Road 443. In their view, these are unnecessary roads, the construction of which has harsh ramifications, both present and future, for the residents of the Area. The building of the roads deprives the landowners and many families of their land and their livelihood; it uses land that is required for the genuine development of the residents of the Area; it causes the destruction of nature and the environment in the Area; and it creates separate road systems for the various populations. Furthermore, it was argued that from the standpoint of transportation, most of the “fabric of life” roads that run between the villages themselves are significantly inferior to the main roads in the Area, and are not in the nature of a main road which enables rapid, convenient travel.

The framework of the deliberations

14.  The territory that is the object of the petition is under a regime of “belligerent occupation” (see e.g.: Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander [5], at p. 792; Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at p. 827; HCJ 1661/05 Gaza Beach Local Council v. Knesset of Israel [7], at p. 514-516; Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at p. 492). In a territory under belligerent occupation, the military commander serves as “the long arm of the state” (Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at p. 492). The military commander is not the sovereign entity in that territory, and he draws his authority from the rules of public international law that govern belligerent occupation; from the local law prevailing in the Area, which consists of the law in force prior to the military occupation and new local legislation enacted by the military government; and from the principles of Israeli law (Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at p. 492; HCJ 10356/02 Hess v. IDF Commander in West Bank [8], at p. 455; see also HCJ Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander [5], at pp. 792-793). The first question that we will address in our deliberations in this case is whether, in deciding to order the closure of Road 443 by means of the Security Order and the Travel Provisions, such that the Palestinian residents of the Area are prohibited from traveling on it, the military commander acted within his authority. Separately from the question of the purview of his authority, the question of the manner in which the military commander exercised his authority and his discretion will also be examined. The criteria on the basis of which this examination will be conducted are those listed above – i.e., the rules of local law, the rules of Israeli administrative law, and the rules of international law that govern belligerent occupation (Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander [5], at p. 793; cf. Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at p. 832), as “each Israeli soldier carries with him, in his backpack, the rules of customary international public law that concern the laws of war and the basic rules of Israeli administrative law” (Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander [5], at p.810; cf. Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [1], at p.365; Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at pp. 492-493; Hess v. IDF Commander in West Bank [8], at p.454; Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at pp. 827-828). Accordingly, we have two questions before us, one of which concerns the actual authority of the military commander to order restrictions on travel along the Road in general, and the closure of the Road to Palestinians in particular. The other concerns his discretion in so ruling. We will discuss these questions in the order in which they are listed.

The authority of the military commander

15.  The respondents contend that the Road was closed to passage by Palestinian vehicles by virtue of the existing legislation in the Area, which was issued by the military commander. They argue that the authority of the military commander to close the Road is based on the provisions of s. 88 (a) (1) of the Security Provisions Order, which states as follows:

“Movement

and Transport

A military commander, or a person acting under the general or special authorization of a military commander, is entitled, by means of an order or by issuing provisions or in any other manner:

(1) To prohibit, restrict or regulate the use of certain roads or to determine routes along which vehicles or animals or persons will pass, whether generally or specifically.”

In addition, the respondents refer to the Travel Provisions issued by the military commander (after the petition was filed), in which, in 2007, his decision to close Road 443 to travel by Palestinian vehicles was put in writing. Section 2 of the Travel Provisions states: “As long as these Provisions remain in force, no person shall travel on Road 443 by means of a vehicle which is not Israeli, other than in accordance with a permit which was issued to him by me, or by a person authorized by me to do so.” An “Israeli vehicle” is defined, in s. 1 of the Provisions, as “a vehicle that is registered in Israel or a vehicle that bears identifying marks which were established for it in Israel.”

16.  I do not believe that the anchoring of the decision to order the closure of Road 443 in the Security Order and the Travel Provisions is sufficient. As has been ruled –

‘In order to provide a response to the question of the authority of the Area commander, it is not sufficient to determine that the amending order (or any other order by the Area commander) grants authority to the military commander... The authority of the military commander to enact the amending order is derived from the laws of belligerent occupation. They are the source of his authority, and his powers will be determined according to them’ (Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [1], at p. 364; cf. Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander [5], at p. 793; HCJ 69/81 Abu ‘Ita v. Commander of the Judaea and Samaria Area [9], at p. 230).

The principal norms that apply to a territory under belligerent occupation are the Regulations Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land of 1907, appended to the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907 (hereinafter: “the Hague Regulations”), which reflect customary international law (Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander [5], at p. 793; Hess v. IDF Commander in West Bank [8], at p. 455; Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [1], at p. 364; HCJ 591/88 Taha v. Minister of Defense [10], at p. 53; Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at p. 827; Gaza Beach Local Council v. Knesset of Israel [7], at pp. 516-517; Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at p. 492). At the same time, the provisions of international law that apply to international armed conflict are also anchored in the Geneva Convention (IV) Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War 1949 (hereinafter: “the Fourth Geneva Convention”), the customary provisions of which became part of the legal system of the State of Israel; and in the Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol I), 1977 (hereinafter: “the First Protocol”)); although Israel is not a party to the First Protocol, its customary provisions have also become part of Israel’s legal system. In addition, wherever a lacuna exists in the aforesaid laws of armed conflict, it may be filled by provisions of international human rights law (see CrA 6659/06 Anon. v. State of Israel [11], per President D. Beinisch, at para. 9. See also Hess v. IDF Commander in West Bank [8], at p. 455; Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [1], at p. 364; Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at p. 827; Gaza Beach Local Council v. Knesset of Israel [7], at p.517; Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at p. 492; HCJ 7862/04 Abu Daher v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [12], at p. 376.

17.  On the balances reflected by the Hague Regulations and the scope of the powers and discretion of the military commander resulting from them, the following – which also applies to the case before us – was stated:

‘The Hague Regulations revolve around two main axes: one – ensuring the legitimate security interests of the occupier in territory held under belligerent occupation; the other – ensuring the needs of the civilian population in the territory held under belligerent occupation... In both these matters – both the “military” need and the “civilian” need – the initial assumption in principle is that the military commander does not inherit the rights and status of the defeated regime. He is not the sovereign in the occupied territory... The powers of the defeated regime are suspended, and by virtue of the rules of public international law, the military commander is given “the supreme power of government and administration in the area” ... These powers, from a legal standpoint, are temporary by nature, because the belligerent occupation is temporary by nature ... This temporariness may be long-term ... International law does not set a deadline for it, and it continues as long as the military government efficiently controls the area’ (Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander [5], at p. 794; see also Hess v. IDF Commander in West Bank, at p. 455; Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at pp. 833-834; Gaza Beach Local Council v. Knesset of Israel [7], at p. 520; O. Ben Naftali and Y. Shani, International Law Between War and Peace [Heb.], 126, at pp. 179-180 (2006)).

18.              The provisions relevant to the matter at hand are those of Section III of the Hague Regulations, entitled “Military Authority over the Territory of the Hostile State.” Of those provisions, our concern is with the provisions of art. 43 of the Hague Regulations – cited by the Parties – which reads as follows:

‘The authority of the legitimate power having in fact passed into the hands of the occupant, the latter shall take all the measures in his power to restore, and ensure, as far as possible, public security and safety, while respecting, unless absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country’ (see also, on the “legislative history” of the regulation: Y. Dinstein, The Laws of War [Heb.], at pp. 215-216 (1983)).

This provision was defined as “a general ‘meta’- provision, which is intended to establish a normative arrangement for an entire set of cases” (Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander [5], at p. 797). In the case before us, the parties have focused on the question of the military commander’s authority to determine travel restrictions, by virtue of his duty to safeguard “public order and safety,” as prescribed in the opening passage of art. 43 of the Hague Regulations. The parties did not raise arguments concerning the restrictions imposed by the closing passage of the article on the enactment of legislation by the military commander; accordingly, our discussion, too, will focus on the opening passage of the regulation (cf. Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander [5], at p.797; HCJ 351/80 Israel Electric Corporation, Jerusalem Region Ltd. v. Minister of Energy and Infrastructure [13], at pp. 688-689).

19.              Article 43 imposes upon the occupying state the duty to “ensure, as far as possible, public order and safety”. This duty reflects the military commander’s control of the territory and results “from his being in charge of the preservation of public welfare in his area” (HCJ 2612/94 Sha’ar v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [14], at p. 679). In other words, the military commander is in charge of enforcing the law in the Area and safeguarding public order (HCJ 3933/92 Barakat v. O/C Central Command [15], at p. 6), and for this purpose, customary international law and treaty law confer upon him the right to act in order to ensure that his control of the territory is preserved. This may be done through the use of appropriate means (Taha v. Minister of Defense [10], at p. 64; cf. The Laws of War, at p. 216).

20.              Toward whom is the military commander’s duty of safeguarding public order and public life in the Area directed? As we have seen, the population that used Road 443 until 2000 may be divided into three categories. The first consists of residents of the villages, who are considered “protected persons” within the meaning of the Fourth Geneva Convention (art. 4 of the Convention; see Gaza Beach Local Council v. Knesset of Israel [7], at p.517; HCJ 2942/05 Mansur v. State of Israel [16], at para. 22). The second consists of residents living in the Israeli settlements in the Area (on the status of these settlements, see Gaza Beach Local Council v. Knesset of Israel [7], at pp. 524-527). These residents are among the local population of the Area (see Hess v. IDF Commander in West Bank [8], at p. 455), although they are not “protected persons” (Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at p. 496; Gaza Beach Local Council v. Knesset of Israel [7], at pp. 517-524; HCJ 2942/05 Mansur v. State of Israel [16], at para. 21; HCJ 2645/04 Nasser v. Prime Minister [17], at para. 26). Apart from those two groups, residents and citizens of Israel who do not live in the Area also use the Road, primarily for traveling between the coastal plain and Jerusalem. The duty of safeguarding “public order and safety” by virtue of art. 43 of the Hague Regulations is broad. It does not apply only to those individuals who are considered “protected persons”, but rather, to the entire population within the bounds of the Area at any given time, including residents of the Israeli settlements and Israeli civilians who do not reside within a territory under belligerent occupation (Hess v. IDF Commander in West Bank [8], at p. 455; Barakat v. O/C Central Command [15], at p. 6; HCJ 6339/05 Matar v. IDF Commander in the Gaza Region [18], at pp. 851-852; HCJ 4363/02 Zindah v. IDF Commander in the Gaza Strip [19]; HCJ 4219/02 Gusin v. IDF Commander in the Gaza Strip [20], at p. 611; Mansur v. State of Israel [16], at para. 22; Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at pp. 496-498; Hess v. IDF Commander in West Bank [8], at pp. 460-461; HCJ 2577/04 al-Khawaja v. Prime Minister [21], at para. 31; HCJ 11344/03 Salim v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [22]; Sha’ar v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [14], at p. 679; see also HCJ 9593/04 Morar, Head of Yanun Village Council v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [23], at para 13; HCJ 3680/05 Committee of the Tene Settlement v. Prime Minister of Israel [24], at para. 8).

21.              The military commander’s duty to protect the lives and the security of Israelis who reside within an area under belligerent occupation derives not only from his duty pursuant to art. 43 of the Hague Regulations, but also, as stated above, from internal Israeli law. As was ruled (in a case relating to the legality of the construction of a section of the security fence):

‘The authority of the military commander to construct a separation fence includes the authority to construct a fence in order to protect the lives and the security of Israelis who reside in Israeli settlements in the Judaea and Samaria Area. This is true notwithstanding the fact that the Israelis who live in the Area are not considered “protected persons” in the sense of art. 4 of the Fourth Geneva Convention ... This authority is derived from two sources. One is the authority of the military commander, pursuant to art. 43 of the Hague Regulations, to safeguard public order and safety... The other is the duty of the State of Israel, which is anchored in internal Israeli law, to protect the lives, the security and the well-being of the Israeli civilians who reside in the area’ (Nasser v. Prime Minister [17], at para. 26; see also Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at p.502; Tene Settlement v. Prime Minister of Israel [24], at paras. 8-9; Bir Naballah Local Council v. Government of Israel [6], at para. 32; al-Khawaja v. Prime Minister [21], at para. 31).

Moreover, the duty of the military commander to ensure the security of all persons within the bounds of the Area also applies to anyone who is alleged to be present in the Area unlawfully. The following was said in that context:

‘The authority to construct a security fence for the purpose of defending the lives and safety of Israeli settlers is derived from the need to preserve “public order and safety” (art. 43 of the Hague Regulations). It is necessarily entailed by the human dignity of every individual as a human being. It is designed to preserve the life of every person created in God’s image. The life of a person who is in the area illegally is not there for the taking. Even a person who is in the area illegally does not thereby become an outlaw …. Even if the military commander acted contrary to the laws of belligerent occupation when he agreed to the establishment of this or that settlement – and that issue is not before us, and we shall express no opinion on it – that does not release him from his duty according to the laws of belligerent occupation themselves to protect the lives, safety, and dignity of every one of the Israeli settlers. Ensuring the safety of Israelis present in the area is the responsibility of the military commander (cf. art. 3 of the Fourth Geneva Convention)’ (Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at pp. 498-500; see also HCJ 6027/04 Raddad, a-Zawiya Village Council Head v. Minister of Defense [25], at para. 15; HCJ 8414/05 Bil’in Village Council Head v. Government of Israel [26], at para. 28).

22.    By virtue of his duty to safeguard public order, the military commander is required to ensure, inter alia, normal travel on the roads in the Area (HCJ 401/88 Abu Rian v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [27], at p.770). The means of protecting travel are varied. In this case, we will mention that the court has repeatedly confirmed the military commander’s authority to build roads for security reasons, including for the purpose of protecting the civilian population which uses them. The words of the court in another case apply here as well:

‘It may be assumed that the security authorities and the military government, which took upon themselves the task of planning and implementing this network of roads, the cost of which is enormous, did not do so merely for reasons of ecology and alleviating civilian traffic, and that their prime consideration was the military aspect. ... Another extremely important military consideration is the situation in times of tranquility. It often happens that a hostile population harasses military traffic (as well as that of civilians, whom it deems undesirable) that passes through or close to residential areas. Diverting the traffic to other places, far from the “homes” of potential assailants, will reduce the number of incidents of harassment, the loss of human lives and the damage done. This consideration is mixed: it is a military consideration, insofar as it is capable of preventing losses among the military; and a security consideration, insofar as it keeps peaceable civilians from incurring harm and damage as a result of operations involving chases, searches, curfews and the like – operations that are unavoidable after a hostile strike against military forces or peaceable civilians’ (HCJ 202/81 Tabib v. Prime Minister [28], at pp. 634, 635).

In yet another case, which dealt with an access road to the settlement of Netzarim, the Court ruled as follows:

‘The need to build a new access road to the settlement of Netzarim arose as a result of the many brutal terrorist attacks against the army and against Jewish civilians who used the existing access road. The new road is slated to be built at a greater distance from the built-up area, and it is designed to provide its users with better protection against terrorist attacks. This consideration – the existence of which was not disputed, even by the petitioners’ counsel – is one which the military commander is entitled to take into account, within the framework of his duty to protect his soldiers and the population within the territory. The petitioners’ argument, that the military commander must renounce this duty because this is ostensibly what is required by the rules of international law, is unacceptable; moreover, from the legal standpoint, it is incorrect. The question of the legality of the Netzarim settlement is not for the military commander to decide’ (HCJ 6982/02 Wahidi v. IDF Commander in the Gaza Strip [29]).

Similarly, this Court did not see fit to intervene in the decision by the military commander to seize land for the purpose of constructing walls to shield a bypass road being built for Jewish worshipers who wished to travel from Jerusalem to Rachel’s Tomb – although, in that case, the petitioners did not dispute the military commander’s authority to do so (HCJ 1890/03 Municipality of Bethlehem v. State of Israel [29], at p.747). It was also ruled that there was no cause to intervene in the military commander’s decision to seize land for the purpose of building a bypass road in the Hebron area, which was required in order “to reduce the constant friction between Israeli vehiculr traffic, both military and civilian, and the Palestinian population” (HCJ 2717/96 Wafa v. Minister of Defense [30], at 856). At the same time, it should be recalled that the concept of building bypass roads, which the court discussed in that case, was intended to circumvent large Palestinian population centers, to enable “effective preservation of the well-being, security and lives of the users of the road, who are residents of the Area, Jews and Arabs alike” (ibid., at p.856). In another case, this Court decided not to intervene in the military commander’s decision to seize land in order to protect the road which afforded Jewish worshipers access to the Machpelah Cave (Hess v. IDF Commander in West Bank [8]). In addition, this Court did not find cause to intervene in the decision to construct the security fence in order to protect, inter alia, the well-being of Israelis who travel along the Trans-Samaria Highway from Israel to the city of Ariel and the Jordan Valley (Raddad, a-Zawiya Village Council Head v. Minister of Defense [25], at para. 18).

23.              In addition to the considerations of preserving order and security in the Area and ensuring secure travel, the military commander is entitled to take into account considerations related to the security of the State of Israel and protection against a security threat that originates in the Area and is directed against targets within the territory of Israel (HCJ 5539/05, Atallah v. Minister of Defense [31], at para. 8; Abu Daher v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [12], at p.376). Accordingly, the military commander was entitled to include in his considerations his assessment that terrorist assailants might infiltrate Israel as a result of travel by Palestinian vehicles on the Road. However, the military commander is not entitled to include other interests of the State in his considerations:

‘... The military commander’s considerations involve safeguarding his security interests in the area, on the one hand, and securing the interests of the civilian population on the other. Both of these interests are directed at the Area. The military commander is not entitled to consider the national, economic, or social interests of his state, insofar as said interests have no implications for his security interests in the area or the interests of the local population. Even the needs of the Army constitute military needs, and not the needs of national security in the broader sense... An area which is held under belligerent occupation is not an open field for economic or other exploitation’ (Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [5], at pp. 794-795 [emphasis added]; see also Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at p.829; Hess v. IDF Commander in West Bank [8], at p.456).

From the general to the specific

24.              The principles that we discussed above are the source from which the military commander’s duty to ensure safe travel along the roads in the Area is derived. This duty applies with regard to every vehicle travelling in the Area, irrespective of its owner’s identity. Against this background, the military commander is authorized – for the purpose of fulfilling his aforesaid duty – to impose restrictions on vehicular travel in general, and on travel by Palestinian vehicles in particular. It has already been ruled that “subject to specific provisions, which are laid down in the Hague Regulations, and according to the general provision, which is laid down in art. 43, the military government has been given all of the ancillary powers reasonably required for the purpose of fulfilling the authority” (Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [5], at p. 807). In addition, as explained above, the military commander is empowered to impose restrictions as abovesaid in order to ensure that no security risks are posed to the State of Israel. Another question – and this brings us to the dispute awaiting resolution – is whether, under the concrete circumstances before us, the military commander was entitled to totally prohibit (rather than merely restrict) travel on the Road by residents of the villages.

25.              Before handing down the judgment itself, two preliminary comments are in order. The first is that our decision does not refer to cases in which the prohibition on use of the Road by the protected population results from immediate security needs, such as the situation at the end of 2000, following the outbreak of the Second Intifada, or when the prohibition is in force for a limited period of time. Categories such as these require separate deliberation, and we may leave them for future consideration. By contrast, the prohibition in the case before us has continued for almost a decade, and its termination is not in sight at this time. A second clarification concerns the arrangement proposed by the respondents in the verified response, whereby, under specified conditions, they expressed willingness to permit restricted travel on the Road by approximately 80 vehicles from the villages. We note that according to the data provided by the respondents, the number of residents of the villages in 2007 was 26,280, and that approximately 40,000 Israeli vehicles travel on the Road each day. Given the extremely limited scope of the proposed arrangement and the additional restrictions involved therein, it cannot be said that this arrangement transforms the prohibition into something less than a complete prohibition, or that it is capable of changing the situation that is the object of the petition.

26.              We will now discuss the actual merits of the case. According to the regulations of the plan for its construction (RE/35), Road 443 – or the relevant section of it – was intended “to improve the transport connections between villages on the Beit Sira-Beituniya route and to increase the level of traffic safety.” The Road, which was constructed on land expropriated from residents of the Area, was thus intended – by definition – to secure the needs of the local population. In conformity with the rules of public international law, the power of expropriation by the military government was exercised under the local law and, within that framework, for the benefit of the local population, i.e., the protected persons (cf. Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [5], at para. 37). However, the presumption in the planning of Road 443 for the benefit of the local population was that the Road would also serve residents of Israel and the traffic needs between the Area and Israel (cf. Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [5], at p. 790). As explained, this was the situation until 2000. The petitioners, in fact, are not complaining about the way the Road was used up to that time. The problem arises with the situation that began in 2000, when the use of the Road was restricted only to Israeli vehicles, in the format that we have discussed. The closure of the Road to Palestinian vehicles gave rise to a situation whereby Road 443 is used primarily for the “internal” travel of vehicles in Israel – between the center of the country and Jerusalem. As mentioned, the Road was defined by the respondents as “a major traffic artery connecting the area of the coastal plain and the Modi’in bloc to the area of Jerusalem. In addition to Highway No. 1, Road 443 constitutes one of the two major traffic arteries leading to the capital.” Respondents no. 4 also define the Road as an important traffic artery from the center of the country to Jerusalem, as does respondent No. 5. At the same time, the Road is used for travel by residents of the Israeli settlements in the Area. According to the decisions of this Court, the military commander would not have been authorized to order the building of the Road in the first place, had this been the underlying purpose for which it was built:

‘The military government is not entitled to plan and execute a system of roads in an area that is held under belligerent occupation, if the purpose of such planning and the purpose of its execution is solely and exclusively to constitute a “service road” to its own state. The planning and execution of a road system in an occupied territory may be carried out for military reasons... A road system may be planned and executed to benefit the local population. Such planning and execution may not be carried out merely in order to serve the occupying state’ (Jam’iyyat Iskan v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [5], at p. 795; see also Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at p. 829).

These statements also apply, mutatis mutandis, to the use of the road. The military commander is authorized to impose travel restrictions by virtue of his duty to safeguard public order and security on the traffic routes in the Area; this includes ensuring the well-being of the Israeli settlers and of the Israelis who are present in the Area and use the Road. However, the military commander’s authority does not extend to the permanent, absolute restriction of travel along the Road by Palestinian vehicles. The reason is that upon the imposition of those restrictions, Road 443 – in practical terms – becomes a road which is intended for travel by Israeli vehicles only, whereby the great majority of those vehicles travel from the coastal plain to Jerusalem and back – i.e., for the purposes of “internal” Israeli travel (as respondents no. 4 define it: “a major traffic artery in Israel, connecting the city of Jerusalem with metropolitan Tel Aviv”). We emphasize that we have no reason to doubt the military commander’s position, which is that the exercise of his authority is founded on considerations of security, which, in turn, are founded on his duty to preserve order and security. However, the military commander’s authority in the said context must be examined in view of the consequences of the restrictions, and must not focus merely on examining the motives for imposing them (compare, in another context, HCJ 11163/03 Supreme Monitoring Committee for Arab Affairs in Israel v. Prime Minister of Israel [32], per President A. Barak, at para. 18).

The state of affairs resulting from the total ban on travel by residents of the villages is that the Road no longer benefits the local population; rather, it is a “service road” of the occupying state. Any arrangement with such an outcome exceeds the military commander’s authority and cannot be reconciled with the rules of international law concerning belligerent occupation. The direct result of what we have said thus far is that the travel restrictions which were imposed by the military commander cannot stand in their present format and should be set aside.

Beyond what is strictly necessary, we would add that we would have arrived at a similar outcome had we assumed that the military commander possessed the requisite authority, on the basis of the rules of public international law in general and the Hague Regulations in particular. Even in that state of affairs, in the framework of which – assuming that the authority existed – we would have been required to examine the discretion of the military commander, we would have concluded that he is not entitled to exercise his authority as he did and to restrict travel in a manner which transforms the road into one whose entire purpose is to constitute a “service road” for Israeli vehicles. We will now explain this conclusion.

Examination of the military commander’s discretion

27.              The military commander’s discretion will be examined in accordance with the principles set out in the case law of this Court. Even when acting within his authority, the military commander, like any administrative entity, must exercise his discretion, inter alia, according to the principles of reasonableness and proportionality, and his discretion will be subject to the review of this court (Municipality of Bethlehem v. State of Israel [29], at p. 747; cf. Abu Daher v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [12], at p. 378; Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at p. 507-509; Bil’in Village Council Head v. Government of Israel [26], at para. 29). Indeed, “the argument that the infringement of human rights is due to security considerations does not rule out judicial review. ‘Security considerations’ or ‘military necessity’ are not magic words” (Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at p. 508). However, as emphasized on more than one occasion, this Court does not serve as a “supreme military commander”, and does not substitute its own discretion for that of the military commander; it merely examines the legality of his actions. The responsibility and the authority were conferred upon the military commander, and the court does not set itself up as an expert on matters of security in his stead:

‘The Supreme Court, sitting as the High Court of Justice, carries out judicial review over the legality of the discretion exercised by the military commander. ... In carrying out this judicial review, we do not appoint ourselves as experts in security matters. We do not replace the security considerations of the military commander with our own security considerations. We do not adopt any position with regard to the manner in which security matters are conducted.... Our role is to ensure that boundaries are not crossed and that the conditions that limit the discretion of the military commander are upheld’ (Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [1], at p. 375; see also Hess v. IDF Commander in West Bank [8], at p. 458).

Another judgment stated:

‘There are often several ways of realizing the purpose, all of them proportionate and reasonable. The military commander is given the authority to choose between these methods, and as long as the military commander does not depart from the “margin of proportionality” and the “margin of reasonableness”, the Court will not intervene in his discretion’ (Municipality of Bethlehem v. State of Israel [29], at p. 765).

At the same time, it should be emphasized that although the Court attributes special weight to the military expertise of the commander of the Area, with whom the responsibility for the security of the Area lies, when his decision involves violation of human rights, the proportionality of the violation must be examined in accordance with the well-known tests that have been delineated in case law in this regard (Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel[2], at p. 508). In the words of President A. Barak:

‘The question before us is whether these military operations satisfy the national and international criteria that determine the legality of these operations. The fact that operations are necessary from a military viewpoint does not mean that they are lawful from a legal viewpoint. Indeed, we do not replace the discretion of the military commander insofar as military considerations are concerned. That is his expertise. We examine their consequences from the viewpoint of humanitarian law. That is our expertise’ (HCJ 4764/04 Physicians for Human Rights v. Commander of the IDF Forces in Gaza [33], at p. 393).

28.    In exercising his authority, the military commander must balance three different considerations. These are “the security-military consideration; preserving the rights of the Palestinian residents, who are ‘protected persons’; and preserving the rights of the Israelis who live in the Israeli settlements in the Area” (HCJ 5139/05 Shaib, Beit Lid Village Council Head v. State of Israel [34], at para. 10; see also HCJ 1748/06 Mayor of Dhahiriya v IDF Commander on the West Bank [35], at para. 13; HCJ 5488/04 al-Ram Local Council v. Government of Israel [36], per President A. Barak, at para. 42; HCJ 1998/06 Beit Aryeh Local Council v. Minister of Defense [37], at para. 8; HCJ 3969/06 Dir Samet Village Council Head v. IDF Commander on the West Bank [38], at para. 14). In the present case, as explained, from the security-military consideration is derived the additional consideration of protecting the well-being and security of Israelis who travel on Road 443. A major criterion utilized in this balance is that of proportionality, including the three sub-tests which are examined within its framework (HCJ 6027/04 Raddad v. Minister of Defense [25], at para. 17). We will now address that criterion.

Proportionality

29.              According to the principle of proportionality, the freedom of an individual may be restricted in order to achieve proper purposes, provided that the restriction is proportional (Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at p. 837). The principle of proportionality draws its force from international law as well as from the basic principles of Israeli public law (Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel[3], at p. 507). To meet the requirement of proportionality, the military commander bears the burden of showing that the measures he has taken comport with the purpose (the first sub-test of proportionality); that of all possible alternatives, the measures he has taken result in the least harm to individuals, (the second sub-test); and that the adverse effect on individual liberties resulting from adoption of the measures in question is proportionate to the benefit to be derived from them (the third sub-test, also known as the “test of proportionality in the narrow sense”) (Morar v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria [23], paragraph 18; see also Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at p. 840). We will discuss each of these tests individually.

30.              In relation to the first sub-test, we will examine, as stated above, whether there is a rational connection between the measure adopted, i.e., closure of the Road to travel by Palestinian vehicles, resulting in the restricted freedom of movement of the residents of the Area, who are subject to belligerent occupation, and the purpose, i.e., preserving the security of the state and its citizens and the security of the Area, both on Road 443 and within Israel. The petitioners claim that the prohibitions against travel do not contribute to the protection of the State of Israel or its residents, nor to ensuring safe travel along the Road, because other measures that are being taken by the respondents provide an adequate response. The petitioners further point out that in other places in JSA, the Army secures hundreds of kilometers of roads, on which both Palestinians and Israelis travel. They argue that the respondents have not clarified how “preventing tens of thousands of persons who are not suspected of anything and do not endanger anyone’s security from traveling” serves to reduce the risks and threats. The petitioners emphasize, on the basis of the ruling of this Court in Morar v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria [23], that the existence of “a purely technical causal relationship between the means and the purpose” is not enough; rather, what is required is “for there to be a rational connection between the measures and the purpose, and for the measures to be appropriate to the attainment of the purpose.” According to their argument, “[t]he meaning of this is, inter alia, that an arbitrary, unfair or illogical measure must not be taken.” The petitioners also referred to an expert opinion on security, which was submitted in the framework of a petition involving travel arrangements on the Sheqef – Negohot road (Dir Samet v. IDF Commander on the West Bank [38]) by Brigadier General (res.) Ilan Paz. According to the expert opinion, reserving the Road for travel by Israeli vehicles merely provides “a solution which is not bad” to the threat of shooting attacks from passing vehicles. Nonetheless, because this policy leads to a situation whereby only Israeli vehicles travel on the Road, it enables terrorist attacks to be carried out by other methods – such as firing on passing vehicles from the roadside, or laying explosive charges – more easily.

The respondents, on the other hand, argue that there is a rational connection between the purpose of preserving the lives and the safety of Israeli travelers on Road 443, and the measures restricting travel on the Road by Palestinian vehicles. They assert that permitting free travel by Palestinian vehicles along the Road would significantly increase the risk of terrorist attacks, for example, in the form of car bombs, drive-by shootings, or smuggling terrorists and weapons into Israeli territory.

We have found no basis for intervening in the position taken by the respondents, whereby there is a rational connection between the measures taken and the preservation of order and security. The situation that has prevailed on Road 443, in practical terms, since the security measures were introduced, confirms this position. The measures taken provide a response to the concern about shooting attacks being carried out from cars traveling along the route, Israelis being kidnapped and terrorists gaining entry into Israeli territory through the crossing points at the sides of the Road. Nor is the expert opinion, on which the petitioners relied, capable of changing my conclusion. I am prepared to assume, similar to the position taken by the author of the expert opinion, that alongside the advantages inherent in the ban on travel imposed by the military commander, there are certain disadvantages, which the author pointed out. However, it is the military commander who is responsible for the final decision, as well as for weighing the advantages against the disadvantages, and considerable weight must be attributed to his opinion. This is in keeping with the concept discussed above, whereby the expert opinion of the military entity in charge of security must bear special weight (Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at p. 844; see also Mara’abeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [3], at pp. 508-509; Bir Naballah Local Council v. Government of Israel [6], at paras. 33, 36; al-Ram Local Council v. Government of Israel [36], at para. 42; Dir Samet v. IDF Commander on the West Bank [38], at para. 23). In view of the aforementioned, we have found that the measures taken by the military commander comply with the first sub-test of proportionality.

31.  According to the second sub-test, the measures adopted must result in the least harm to individuals, relative to all appropriate alternative measures. The petitioners claim that the respondents have alternative means at their disposal for achieving the purpose sought (such as security fences, checkpoints at the entrance to Israel, and means of observation), and that, should these not suffice, the respondents can take additional measures that do not involve harm to the local population. The petitioners emphasize that the measures adopted by the respondents may not be capable of achieving the entire purpose sought in its entirety – the complete protection of the Israelis traveling on Road 443. Reality, however, reveals that there is no such thing as complete security, and a well-reasoned and balanced decision is necessary with regard to the risks to be taken for the purpose of protecting human rights. The petitioners further emphasize that, should the military commander reach the conclusion that it is not possible to allow travel along the Road by Israeli civilians who do not reside in the Area without simultaneously revoking the right of protected persons to use it, it is possible to prevent the former from entering the Area. In this context, the petitioners emphasize that Israeli civilians have no “right” to benefit from public resources in the occupied territory, and that their entry into the Area is enabled by a general permit issued by the military commander. The petitioners further claim that no other alternatives available to the respondents, such as taking additional security measures, increasing the stringency of the examination at entry points to Israel, or partial restrictions on travel along the Road by Israelis, were even examined.

The respondents emphasized that in their view, there is no other measure that would result in less harm and would achieve the purpose of preserving the safety of the thousands of Israelis who travel on Road 443. The only conceivable means – checking each individual Palestinian vehicle that attempts to enter the Road – is not necessarily less harmful; moreover, in any case it cannot achieve the required security purpose. Checking procedures cannot locate every terrorist attacker and every weapon; nor can they entirely prevent attempts at infiltration and perpetration of terrorist attacks. Checking every vehicle would increase the duration of travel and would require putting up a number of additional roadside checkpoints, at additional cost and increased risk to Israeli troops. The respondents point out that permitting Palestinian vehicles to access the Road would enable terrorists to pick up passengers and weapons en route, even if the vehicle had been examined at a checkpoint before entering the Road.

The question that we must examine is whether there is an alternative measure that will entail less violation of the petitioners’ rights and will achieve the security purpose that the military commander sought to achieve (cf. Mayor of Dhahiriya v IDF Commander on the West Bank [35], at para. 20). In the case before us, introducing measures such as those suggested by the petitioners will indeed reduce the severity of the harm caused to them. At the same time, the military commander’s position is that such measures do not achieve the security purpose. I am not convinced that other possible alternatives for the protection of travelers along the Road, which are less harmful to the local residents’ rights, were taken into consideration. We will return to this point below, as part of our discussion of the third sub-test.

32.              Under the third sub-test, it must be shown that adopting the measures in question is suitably proportional to the benefit that will result from doing so. In the words of Supreme Court President A. Barak:

‘This sub-test weighs the costs against the benefits...  According to this sub-test, a decision of an administrative authority must reach a reasonable balance between general needs and the damage done to the individual. The objective of the examination is to determine whether the severity of the damage to the individual and the reasons brought to justify it stand in proper proportion to each other. This determination is made against the background of the general normative structure of the legal system, which recognizes human rights and the necessity of ensuring the provision of the needs and welfare of the local inhabitants, and which preserves “family honor and rights”... All these are protected in the framework of the humanitarian provisions of the Hague Regulations and the Fourth Geneva Convention’ (Beit Suriq Village Council v. Government of Israel [2], at p. 850).

And as ruled in Adalah v. Minister of the Interior [4]:

‘This subtest therefore provides a value test that is based on a balance between conflicting values and interests … It reflects the approach that there are violations of human rights that are of such gravity that they cannot be allowed by law, even if the purpose of the law is a proper one, its provisions are rational and there is no reasonable alternative that violates them to a lesser degree. The assessment of the balance between the extent of the violation of the human right and the strength of the public interest that violates that right is made against a background of all the values of the legal system.’ (at para. 75).

In the present case, the harm, as stated above, is to the petitioners’ freedom of movement. We will begin with an examination of the nature of that harm.

33.  This Court, per [then] Justice D. Beinisch, discussed the normative implications of the freedom of movement in the Area, against the background of the status of this basic right in Israel:

‘Freedom of movement is one of the basic human rights and it has been recognized in our law both as an independent basic right ... and as a right that is derived from the right to liberty .... Furthermore, there are those who believe that this freedom is also derived from human dignity.... Freedom of movement is also recognized as a basic right in international law. Freedom of movement within the state is established in a long string of international conventions and declarations concerning human rights ... and it would appear that it is also established in customary international law’ (Municipality of Bethlehem v. State of Israel [29], at pp. 754-755).

In that case, the Court saw no call to rule on the question of whether and to what extent the principles of Israeli constitutional law and the international conventions on human rights apply to the Judaea and Samaria Area. The Court stated as follows:

‘It is sufficient for us to say that within the framework of the military commander’s duty to exercise his discretion reasonably, he must also take into account, amongst his considerations, the interests and rights of the local population, including the need to minimize the violation of its freedom of movement’ (id. at pp. 755-756; see also Dir Samet v. IDF Commander on the West Bank [38], at para. 17).

The travel restrictions imposed by the military commander reduce the freedom of movement of the residents of the villages. The dispute between the parties concerns the severity of the violation of the petitioners’ freedom of movement and, as a result, of other rights. A number of sub-tests have been established by case law for the purpose of examining the severity of the restriction of the freedom of movement of individuals, including the scope of the territory within which the restriction is imposed; the level of intensity of the restriction; the period of time throughout which the restriction is in force; and the nature of the interests that require travel for their attainment (Municipality of Bethlehem v. State of Israel [29], at p. 757). With regard to the intensity of the travel restriction, the Court said as follows:

‘It is clear that the violation involved in a total negation of the freedom of movement is more serious than a violation caused by a partial restriction on the freedom of movement, and the lesser the extent of the restriction, the weaker the intensity of the violation. Thus, for example, it was held with regard to the intensity of the violation of freedom of movement, in the context of the closure of roads, that the closure of a road that is the only means of access cannot be compare to the closure of a road where there are alternative access routes nearby; the closure of a main traffic artery cannot be compared to the closure of a road inside a neighborhood; and the closure of a road that is tantamount to totally blocking access cannot be compared to a closure that results merely in a longer route and an inconvenience for the persons using the road; and the smaller the increase in time and convenience caused by the alternative route are, the lesser the magnitude of the violation of freedom of movement… Indeed, absolute preclusion of travel is, after all, not the same as delaying travel and subjecting it to inconvenience, and the lesser the extent of the inconvenience, the lesser the severity of the violation of the freedom of movement’ (id., at pp. 758-759).

What, then, is the violation of the freedom of movement that the petitioners are experiencing? The petitioners are absolutely barred from using Road 443. This prohibition has been in force for a number of years, and at the present time – as it seems from the respondents’ response – there is no concrete intention of lifting it. By contrast, the respondents have repeatedly declared that movement along the Road by pedestrians is permitted. In light of these facts, the dispute between the parties focuses on the question of whether the alternative road system available to the Arab residents of the villages provides an adequate response to the closure of Road 443. According to the position adopted by the petitioners, being prevented from traveling on Road 443 is extremely prejudicial to their quality of life, from many aspects, as described above. As the petitioners argued, the closure of the Road has led to the villages being cut off from the city of Ramallah, and has caused residents of the villages to be cut off from their agricultural lands. As a result, they argued, additional rights are being violated, including the right to earn a living and to live with dignity, the right to education and to maintain contact with family members, and the right to health and to receive medical treatment.

The respondents did not dispute the fact that the travel restrictions have impinged upon the daily routine of the residents of the villages. According to the respondents, however, the alternative road system – together with the “fabric of life” roads and the arrangement for restricted travel – creates a reasonable alternative to travel along the Road. This being so, the harm done to the petitioners prior to the opening of the Beit Ur – Beituniya “fabric of life” road was negligible according to the respondents, and manifested itself in some delay in travel times. The respondents point out that comparing the situation that prevailed at that stage to the previous situation showed that the travel time to Ramallah for most residents of the villages did not increase very significantly (and that for residents of Beit Sira, it even decreased). They say that even at that stage, an economic and factual analysis showed that the petitioners’ arguments concerning the harm caused by the closure of Road 443 were unsubstantiated. From the standpoint of the number of employment permits issued to residents of the villages, it was apparent that a considerable part of the population of the villages was employed in Israel and within the bounds of the Israeli settlements in JSA. As opposed to the [petitioners’] arguments, the respondents believe that although Ramallah is the regional city for the residents of the villages, most of them are not employed there, and that the central locations for the livelihoods and occupations of residents of the villages have not changed significantly as a result of the changes in the travel arrangements on Road 443. They assert that economic damage sustained by the residents of the villages was identifiable, but it was not specific to them: deterioration in the economic situation, particularly with regard to the unemployment rate, has occurred throughout the whole JSA due to the security situation since 2000. In particular, the respondents note that not only can no trend of emigration by residents from the villages to Ramallah be identified, but a trend toward positive immigration to the villages from other areas within JSA has in fact been observed. They assert that the analysis of data on the number of schools, public transportation and its cost, the number of traffic accidents and the state of medical services, does not indicate significant differences between the petitioners’ villages and other areas within JSA. It was further argued that there is no difficulty in accessing agricultural lands and that, in any event, because of the nature of Road 443, it can be crossed in the relevant sections by means of underground passageways only (except at its extremities, in the area of the Maccabim checkpoint or in the Beit Horon area). They claim that this will apply a fortiori after the opening of the Beit Ur – Beituniya “fabric of life” road.

34.              To sum up the positions of the parties with regard to the third sub-test, we find that, according to the petitioners’ position, the damage they sustain as a result of the travel restrictions is not acceptably proportional to the security benefit derived from them. They contend that it is not possible to justify the travel restrictions that were imposed, and the harm they cause, by the argument that this is the balance required to achieve security. In the petitioners’ view, the ban on travel has led to continuous harm over a long period to a population of tens of thousands of people, causing severe disruptions to all aspects of their lives. They assert that even if the ban on travel enhances security relative to what could be achieved by alternative means, it is not in any way reasonable or proportional to the violation of human rights that it entails. The respondents, on the other hand, argue that the benefit derived from restricting the travel of Palestinian vehicles on Road 443 immeasurably exceeds the harm it has caused. The harm to the Palestinian residents resulting from the restriction on travel is extremely minor and consists primarily of a certain delay in travel times; on the other hand, the security benefit is extremely great. At the same time, once the Beit Ur – Beituniya “fabric of life” road is open, travel to Ramallah will be brief and rapid, even compared to travel along Road 443 – a fact that must be taken into account.

In view of the extensive factual base provided by the parties, we find that at the time of filing of the petition, the travel restrictions have indeed significantly impaired the fabric of the villagers’ lives. The closure of the Road – a major interurban road enabling rapid travel – to the residents of the villages, thereby requiring them to use the Village Route in order to reach Ramallah, has made their travel more difficult. The Village Route is narrow, parts of it are in disrepair, it passes through the villages, and there can be no dispute that its quality is significantly poorer than that of Road 443. However, as we have seen, the opening of the Beit Ur – Beituniya “fabric of life” road, which was subsequently announced by the respondents, has led to a real reduction of the damage to the quality of the Palestinian residents’ lives. Indisputably, it is not a fast highway like Road 443, but a two-lane road of lower quality; from this point of view, it cannot be compared to Road 443. At the same time, it appears to be capable of providing the residents of the villages with direct access to the regional city.

35.              In light of this conclusion, we will examine whether the universal ban on travel that was imposed on the Palestinian residents of the Area meets the third sub-test of proportionality. This court recently heard a petition by residents of the Israeli settlements in the Dolev-Talmonim bloc within the Area, located to the north of Road 443, for the building of access routes that would shorten the distance between those settlements and Jerusalem (HCJ 6379/07 Committee of the Dolev Settlement v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [39]). The petitioners claimed that due to restrictions based on security reasons, they are forced to travel to Jerusalem via a longer route than before, which inconveniences their lives, imposes difficulties on their travel, and causes a disproportional violation to their basic rights. The response by the court (Justice A. Grunis) was as follows:

‘First of all, we should recall that the security and political situation in recent years has required the introduction of various measures to restore order to life in the territories of Judaea and Samaria. These arrangements impose inconveniences on the day-to-day routine of all residents of the area. Thus, in recent years, the respondents have frequently imposed various restrictions on the travel of area residents, for reasons of security.... As I see it, the inconvenience caused to the petitioners by the travel restrictions applying to them represents an indirect and limited infringement of their rights. Thus, for example, the petitioners have at their disposal various travel alternatives which enable them to reach the city of Jerusalem. Even if these alternatives lengthen their journey, it cannot be said that the petitioners’ have been denied their freedom of movement... Finally, even if I were to assume that the petitioners’ basic rights have indeed been violated, examination of the considerations that underlie the decision indicates that their rights were violated for the sake of a worthy purpose and in a proportional manner’ (id., para. 9).

Can this statement be applied, mutatis mutandis, to the matter before us as well, in light of the additional alternative now available to the petitioners? The answer to this question is derived from the exceptional circumstances before us: complete exclusion of the residents of the Area from a road that was intended to serve them, in favor of Israeli traffic that runs primarily between the coastal plain and Jerusalem. Under these special circumstances, the existence of an additional access alternative to Ramallah, by means of the “fabric of life” road that has now been laid, is not the be-all and end-all. As I see it, under those circumstances, the indiscriminate ban on travel that was imposed upon the Palestinian residents of the Area does not fulfill the third sub-test of proportionality. This is because sufficient weight was not ascribed to preserving the rights of those residents as “protected persons.” We have already pointed out that the relevant segment of Road 443 was intended, according to the protocol of the plan under which it was built, to improve the vehicular connections between the villages and to increase the level of traffic safety; that the Road was intended, by definition, to safeguard the needs of the local population; and that lands were expropriated from residents of the Area for the purpose of widening the Road. We have also mentioned that under the rules of public international law, the power of expropriation by the military government can be exercised under domestic law and, within that framework, only if it is done for the benefit of the local population. The point is that in actual fact, as already explained, the Road is used for travel only by Israeli vehicles, primarily for the “internal” travel of vehicles in Israel between the center of the country and Jerusalem. We have stated that, under these circumstances, the military commander is not authorized to impose an absolute ban on travel by local residents. In any event, even if we assume, for the sake of discussion and in the respondents’ favor, that the military commander was indeed authorized to impose such a ban, there is no escaping the conclusion that at the level of discretion, the all-embracing restriction of the freedom of movement of the Area residents and their absolute exclusion from Road 443 cannot be allowed to stand. Indeed, the consideration relating to the needs of the local population and assuring its freedom of movement does not exist in a vacuum, and it must be balanced against the security needs. Freedom of movement may be restricted, as already mentioned, because of the security-military consideration and the need to preserve the personal security of the Israelis who use the Road. For this last purpose, it is possible to impose travel restrictions which also entail a security benefit. Nonetheless, an absolute ban on travel by Protected Persons is not the only way to achieve the security purpose. As customary on other roads throughout the Area, it is possible to impose travel restrictions that do not amount to an absolute prohibition (cf. Dir Samet v. IDF Commander on the West Bank [38], para. 27; we will discuss this below). It should be added that, as mentioned, aside from imposing travel restrictions, the respondents are adopting a series of measures that help considerably in maintaining order and security, and they have the ability to undertake additional measures that will further reduce the potential risk involved in travel by residents of the Area. An appropriate balance, as set forth above, means the attribution of suitable weight to all the considerations that the Area commander is required to take into account. I am not convinced that an all-embracing revocation of the protected persons’ right to use the Road, under the concrete circumstances that we have discussed above, and especially when the Road is used primarily for “internal” travel within Israel, represents a proper balance between the security needs and the violation of individuals’ rights. The additional security achieved by the comprehensive prohibition cannot offset the absolute negation of the protected persons’ right to travel on the Road, which was planned to meet their needs and which was built on lands that were partially expropriated from them. President D. Beinisch’s words in Dir Samet v. IDF Commander on the West Bank [38] apply, mutatis mutandis, to this matter as well:

‘The security advantage that is obtained from closing the road in the particular manner is not reasonably proportional to the harm suffered by the local residents. Furthermore – and no less importantly – as we pointed out above, we are not convinced that other security measures, which would be capable of significantly reducing this harm, even if this might involve a certain degree of harm to the security component, have been sufficiently examined. In accordance with the approach that has been consistently adopted by this court, even if the security needs require adopting measures which are likely to harm the local population, every possible effort should be made so that the harm will be proportional’ (id., para. 34).

For this reason as well, I have found that the decision by the military commander to restrict entirely travel by Palestinian vehicles on Road 443 – which is anchored in the Travel Provisions – cannot stand.

36.              In addition to the aforementioned, it should be noted that, as we explained, the consideration concerning the needs of the local population and assuring its freedom of movement does not exist in a vacuum, and that freedom of movement may be restricted, as mentioned, in view of the security-military consideration and the need to preserve the well-being of the Israelis living in the Israeli settlements in the Area and other Israelis who use the Road. On the basis of these last reasons, it is permissible to impose travel restrictions that entail a security advantage (along with the additional measures that the respondents are taking, as stated, in order to maintain order and security). In any event, nothing that we have said thus far constitutes a ruling to the effect that the military commander must enable the residents of the villages to have free and undisturbed access to Road 443. The military commander has provided us with a detailed and convincing record, based on data accumulated over a long period of time, that indicates a real risk posed by uncontrolled travel as stated. The military commander is entitled to take the measures necessary to maintain order and security, based on an updated factual report to be presented to him, provided that said measures fulfill the criteria laid down in the case law of this Court. Without establishing any hard and fast rules on the question of other travel arrangements that the military commander will be entitled to devise, we cannot rule out an arrangement whereby access to the Road by vehicles belonging to residents of the Area would be limited to a point or points to be determined by the military commander on the basis of security considerations, and would even be made contingent upon an appropriate security check. In this way, the risk of a shooting attack from within the vehicles would be reduced, since the vehicle would be carefully checked before entering the Road, to ensure that it contained no weapons. In the same way, the risk that the vehicles would continue into the territory of the State of Israel would also be prevented, because checkpoints staffed by the security forces exist on both sides of the road and prevent entry by unauthorized vehicles. The fate of the roadblocks that have been set up on the access roads to the villages would also be settled as part of the traffic arrangements to be determined. Aside from the aforementioned, I am not taking a position at this stage with regard to the future arrangement or its details.

Exercise of authority without written directives

37.              As explained above, the closure of Road 443 to travel by Palestinian vehicles was implemented without any written authorizing document, but rather, by virtue of the general authorization in sec. 88 of the Security Provisions Order. Only after the petition was filed was the existing situation anchored in the Travel Provisions. The respondents agree that after the travel restrictions along the Road had continued for some time, it was appropriate to anchor them in a signed, written order.

In view of the fact that the Travel Provisions were issued, and because the petition before us is a forward-looking petition, it has become superfluous to issue a ruling on the petitioners’ argument that the military commander was not authorized to order the closure of the Road without a suitable written document. However, it should be stated, with an eye on the future, that this state of affairs gives rise to a real problem. The provisions of sec. 88 of the Security Provisions Order, which were cited above, authorize the military commander to order the closure of a road “by means of an order or by issuing directives or in any other manner.” This indicates that the military commander has the authority to order the closure of a road even if no written authorizing document exists. However, this authority should properly be exercised only in cases where a need arises for the immediate closure of a road, when it is feared that security will otherwise be jeopardized. Even in such a case, if the closure is not for a brief and limited period of time, the directive should subsequently be anchored in a written order. In the case before us, this was not the situation. The Road has been closed to travel by Palestinian vehicles (albeit only partially) since 2000, but the Travel Provisions were issued only in 2007, a number of years later, and after the petition was filed. A similar question was brought before this Court in the context of the military commander’s authority to order the closure of a land area, which is anchored in sec. 90 of the Security Order. The ruling in that case was as follows:

‘The closure of the areas should be executed by means of written orders that are issued by the military commander and, in the absence of closure orders, the Palestinian residents should not be denied access to their land. Nothing in the aforesaid detracts from the authority of the commander in the field to issue oral instructions for a closure of any area on a specific basis for a short and limited period in the event of unexpected circumstances which give rise to a concern of an immediate danger to security that cannot be dealt with by any other measures. But we should take care to ensure that the authority to order the closure of a specific piece of land without a lawful order, as a response to unexpected incidents, should be limited solely to the time and place in which it is required immediately. In principle, the closure of areas should be effected by means of an order, notice of which is given to whoever is affected by it, and the residents whose lands are closed to them should be given an opportunity to challenge its validity’ (per [then] Justice D. Beinisch in Morar v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria [23], para. 21).

The logic of the statement above is also applicable, mutatis mutandis, to the matter before us. A course of action of this type is reconcilable with both the interests of the injured party and those of the respondents. In the absence of a signed order, a lack of clarity is liable to ensue, even among government bodies, with regard to the actual state of affairs. This is what happened in the case before us as well. As we have seen, even several years after travel on the Road was restricted, the representative of the legal advisor for the Judaea and Samaria Area was not aware of it. Accordingly, his reply to the petitioners, who challenged the closure of the Road, was incorrect. This is a serious mishap and, presumably, the responsible authorities have reached the required conclusions.

The Beituniya crossing

38.              As explained both in the affidavits of the respondents and in the statement made before us in the courtroom by the then-commander of the JS&A Division, Brigadier General Noam Tibbon, the Beituniya crossing, which presently operates as a “back-to-back” crossing for the transfer of goods between Israel and JSA, is located at a point that is dominated by the houses of the nearby town and threatened from a security standpoint. This location makes it a preferred target for attempted attacks by terrorists. The shooting incidents, as well as other events such as the throwing of stones and improvised incendiary devices and the burning of tires within and adjacent to the crossing, were specified in the affidavit of the respondents. Expanding the crossing in such a way as to enable large-scale security checks and the passage of Palestinian vehicles and pedestrians on a permanent basis would lead to a significant increase in the land area of the crossing and the personnel required to staff it. This would create an additional point of friction, which would be vulnerable to attacks by terrorists. This determination is in the nature of a clear security interest, which falls within the discretion of the military commander. According to the criteria for judicial review in this context, which we discussed above, we were not shown cause for intervening in this decision by the military commander and for ruling that a change be made in the manner of operation of the Beituniya crossing. Moreover, opening the Beituniya crossing, as requested, would mean opening another crossing point in the security fence in the areas surrounding Jerusalem. In another petition, which argued that an additional crossing point should be opened in the security fence, the Court ruled as follows:

‘The petitioners argue that there is a means that will do less harm to the quality of life and which is capable of achieving the security purpose, provided that the respondents leave the Bir Naballah – a-Ram Road open to travel and set up security checkpoints along it. This would enable residents of the region to travel quickly to a-Ram and Jerusalem, and would greatly reduce the harm to the lives of residents of the Area. At the same time, it would not compromise the security interests, because passage would only be possible through the security checkpoints. We cannot accept this argument. The respondents’ position is that there is a security interest in concentrating the passage to Israel at the Qalandiya crossing. Each additional crossing point increases the risk involved in the infiltration of terrorists into Israel and constitutes a point of friction that increases the risk to the security forces controlling the crossing point. This position by the military commander, who is experienced in security considerations, is acceptable to us. Under these circumstances, it cannot be said that there is a means that will do less harm while achieving the security purpose’ (Bir Naballah Local Council v. Government of Israel [6], at para. 44).

These words are also applicable, mutatis mutandis, to the matter before us.

Conclusion

39.              We have reached the conclusion that the travel restrictions currently imposed by the respondents, which amount to an absolute ban on travel on the Road by protected persons, cannot stand in their present format, due to both lack of authority and disproportionality. Accordingly, we are transforming the order nisi into an absolute order, in the sense that we rule that the Travel Provisions, as well as the decision by the military commander to totally prohibit travel by the residents of the villages on Road 443, must be set aside. We have not found cause to intervene in the decision by the military commander and to require the respondents to change the manner of operation of the Beituniya crossing, nor to intervene in his determination with regard to the risk posed by uncontrolled travel on the Road. Needless to say, we do not intend to delineate the future security arrangements to be taken by the respondents. This decision is within the military commander’s authority, and in any event, we were not presented with a sufficient base regarding the question of the legality of other alternate arrangements. The military commander is entitled to adopt the requisite measures for maintaining order and security, provided that they comply with the criteria established in our case law. In order to enable the military commander to formulate an alternative security solution capable of providing protection to the Israeli residents who use the Road (cf. Dir Samet v. IDF Commander on the West Bank [38], at para. 35), we rule that our judgment will enter into force five months from today.

In light of the conclusion that we have reached, we see no need to address additional arguments that were raised in the petition.

Respondents nos. 1 – 3 will bear the cost of the petitioners’ legal fees, in the total amount of NIS 20,000.

 

President D. Beinisch:

1.    I concur with my colleague, Justice U. Vogelman, and with the reasoning in his judgment with regard to the military commander’s lack of authority for total closure of Road 443 to travel by Palestinians under the existing circumstances. Furthermore, I accept the conclusion that the closure of the Road to the Palestinian residents, in the manner in which it is implemented, is not proportional. Like my colleague, I accept the fact that the military commander’s considerations with regard to the closure of the Road were clearly security-related, to ensure the security of travelers on the Road. In light of the situation that was created, however, it is the gravity of the outcome, and not the sincerity of the considerations, that must tip the scales. Justice Vogelman’s judgment is comprehensive and elucidates all the considerations that led to his conclusion. Nonetheless, I would like to comment briefly on the argument raised by the petitioners in the petition before us, and in additional petitions as well – to the effect that in situations in which segregation of travel between Israeli civilians and Palestinian residents is in force on the roads in the Area, that segregation constitutes grave discrimination on racist and nationalist grounds – and I will comment on the petitioners’ use of the word “apartheid” in this context.

2.    In the unstable security situation prevailing on the roads in the Area, especially since the outbreak of the Second Intifada in 2000, the military commander bears the extremely heavy responsibility of safeguarding the security of travelers on the roads, in the face of the massive recourse by Palestinian terrorist organizations to various means of terrorism, including shooting at cars traveling on the roads, throwing improvised incendiary devices, and even car bombs. Unfortunately, to date, many have lost their lives while seeking to make their way on the roads in the Area as a result of such terrorist incidents. The methods of armed struggle used by the terrorist organizations have resulted in the need to adopt effective security measures in order to prevent harm to passers-by who are not involved in the terrorist activity or the belligerency, but are merely seeking to use the roads.

3.    We have already ruled, on many occasions, that freedom of movement is one of our basic freedoms, and that all possible efforts must be made to uphold it, even in the territories under belligerent occupation by the State of Israel (see e.g. Dir Samet v. IDF Commander on the West Bank [38]; Municipality of Bethlehem v. State of Israel [29]). This point was discussed at length by my colleague, Justice Vogelman. However, protecting the freedom of movement of various population groups at times requires certain restrictions, the purpose of which is to contend with threats to freedom of movement and terrorist attacks against travelers on the roads. Against this background, the military commander saw fit to adopt solutions that involve a certain separation between Israelis and Palestinians, for the purpose of protecting travelers along the roads and to enable the various population groups to exercise their freedom of movement safely. As a general rule, these measures were adopted within the framework of the military commander’s authority and duty of safeguarding security and public order in the Area; moreover, they are part of the security concept adopted by the military commander, under circumstances in which he believed that shared travel on the Road entailed a potential for clashes and real risk to human lives. There is no unequivocal answer to the question of whether a security measure involving the segregation of travel on certain roads, for security reasons, is legal. This is a question that must be examined on an individual basis in each case, considering the entire set of circumstances of the case, in accordance with the individual purpose and the degree of harm caused by the travel restrictions.

4.    A number of petitions have already been brought before us, some of them filed by Palestinian residents and others by Israeli citizens, in which the petitioners claimed discrimination, due to the blockage of certain roads from use and, as a result, the inconvenience of lengthening their journey to their destinations. In Dir Samet v. IDF Commander on the West Bank [38], we heard a petition filed by residents of Palestinian villages, who, for security reasons, were barred from using one of the roads in the Area which runs near their place of residence, leaving it open for travel to Israeli citizens only. We granted the petition and instructed the military commander to find a different security solution that would cause less harm to the Palestinian residents’ freedom of movement and the quality of their lives. We found that closing the road had led to significant violation of the human rights of the local Palestinian residents and their ability to maintain a normal daily routine. On the other hand, in Committee of the Dolev Settlement v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [39], this Court upheld the decision by the military commander to enable use of the Beit Ur – Beituniya Road, which connects the Palestinian villages in the Area and the city of Ramallah, by the Palestinian population alone. It did so after determining that the road in question had been built as a “fabric of life” route and as part of the set of arrangements for the security fence, to enable free travel for the Palestinian population in the Area and to reduce the harm caused to that group as a result of the security arrangements on the roads in the Area.

5.    Despite our understanding of the security needs, the use of security measures of this type, which create a total segregation between different population groups in the use of roads and prevent an entire population group from using the Road, gives rise to a sense of inequality and even the association of improper motives. The result of the exclusion of a certain population group from the use of a public resource is extremely grave. Accordingly, the military commander must do everything possible to minimize situations of this type and to prevent the severe harm and the sense of discrimination that accompanies it.

6.    Even if we take into account the fact that absolute segregation of the population groups traveling on the roads is an extreme and undesirable outcome, we must be careful to refrain from definitions that ascribe a connotation of segregation, based on the improper foundations of racist and ethnic discrimination, to the security means enacted for the purpose of protecting travelers on the roads. The comparison drawn by the petitioners between the use of separate roads for security reasons and the apartheid policy and accompanying actions formerly implemented in South Africa, is not a worthy one. The policy of apartheid constituted an especially grave crime and runs counter to the basic principles of Israeli law, international human rights law, and the provisions of international criminal law. It was a policy of racist segregation and discrimination on the basis of race and ethnic origin, founded on a series of discriminatory practices, the purpose of which was to establish the superiority of members of a certain race and to oppress members of other races. The great distance between the security measures practiced by the State of Israel for the purpose of protection against terrorist offensives and the reprehensible practices of the apartheid policy makes it essential to refrain from any comparison with, or use of, the latter grave expression. Not every distinction between persons, under all circumstances, necessarily constitutes improper discrimination, and not every improper discrimination is apartheid. It seems that the very use of the expression “apartheid” actually detracts from the extreme severity of the crime in question – a crime that the entire international community joined forces to extirpate, and which all of us condemn. Accordingly, the comparison between preventing Palestinian residents from traveling along Road 443 and the crime of apartheid is so extreme and disproportionate that it should never have been made.

7.    As stated above, the ban on travel by Palestinians on Road 443, in the manner in which it has existed for many years, is improper due to lack of authority, as discussed extensively by my colleague, Justice Vogelman. Road 443 is used as a road that connects two major areas of the State of Israel, and this has become its principal purpose today. The outcome is that a road located in an area under “belligerent occupation” is used exclusively for the purposes of the occupying state, whereas the protected persons residing in that area are unable to use the very same road. This outcome is incompatible with the laws of belligerent occupation that apply to the Area, and the creation of a “service road” of this type – a road intended for the purposes of the occupying state – is not within the authority of the military commander. Accordingly, even if the decision is based on relevant motives, it is tainted by the fact that the military commander exceeded his authority and, for that reason, it must be set aside. In any event, as described in my colleague’s opinion, the across-the-board closure of the Road to Palestinian travel is not proportional, and, for this reason too, it cannot stand.

8.    In conclusion, I would like to emphasize that wherever possible, all efforts should be made to ensure the protection of travelers on the roads in the Area, while at the same time finding means of protection that cause less harm to the local population, which is a protected population. The military commander must refrain, insofar as possible, from adopting a measure as extreme as absolute exclusion of the protected persons from a specific road, which severely affects an entire population group and disrupts the order and the quality of their lives. From this aspect, as we have said, the legality of the security measures adopted will always be examined in accordance with the extent to which they harm the protected persons and the balance of all of the relevant rights and interests. Therefore, I concur my colleague in the conclusion that the travel restrictions which are currently imposed on Road 443 by the respondents cannot remain in their present format and must be set aside.

9.    After having presented my position above, I read the opinion of my colleague, Justice E. Levy. It appears that the discrepancy between our positions is not great. My colleague is of the opinion that the military commander’s decision to close the Road to travel by Palestinians was within his authority ab initio, and that the authority of the military commander has not diminished to this day. I, on the other hand, concur with the opinion of Justice Vogelman, whereby the authority in question can no longer stand at this time, considering the circumstances that have arisen, the present purpose for which the Road is used, the duration of time over which the decision on across-the-board closure has remained in force, and that the decision has metamorphosed from a temporary and limited security measure into a permanent measure. In any event, even Justice Levy agrees that the measure that was adopted – the across-the-board closure of the Road to travel by Palestinians – is not proportional today. In this regard, all the members of the bench agree that the total closure of the Road to travel by Palestinians cannot be allowed to continue, and that an alternative solution for ensuring the security of the travelers on the Road must be found.

As for the relief that is required by this conclusion, as stated above, there is no dispute between us regarding the fact that the across-the-board closure of the Road to travel by Palestinians cannot be allowed to continue, and that the Respondents must formulate another, alternative solution. Nonetheless, like my colleague, Justice Vogelman, I accept the position that the examination of the proper and proportional measures for ensuring the freedom of movement along the Road and the security of travelers should not be left to the discretion of the respondents, without issuing an absolute order. Accordingly, I concur in the outcome reached by Justice Vogelman, whereby an absolute order will be issued pursuant to this judgment.

Justice E.E. Levy

1.    I am compelled to disagree with some of the conclusions drawn by my colleague, Justice U. Vogelman and, accordingly, with the outcome at which he arrived. I believe that we are not required to issue an absolute order in this petition, because the respondents themselves are of the opinion that it is necessary to implement a more proportional solution than that which prevails on the Road today. The only question, as I see it, is the form that this solution should take and, in this regard, there is reason to conclude that the parties are capable of achieving agreement on its components. Five months, in any event, do not constitute a reasonable period of time for making the preparations required for implementing what is required according to my colleague’s judgment, and the outcome might be fraught with danger.

2.    Among his considerations, my colleague states that as he sees it, the military commander exceeded his authority by issuing instructions that transformed the road in question, for more than a limited period of time and not as a result of special security circumstances, into an “internal Israeli road,” intended solely to create an alternative for access by Israelis from the coastal plain to Jerusalem. As such, as my colleague sees it, the Road serves Israeli interests, which it is not the military commander’s duty to promote. It seems that in my colleague’s view – and this is the way I read his conclusions – a “great degree” of disproportionality is tantamount to exceeding of authority. I have difficulty accepting this legal construction. I believe that before we can discuss the question of proportionality, our starting point must be that the administrative action was not “caught in the net” of the fundamental cause of exceeding authority. This, as I see it, is the state of affairs in the case before us.

3.    The principal importance of Road 443 lies in it being a major access road to the large cities around it – Jerusalem and Modi’in, al-Bireh and Ramallah. Its characteristics today are suited to an interurban road, and over the years, the traffic network that accompanies it has been planned in such a way as to allow the Road to provide convenient access to major traffic arteries in the heart of those cities. In the past, the advantages of using the Road were shared by Israelis and Palestinians. Palestinian vehicles traveled on the Road for many years. The Oslo Agreements defined Road 443 as a major part of the northern “safe passage” for Palestinians between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The Beituniya crossing, the closure of which the Petitioners protest in this petition, was established as a central liaison point between the Israelis and the Palestinians. The users of the Road did not experience either “apartheid” or segregation, but rather, cooperation.

4.    Admittedly, in recent years, the importance of the Road as an alternative access route to Jerusalem has increased continually. Resources were invested in transforming it into a dual-carriage highway. Many Israelis preferred it to other roads when traveling to the capital. Recently, an experiment was announced, in which the Road would be used to relieve the congestion caused by heavy vehicles on Highway No. 1. This, of course, is significant from a variety of standpoints – economic, planning-related, and political as well. Nonetheless, it was not the military commander who sought to promote objectives of this type. Those who decided on the development of the Road and the routes connecting to it were the government, planning entities and traffic policymakers. Those (as stated above) who preferred travel on the Road, rather than its alternatives, were the drivers. The task of regulating traffic on the Road was assigned to the military commander, who had but a single mission – to safeguard public order and the security of those using the Road. This purpose of his actions (and it is this purpose that delimits his authority) did not essentially change even when the task in question became especially arduous, when Palestinians found the Road to be useful from another standpoint as well – as an appropriate arena for the perpetration of extreme terrorist attacks against Israelis.

Although not many are aware of stone-throwing and the use of improvised incendiary devices, actions that continue on the Road on a routine basis to this day, the shootings and other terrorist attacks that have already cost many lives cannot be ignored. In a series of grave incidents, innocent civilians met their deaths on the Road and the routes connecting to it, merely because, in traveling on those routes, they made convenient targets for Palestinian terrorists. This was the fate of the late Eliyahu Cohen, a resident of Modi’in, who was murdered in a shooting attack near the settlement of Giv’at Zeev on 21 December 2000; the late Ronen Landau, a youth who was shot to death on 26 July 2001 near Old Giv’on; the three members of the Ben Shalom-Sueri families, who were shot along with the family’s two toddlers at the gas station near Beit Horon on 25 August 2001; the late Yoela Chen, an Israeli woman who was shot and killed in the Giv’at Zeev gas station on 15 January 2002; and the late Marwan Shweiki, a Palestinian resident of Jerusalem, who was killed on 11 June 2006 when terrorists fired, from a stakeout, at his car, which had Israeli license plates. And because, as a rule, we insist on absolute integrity from those who lay their supplications before this court, it is not superfluous to mention that Palestinian villages scattered along the Road and the routes connecting to it – including those whose residents are now expressing their objection to the barrier that stands between them and the Road – have on more than one occasion served as a point of departure or a place of refuge for Palestinian terrorists, as is well known.

In response to this real threat, the security forces have had to adopt various protective measures: constructing barriers and observation towers, patrolling the Area on horseback, removing piles of earth that provided hiding places for terrorist attackers, and installing street lights to facilitate travel during the hours of darkness. At a certain stage, not many years ago, the military commander was even forced to deploy tanks along the shoulders of the Road, as if it ran through an actual combat zone. And there may be those who remember that the reason why the Road no longer runs through the Palestinian villages dates back to the first Intifada, which also did not spare the users of the Road, leading to the decision to change its course in 1988.

In his efforts to ensure the well-being of the travelers on the Road, in light of the terrorist attacks occurring along it, the characteristics of which were discussed above, and in view of the rampant wave of terrorism throughout the West Bank early in this decade, the military commander saw no other way than to close the Road to Palestinian residents of the surrounding villages. In so doing, as I see it, he acted within his authority, and as he was required to do by his position at the time. That authority, which has been recognized by this court as a basis for the closure of routes to travel by Israelis only (Committee of the Dolev Settlement v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [39]), served the military commander in his decision.

5.    A different question, and one that is shaped by the circumstances prevailing at the time when we must rule on it, is whether this measure – which was taken, as stated, within the military commander’s authority – is compatible with the principle of proportionality, which is invoked to examine all administrative actions. Proportionality, as we know, comprises many and varied strata, and calls for a broad-based examination of the administrative action in light of the entire set of interests, principles and values involved. Its implementation always depends on circumstances, and the conclusion derived from them cannot stand as a frozen monolith against changing times. A security measure that is perceived as proportional at times when terrorism runs rampant and unrestrained is likely to be considered overly stringent when relative calm prevails. Something that was intended as a holding action, and that is accordingly likely to justify a forceful, though temporary, operation, may be perceived as exaggerated when it transpires that it has become an established, permanent arrangement. And although it is never possible, before examining the entire set of circumstances, to know what outcome will be reached through the application of the tests of proportionality, it may be said that as a rule, the adoption of an across-the-board measure is “suspect” from the constitutional standpoint. Absolute measures require even more than the usual degree of well-founded substantiation, which is capable of persuading [the court] of the justification for taking them. This is because of the inherent contradiction between an across-the-board action and the protection of rights (Adalah – the Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Minister of the Interior [4], per Justice A. Procaccia, at para. 21).

6.    The first matter requiring examination in the case before us is the argument that the measure taken is not capable of achieving the worthy objective of safeguarding security and public order. How can it safeguard security? After all, the dissatisfaction felt by Palestinians, following their deprivation of the freedom to travel on the Road, will almost certainly be translated into additional hostile actions. And how can it safeguard public order? After all, public order also includes freedom of movement for the residents of the Area and their right to conduct their lives without hindrance. A response to these arguments already appears in my statements above, where I mentioned the origin of the terrorist attacks along the Road. True, we must not put the cart before the horse: the terrorist attacks came first, and the closure of the Road came later. And if the closure of the Road entails inconvenience to daily life, that inconvenience is utterly dwarfed by the lives lost. The measures that were taken therefore maintain a rational connection with the purpose sought.

I also accept the position taken by my colleague, Justice Vogelman, with regard to the outcome of the examination in the next stage – the stage that seeks a less harmful measure than that which was actually taken. I believe that the conclusion reached by my colleague, who found that such a measure exists – with which I agree – must constitute the conclusion of the examination process. The principal focus of the case before us lies in the second test of proportionality, and there is no advantage to be gained by addressing ourselves to the question of proportionality in the narrow sense, with the controversial ethical decisions that it entails.

As times change, the range of measures relevant to achieving the purpose of the administrative action under examination also changes. The total blockage of a traffic artery may be proportional when the security risk reflected for travelers thereon or for the security forces that protect them is extremely high. Such was the risk involved in traveling on Road 443 until recent years. It is doubtful whether anyone disputes the fact that the measure in question is less proportional today. Accordingly, a proper balance between security needs and the needs of the Palestinian population, which depends upon the Road, necessitates the adoption of less harmful alternatives. Admittedly, “insofar as a change occurs in the situation on the ground, it may be assumed that the respondents will reconsider the possibility of allowing the petitioners to make use of the road in question” (Justice A. Grunis in the above-cited Committee of the Dolev Settlement v. IDF Commander in the Judaea and Samaria Area [39], at para. 11).

7.    It is clear, from the response of the respondents that they themselves do not dispute the justification for taking a measure at this time that does not amount to total closure of the Road to Palestinians. This is illustrated by the arrangement they proposed, which involved the issuance of permits for travel along the Road to approximately 80 Palestinian vehicles. In its existing format, this arrangement obviously cannot stand, because its parameters are so limited that it does not materially change the status quo. However, the formulation of this arrangement constitutes an expression in principle of the military commander’s recognition of his duty toward the Palestinian residents in the area under his control. This being so, we do not need to issue an absolute order. What concerns us are the details of the arrangement, and it would be better for us to leave them to the respondents to formulate, while allotting a period of time which will enable both the formulation of an appropriate solution and its implementation on the ground. This is how I would rule in this petition.

 

Held as per the opinion of Justice U. Vogelman.

 

12 Tevet 5770

29 December 2009

_________________________

This copy is subject to editorial and textual changes. 07021500_M19.doc DZ +NB

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A v. State of Israel

Case/docket number: 
CrimA 4596/98
Date Decided: 
Tuesday, January 25, 2000
Decision Type: 
Appellate
Abstract: 

Appeal on the judgment of the Tel-Aviv–Jaffa District Court (Justice S. Rotlevy) dated 3 June 1998 in CrimC 511/95.

 

Facts: The appellant was convicted of offences of assault and child abuse. The acts for which she was convicted included hitting a child on his mouth, which resulted in the child losing a milk tooth. The appellant was found to have hit her children regularly on various parts of their bodies, both with her hand and with a sandal, and to have been accustomed to throw shoes at them. The appellant argued, both in the trial court and in the Supreme Court, that her use of force was for educational purposes, to curb the wild behaviour of her children.

 

Held: The use of corporal punishment for educational purposes is forbidden by law.

With regard to the offence of child abuse, Justice Beinisch held that a series of acts might amount to abuse, even though each act in itself might not constitute abuse. President Barak agreed with this position. Justice Englard argued, in a dissenting opinion, that the term abuse should only be applied to acts involving severe violence and cruelty and a humiliation or degradation of the victim.

 

Appeal against conviction on the offence of assault denied. Appeal against conviction on the offence of child abuse denied, Justice I. Englard dissenting.

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
Author
dissent
Full text of the opinion: 

CrimA 4596/98

A

v

State of Israel

 

The Supreme Court sitting as the Court of Criminal Appeals

[25 January 2000]

Before President A. Barak and Justices D. Beinisch, I. Englard

 

Appeal on the judgment of the Tel-Aviv–Jaffa District Court (Justice S. Rotlevy) dated 3 June 1998 in CrimC 511/95.

 

Facts: The appellant was convicted of offences of assault and child abuse. The acts for which she was convicted included hitting a child on his mouth, which resulted in the child losing a milk tooth. The appellant was found to have hit her children regularly on various parts of their bodies, both with her hand and with a sandal, and to have been accustomed to throw shoes at them. The appellant argued, both in the trial court and in the Supreme Court, that her use of force was for educational purposes, to curb the wild behaviour of her children.

 

Held: The use of corporal punishment for educational purposes is forbidden by law.

With regard to the offence of child abuse, Justice Beinisch held that a series of acts might amount to abuse, even though each act in itself might not constitute abuse. President Barak agreed with this position. Justice Englard held, in a minority opinion, that the term abuse should only be applied to acts involving severe violence and cruelty and a humiliation or degradation of the victim.

 

Appeal against conviction on the offence of assault denied. Appeal against conviction on the offence of child abuse was denied by majority opinion, Justice I. Englard dissenting.

 

Basic Laws cited:

Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty.

 

Legislation cited:

Adoption of Children Law, 5741-1981.

Civil Torts Ordinance, 1944.

Court Martial Law, 5715-1955, ss. 65, 65(a).

Criminal Procedure Law [Consolidated Version], 5742-1982, s. 56.

Cruelty to Animals Law, 5754-1994, s. 2(a).

Family Violence Prevention Law, 5751-1991, s. 3(3).

Foundations of Justice Law, 5740-1980.

Legal Capacity and Guardianship Law, 5722-1962, ss. 14, 15, 17, 22, 27.

Palestine Order in Council, 1922, s. 46.

Penal Law (Amendment no. 26), 5750-1989.

Penal Law, 5737-1977, ss. 1, 20(a), 34Q, 34U, 323, 368B, 368B(a), 368C, 378, 379, 382(b), Chapter 10 Article 6A.

Protection of Dependents Law, 5726-1966.

Rules of Evidence Amendment (Protection of Children) Law, 5715-1955, ss. 9, 11.

Torts Ordinance [New Version], ss. 24(7), 27(6).

Youth (Care and Supervision) Law, 5720-1960, s. 3.

 

Regulations cited:

Emergency (Court Martial Law 5708) Regulations, 5708-1948, r. 87.

 

International conventions cited:

Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989, art. 19(1).

 

Draft legislation cited:

Draft Penal Law (Amendment no. 31), 5749-1989.

Draft Penal Law (Preliminary Part and General Part), 5752-1992, ss. 49, 49(5)

 

Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

[1]      LCrimA 3904/96 Mizrahi v. State of Israel [1997] IsrSC 51(1) 385.

[2]      CrimA 192/56 Yehudai v. Attorney-General [1957] IsrSC 11 365.

[3]      CrimA 532/82 Faber v. State of Israel [1983] IsrSC 37(3) 243.

[4]      CrimA 694/83 Danino v. State of Israel [1986] IsrSC 40(4) 249.

[5]      CrimA 387/83 State of Israel v. Yehudai [1985] IsrSC 39(4) 197.

[6]      CrimA 4009/90 State of Israel v. A [1993] IsrSC 47(1) 292.

[7]      CrimA 1121/96 A v. State of Israel [1996] IsrSC 50(3) 353.

[8]      CrimA 85/80 Katashwilli v. State of Israel [1980] IsrSC 34(4) 57.

[9]      FH 25/80 Katashwilli v. State of Israel [1981] IsrSC 35(2) 457.

[10]    LCA 1684/96 ‘Let the Animals Live’ Society v. Hamat Gader Vacation Enterprises Ltd [1997] IsrSC 51(3) 832.

[11]    CrimA 5224/97 State of Israel v. Sedeh Or [1998] IsrSC 52(3) 374.

[12]    CrimA 3783/98 A v. State of Israel (unreported).

[13]    CrimA 142/97 A v. State of Israel (unreported).

[14]    CrimA 7861/96 A v. State of Israel (unreported).

[15]    CrimA 2696/96 A v. State of Israel (unreported).

[16]    CrimFH 9003/96 Pizanti v. State of Israel (unreported).

[17]    CrimA 295/94 A v. State of Israel (unreported).

[18]    CrimA 2011/95 A v. State of Israel (unreported).

[19]    CrimA 7/53 Russey v. Attorney-General [1953] IsrSC 7 790.

[20]    CrimA 3779/94 Hamdani v. State of Israel [1998] IsrSC 52(1) 408.

[21]    CrimA 4405/94 State of Israel v. Algeny [1994] IsrSC 48(5) 191.

[22]    CA 2266/93 A (a minor) v. B [1995] IsrSC 49(1) 221.

[23]    CFH 7015/94 Attorney-General v. A [1996] IsrSC 50(1) 48.

[24]    CA 6106/92 A v. Attorney-General [1994] IsrSC 48(2) 833.

[25]    CrimA 3958/94 A v. State of Israel (unreported).

[26]    CrimA 3754/97 A v. State of Israel (unreported).

 

Israeli District Court cases cited:

[27]    CrimC (TA) 570/91 State of Israel v. Asulin [1992] IsrDC 5752(1) 431.

 

Israeli Court Martial cases cited:

[28]    CMA 209/55 Chief Military Prosecutor v. Corp. Nehmad [1954-1955] IsrCM 614.

[29]    CMA 224/54 (unpublished).

[30]    CMA 4/52 Chief Military Prosecutor v. Capt. Timor [1951-1953] IsrCM 181.

[31]    CMA 152/78 Aharon v. Chief Military Prosecutor [1978] IsrCM 200.

[32]    CMA 290/58 Chief Military Prosecutor v. Lieut. Gad [1959] IsrCM 56.

[33]    CMA 156/70 Capt. Meir v. Chief Military Prosecutor [1970] IsrCM 280

[34]    CMA 143/72 Chief Military Prosecutor v. Capt. Yosef [1972] IsrCM 194.

[35]    CMA 85/62 Sgt. Brown v. Chief Military Prosecutor [1962] IsrCM 180.

 

American cases cited:

[36]    State v. Arnold 543 N.W. 2d 600 (1996).

[37]    Raboin v. North Dakota Dept. of Human Serv. 552 N.W. 2d 329 (1996).

[38]    State v. Gallegos 384 P. 2d 967 (1963).

[39]    In Re S.K. 564 A. 2d 1382 (1989).

 

English cases cited:

[40]    R. v. Hopley (1860) 175 E.R. 1024 (S.A.).

 

Canadian cases cited:

[41]    R. v. Komick [1995] O.J. 2939.

[42]    R. v. D.W. [1995] A.J. 905.

[43]    R. v. D.H. [1998] O.J. 3347.

[44]    R. v. Dupperon (1984) 16 C.C.C. (3d) 453.

[45]    R. v. James [1998] O.J. 1438.

[46]    R. v. J.O.W. [1966] O.J. 4061.

 

Israeli books cited:

[47]    A. Barak, Interpretation in Law, vol. 2, Interpretation of Legislation, 1993.

[48]    S. Z. Feller, Fundamentals of Criminal Law, vol. 1, 1984; vol. 2, 1987.

[49]    A. Barak, ‘Immunity from Liability or Prosecution; Denying the Victim’s Right or Denying his Claim’, in G. Tedeschi ed., The Law of Torts — the General Doctrine of Torts, 2nd ed., 1977, 349.

[50]    P. Shifman, Family Law in Israel, vol. 2, 1989.

[51]    B. Bettelheim, A Good Enough Parent, 1993.

[52]    A. Barak, Interpretation in Law, vol. 3, Constitutional Interpretation, 1994.

 

Israeli articles cited:

[53]    H. H. Cohn, ‘The Values of a Jewish and Democratic State — Studies in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Freedom’, HaPraklit — Jubilee Volume, 1994, 9.

 

Foreign books cited:

[54]    C. Lyon & P. de Cruz, Child Abuse, Bristol, 2nd ed., 1993.

[55]    A. B. Wilkinson & K. Mck. Norrie, The Law Relating to Parents and Child in Scotland, Edinburgh, 1993.

[56]    P. M. Bromley & N. V. Lowe, Family Law, London, 7th ed., 1987.

[57]    C. Barton & G. Douglas, Law and Parenthood, London, 1995.

[58]    M. A. Straus & D. A. Donnelly, Beating the Devil Out of Them: Corporal Punishment in American Families, 1994, New York.

 

Foreign articles cited:

[59]    D. Orentlicher, ‘Spanking and Other Corporal Punishment of Children by Parents: Undervaluing Children, Overvaluing Pain’, 35 Hous. L. Rev., 1998, 147-185.

[60]    S. A. Davidson, ‘When is Parental Discipline Child Abuse? The Vagueness of Child Abuse Laws’, 34 U. Louisville J. Fam. L., 1995-1996, 403.

[61]    K. K. Johnson, ‘Crime or Punishment: The Parental Corporal Punishment Defense — Reasonable and Necessary or Excused Abuse?’, U. Ill. L. Rev., 1998, 413.

 

Jewish Law sources cited:

[62]    Exodus 10 2.

[63]    Rabbi Avraham Ibn Ezra, Commentary on Exodus 10 2.

[64]    I Samuel 6 6; 31 4.

[65]    Numbers 22 29.

[66]    Judges 19 25.

[67]    I Chronicles 10 4.

[68]    Jeremiah 38, 19.

[69]    Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Sanhedrin, 56b.

 

For the appellant — Avner Schnetzer.

For the respondent — Hovav Artzi, Senior Assistant to the State-Attorney.

 

 

JUDGMENT

 

 

Justice D. Beinisch

The appellant, the mother of the child H.B., who was born in 1987 (hereafter — H or the girl), and of the child N.B., who was born in 1989 (hereafter — N or the boy), was convicted in the District Court of assaulting her children and abusing them. She is appealing this conviction before this court.

According to the indictment, on various occasions during the years 1994-1995 the appellant hit her two children on the bottom and slapped their faces. In addition, the appellant was charged with hitting her daughter, on an unknown date, with a vacuum cleaner. She was also charged with hitting her son, on Yom Kippur 1994, in his face with her fist, and breaking one of his teeth. For these acts the appellant was indicted for child abuse, an offence under s. 368C of the Penal Law, 5737-1977, and for assault of a minor, an offence under s. 368B(a) (last part) of the Penal Law.

The Tel-Aviv–Jaffa District Court (per Justice S. Rotlevy) decided not to convict the appellant of assaulting a minor under s. 368B(a), but it convicted her of an offence of assault under s. 379 of the Penal Law. The appellant was also convicted of an offence of child abuse. In the sentence, the court put the appellant on probation for eighteen months, and the probation officer was ordered to report to the court about progress in the treatment once every three months. The appellant was also sentenced to twelve months’ imprisonment that was suspended over a three year period from the date that the sentence was given.

Before us is an appeal both against the conviction and against the severity of the sentence.

The verdict of the District Court

1.    Following information that was received by the Ramat-Gan police from a welfare officer, the children were summoned on 24 October 1995 to give testimony before the child interviewer Ami Ron (hereafter — the child interviewer). The children’s testimonies before the child interviewer were submitted as evidence in the trial court under s. 9 of the Rules of Evidence Amendment (Protection of Children) Law, 5715-1955 (hereafter — the Protection of Children Law).

The child H testified before the child interviewer that the appellant used to smack her and her brother on their bottoms, and she confirmed that these smacks were painful and left a red mark. The girl was asked by the child interviewer about smacks that she received on other parts of her body, and she replied that the smacks were only on her bottom. The girl denied that she had been bitten by the mother, and she said that her mother’s boyfriend did not smack her or her brother. When she was asked whether she was hit by the appellant with a belt or a stick, she did not reply, but she told of an occasion when she was hit by her mother with a vacuum cleaner on the waist ‘and when I got up it hurt a lot’ (prosecution exhibit 6 at pp. 19-20). In reply to the child interviewer’s question about the loss of N’s tooth, the girl said that on a day when there was no school she and her brother were at home: N was making noise and behaving wildly ‘so mummy wanted to give him a punch, and that was what happened: his tooth fell out’ (ibid., at page 17). The girl also said, without being asked, that her brother was smacked more than her: ‘she gives me less because I behave nicely and he [N] does not listen…’ (ibid., at page 23). She added that on the morning of the day on which she was interrogated, ‘he [N] again caused trouble… so mummy gave him a slap here and he cried…’ (ibid.). With regard to the frequency of the smacks, the girl said that she was smacked ‘every day’ (ibid., at page 22). The child interviewer found the testimony of the girl H reliable, natural and realistic, and he added that the girl ‘is not vengeful and does not express any anger towards the mother. There are no contradictions in her statements’ (prosecution exhibit 7, at page 3).

The trial court held that the testimony of the girl that was given before the child interviewer was reliable, in view of the signs of truth that emerged from her testimony, and in view of the court’s impression from listening to the tape of the conversation between the girl and the child interviewer and from reading the transcript of the conversation between them. The court said that the interview of the girl was flowing and that the tone of her speech on the tape changed in accordance with the contents of her statements. The court also received the impression that although H’s language was not rich, nonetheless her remarks were clear, based on reality, intelligible and logical, and she clearly distinguished between the different figures in her life. The trial court further found that the girl tried to give exacts details about what she was saying, to the best of her ability, and that she was uninterested in maligning her mother or in making up stories.

The court accepted the assessment of the child interviewer that it was possible that the girl exaggerated when she said that she was smacked ‘every day’. Nonetheless, the court raised a hypothesis that the girl might not be distinguishing between physical blows and anger and shouting, and therefore she claimed that the smacks occurred every day. The court went on to say that even if the smacks were not inflicted every day but less frequently, this fact did not, in its opinion, undermine the reliability of the girl’s testimony.

2.    The boy N, in his testimony before the child interviewer, described the angry responses of his mother to wild behaviour or noise made by him or his sister. He also spoke of the mother’s violent responses: he told how he had been smacked on his bottom or his head with a rubber sandal and he said that his mother hit him with the sandal also on his neck and his hand. He also added: ‘she can also give me slaps’ (prosecution exhibit 9, at pages 10-11). The boy testified of his own initiative about the occasion when he lost the tooth, and his description exactly matches the description of his sister about that same occasion: ‘Do you know why I lost a tooth?... because she [the appellant] gave me a punch… because I made a lot of noise. She told me to be quiet’ (ibid., at p. 9) The boy also said that he was hit more than his sister ‘… because I make more noise’ (ibid.). With respect to the frequency of the smacks, he said that he was smacked about once a week, and that the last time he was hit was ‘when my tooth fell out’ (ibid., at pp. 11, 14). After he finished what he had to say, the boy was asked if he would like someone to speak to his mother so that she would stop hitting him, and he said that he would.

The child interviewer thought that the testimony of the boy N was reliable. The trial court held that his impression in this respect was well-founded: the boy’s statements corresponded with the testimony of his sister both in minor details (such as the joint daily schedule of the two children) and in material points (such as the circumstances in which N lost his tooth). The boy’s description of being hit with a sandal was strengthened by the testimony of the appellant, according to which she had the habit of throwing shoes at them; even N’s testimony that the appellant gave him ‘slaps’ is strengthened by the very testimony of the appellant that she sometimes gave the children ‘friendly slaps on the neck’. The court thought that the description of the violence given by the boy was not melodramatic or exaggerated, and as with his sister’s attitude, it appeared that with N also the harsh responses of the mother to his behaviour were integrated naturally into his life.

The trial court addressed the fact that the testimony of the boy was different from the testimony of his sister in two details: the frequency of the hitting (H claimed that the hitting took place every day whereas N said that it occurred once a week), and the last time when N was hit (H claimed that on the very morning of the day of the interview before the child interviewer the appellant slapped N’s face, whereas N testified that the last time he was hit by the appellant was when he lost his tooth). Despite these points of difference, the court held:

‘This discrepancy does not undermine the credibility of either of the children. From their testimony, from the testimony of the accused [the appellant] and from other evidence it transpires that the atmosphere in the home was an atmosphere of strict education, shouting and violence.

It could well be that, unlike a hit with a sandal and a punch to his face, a “mere” slap is not considered by N to be a real hit, and it could be that he did not wish to speak about the event that morning, in the light of the statements of H, who said that he did not want them to know what happened to him (even though we cannot ignore the fact that N raised the issue of losing his tooth of his own initiative).

In any event, these discrepancies do not detract from the credibility of N’s testimony, and I find that it is reliable’ (page 60 of the verdict — square parentheses supplied).

3.    The three kindergarten teachers who taught the children in 1994 testified in the trial court. According to the kindergarten teachers, the two children was frequently late for the kindergarten, almost every day, and were even absent on a significant number of days. Each of the kindergarten teachers testified that she saw marks on the children’s bodies that appeared to be from hitting.

N’s kindergarten teacher said that at least on two occasions that were three weeks apart, the boy came to the kindergarten with signs of violence next to his eye. When the kindergarten teacher asked the appellant for an explanation as to the marks, the appellant replied that it was an allergy, and for several days thereafter she did not send N to the kindergarten. The kindergarten teacher added that when she approached N he would respond by shrinking from her and a movement indicating fear, in her words ‘like do not touch me’ (p. 10 of the court record).

The kindergarten teacher’s assistant in H’s kindergarten said that the girl appeared at the kindergarten one day with yellow marks on her hand. According to the teacher’s assistant, she asked H about the marks, and the girl told her that the appellant hit her with a stick, because her room was not tidy. The teacher’s assistant also testified that:

‘Also when I used to speak to them, more than once when I simply raised my hand, she (H) made a defensive movement and was even prepared to hide under the table because she thought that I wanted to hit her, and this did not happen only on one occasion but frequently’ (p. 14 of the court record).

H’s kindergarten teacher told how the girl was absent from the kindergarten for three days, and when she returned to the kindergarten she said that the appellant had hit her on the arm. According to the teacher, it was not easy for the girl to say this, and it took time until she worked up the courage to say that she had been hit by the mother. The kindergarten teacher testified that when H told her about the hit that her mother gave her on her arm, she saw a blue mark, like that of internal bleeding, in the area indicated by H.

The trial court held that the testimonies of the kindergarten teachers who taught the children were, in its opinion, credible. It added that it received the impression that they were motivated by the best interests of the children, and it could not be said that the kindergarten teachers tried to exaggerate the severity of the findings or to make up stories about the appellant, as the appellant claimed.

4.    The appellant herself made two statements to the police. Both in her statements to the police and in her testimony in court, the appellant did not deny that she hit her children. She even admitted that the methods of education adopted by her were harsher than the norm, but she claimed that she hit her children only when it was essential, and she added: ‘I regard the hits as a deterrent’ (prosecution exhibit 2). According to her, she does not hit her children frequently and she ‘does not count the days from one case where he [N] receives a slap or a smack on the bottom to the next’ (ibid.). With regard to the nature of the hits, the appellant said that she hits N on his bottom ‘and sometimes, in jest, a friendly slap on the neck’ (ibid.). When the appellant was confronted with what the children said about the specific occasions described by them, she denied them. Thus, for example, when she was asked in her interrogation by the police whether she hit H with a vacuum cleaner, she said: ‘I really do not remember such an occasion’ (ibid.). In her testimony in court, she presented a different position, when she said: ‘I never hit my daughter with a vacuum cleaner. I do not have a vacuum cleaner at home…’ (p. 30 of the court record). The appellant was confronted also with N’s description of his being hit with a rubber sandal on various parts of his body, such as his bottom, his head, his neck and his hand. She denied hitting her son with the sandal, but she made a partial admission that ‘it may be that once I threw a shoe in his direction’ (prosecution exhibit 2). According to her, when she is tired and asks one of the children to do something, she throws a shoe at him and he understands her meaning and does it: ‘it is agreed and he knows that nothing will happen to him…’ (p. 33 of the court record).

The appellant did not deny the fact that N lost his tooth, especially in view of the photographs in which the boy was seen to be missing a tooth. Nonetheless, unlike her children who described how they had been making noise and in consequence their mother had hit N with her fist and one of his teeth fell out, the appellant presented a more complex story. According to her, the children were hitting each other so hard that she became afraid for their safety. While she took H to one room, N went into the bathroom. The appellant went in after him and began to scold him. According to her, ‘he began to tell me that she (H) did this and that, and to justify himself, to drive me crazy with stories. He did not express any regret at all. I became very angry with him and gave him a slap on the mouth and then the tooth came out and a little blood trickled out…’. According to her, the tooth was a milk tooth that had already become loose in his mouth. In her testimony in court she added that at the time of the event she had not acted in an uncontrolled manner and that ‘it is not correct that I became heated’ (p. 32 of the court record).

The appellant admitted that during the period stated in the indictment, the children did not come to the kindergarten regularly. In her first statement at the police she said that it happened as a result of a difficult and traumatic period for her, in which she suffered also from health problems. Notwithstanding, in her testimony in court she changed her position and claimed that ‘with all respect to the education establishment, the home is also important and a day out with the mother teaches more than the kindergartens’ (p. 28 of the court record). When she was asked about her reply to the police, she answered that this was ‘an answer that I gave to satisfy them at that time’ (p. 37 of the court record).

The appellant did not express regret for hitting her children and even refused to undertake to stop hitting the children when it seemed to her necessary.

The trial court did not put any faith in the testimony of the appellant, and it held that it was given manipulatively, while the appellant tried to present herself as a victim of the welfare services and the court, of the education system and the kindergarten teachers, and as a victim of her children’s lies. Thus, for example, the court held that the explanations given by the appellant about the absences of her children from the kindergarten were not credible in view of the statements of the kindergarten teachers and the testimonies of the children. It was held that it was more reasonable that the late arrivals and absences of H and N from the kindergarten were the result of the appellant not troubling to get up in the morning and prepare them to go to the kindergarten, and of her attempts to hide the bruises from the kindergarten teachers.

5.    The testimonies of the children before the child interviewer constituted the basis for proving the guilt of the appellant. In view of the finding that the testimonies of the two children were credible, the trial court proceeded to examine whether their testimonies could be corroborated, in accordance with the requirement of s. 11 of the Protection of Children Law.

With regard to the charge of hitting the children during 1994, the trial court found that the testimonies of the children corroborated each other, and it also found corroboration in the testimonies of the kindergarten teachers who taught the children at the relevant period. With regard to hitting the children in 1995, it was held that the statements of the children corroborated one other, and they were also corroborated by the statements of the appellant herself. With regard to the part of the indictment concerning the hitting of H with a vacuum cleaner, it was held that there was no specific corroboration of this, and therefore it was not possible to determine that the alleged incident actually occurred.

Relying on the testimonies of the children and the corroboration thereof, the trial court held that the children were hit by the appellant on various parts of their bodies (head, neck, hands, bottom), and that sometimes the appellant used to throw shoes at them and at other times she hit them with a sandal. The trial court rejected the explanation of the appellant about throwing shoes at her children, saying:

‘… this explanation is, at the least, incomprehensible. “Training” children by throwing shoes is a totally unacceptable measure. The claim that the child agrees to it and understands that he will not be hurt shows more than anything that the children are regarded by the appellant as her property, with which she can do as she likes. At her whim, she may hit them on their mouths or their bottoms, and at her whim, she may throw shoes at them, threaten them or punish them.

Her remarks contain corroboration of N’s statements about his being hit with a shoe or a sandal, and although this item is not expressly mentioned in the indictment, it constitutes a part of the overall charge of hitting’ (p. 68 of the verdict).

The trial court added that in this case the use of systematic and prolonged violence by the appellant against her children had been proved: even if each act of hitting on its own was not ‘cruel’ and on its own could be regarded only as an act of assault, all the incidents taken together and the whole picture of the cumulative violence were serious, and amounted to abuse.

6.    Further on in its verdict, the trial court discussed the part of the indictment that concerned the loss of N’s tooth. It held that the description given by the children about the incident of losing the tooth was not significantly different from the appellant’s version of this incident: from both of them it transpired that the appellant hit N hard on his mouth and as a result N’s tooth fell out. The trial court pointed out in this respect that it was irrelevant whether it was a slap (as the appellant claimed) or a punch (as the children testified). The court further held that it was possible that the milk tooth was about to fall out and that therefore the loss of the tooth was not the result of a blow hard enough to break a permanent tooth, but the blow was strong enough to be a painful and traumatic event not only in the memory and body of N, but also in the memory of his sister H. Notwithstanding, the court held that no intention had been proved on the part of the appellant to cause the boy real harm. Therefore, because of the incident in which the tooth fell out the court did not see fit to convict the appellant of an offence of assaulting a minor under s. 368B(a) of the Penal Law, and it chose to convict her for that act of the offence of assault under s. 379 of the Penal Law.

7.    As shall be discussed extensively below, the appellant argued before the trial court that even if the factual elements of the said offences were proved, her acts did not amount to assault or abuse, since punishing her children with corporal punishments in order to educate them to obey does not breach any legal norm. The trial court rejected this argument, and it held that imposing punishments on children on a regular basis, hitting a child on his mouth, throwing a shoe at him and hitting him with a sandal do not pass the test of reasonableness and are wrong from a legal and moral viewpoint.

In conclusion, the appellant was convicted of the offence of child abuse and the offence of assault.

The proceedings in the appeal

8.    At the outset I should point out that I found no basis to overturn the findings of fact and credibility held by the trial court. The District Court heard the witnesses that appeared before it and formed an impression of them. It also heard the tape of the conversation between the children and the child interviewer and stated in detail how it was impressed by their testimonies. According to the policy of this court, we see not basis for overturning the conclusions of the trial court in these matters.

Corroboration under s. 11 of the Protection of Children Law

9.    The first argument of counsel for the appellant is that the trial court erred when it held that there was the required corroboration for the testimony of the children before the child interviewer.

The nature of the provisions regarding the testimony of children under the Protection of Children Law was described by Justice Goldberg as follows:

‘The Protection of Children Law was designed to balance between three interests; the social interest in bringing offenders to trial and punishing them; the social and private interest in protecting children from additional emotional damage resulting from exposing them to legal proceedings, including their cross-examination, and the interest — shared by the accused and society — in holding a fair trial and discovering the truth.

The balance in the statute is reflected in the provisions enacted therein. The protection of children is reflected, inter alia, in the provisions that state that a child may be interviewed only by a child interviewer, or in testimony in court with the permission of a child interviewer (s. 4 of the Law)… the social interest in the punishment of offenders is reflected in the fact that testimony obtained by a child interviewer is made admissible, even though it has not stood the test of cross-examination, and notwithstanding the rule disqualifying hearsay evidence (s. 9 of the Law). And the interest in a fair trial and discovering the truth is reflected in ss. 10 and 11 of the Law. Under s. 11, a person may not be convicted on the basis of evidence obtained by a child interviewer unless it is corroborated by other evidence’ (LCrimA 3904/96 Mizrahi v. State of Israel [1], at p. 395).

In the present case, the children did not testify before the District Court, because of the fear that testifying in court would cause them psychological harm (prosecution exhibit 7, at p. 3; prosecution exhibit 10, at p. 3; p. 24 of the court record). As stated, the children’s testimonies before a child interviewer were submitted as evidence to the court, under s. 9 of the Protection of Children Law.

Relying on the testimony of a child before a child interviewer, without the court having an opportunity to form a direct impression of the child and his testimony, and without the accused having an opportunity to cross-examine the child, violates the rights of the accused. The requirement of corroboration for the testimony of a child under s. 11 of the Protection of Children Law is intended to mitigate the severity of this violation, and to ensure the holding of a fair trial. Consequently it has often been held that the corroboration required under s. 11 of the Protection of Children Law is not a mere technicality but a substantive and real requirement (see: CrimA 192/56 Yehudai v. Attorney-General [2], at p. 367; CrimA 532/82 Faber v. State of Israel [3], at p. 247; CrimA 694/83 Danino v. State of Israel [4], at p. 263). It has been further held that, in order for evidence to serve as corroboration, it must comply with three separate conditions: it must derive from a source that is separate and independent from the testimony that requires corroboration; it must implicate or tend to implicate the accused with liability for committing the act alleged against him, even though it need not refer to all of the elements of the act; and in addition it must refer to a material ‘point’ in dispute between the parties (see: CrimA 387/83 State of Israel v. Yehudai [5], at p. 203; CrimA 4009/90 State of Israel v. A [6], at p. 297). To this we must add that the probative weight of the corroboration required varies from case to case, in accordance with the credibility and probative weight of the main testimony requiring corroboration (see: CrimA 4009/90 State of Israel v. A [6], at p. 298; CrimA 1121/96 A v. State of Israel [7], at p. 360).

10. The argument of counsel for the appellant before us is that the trial court erred in that it regarded the testimonies of the children as mutual corroboration for the purpose of s. 11 of the Protection of Children Law. This argument must be rejected. Our case-law has already established many times that testimony that requires corroboration may itself act as corroboration. Thus, for example, it has been held that the testimonies of partners in crime may corroborate each other, when they require corroboration (see, for example: CrimA 85/80 Katashwilli v. State of Israel [8], at p. 69; FH 25/80 Katashwilli v. State of Israel [9], at p. 464). This approach applies also to the testimonies of children made before a child interviewer. Even though these testimonies require corroboration under s. 11 of the Protection of Children Law in order to serve as the basis for a conviction, they can corroborate each other (see, for example: Danino v. State of Israel [4], at p. 262; CrimA 4009/90 State of Israel v. A [6], at pp. 297-298).

In the case before us, the child interviewer obtained the testimonies of the two children separately, so that neither knew nor was influenced by the contents of the other’s testimony. The trial court found the testimony of each of the children credible and was prepared to rely on what they said. The two children testified about the harsh discipline that prevailed in their home, about their mother’s anger in various circumstances and about her violent responses. Both of them testified that N suffered most of the blows, and they explained that of the two of them he was the one who made more noise and behaved more wildly. Both of them told how they had been smacked by their mother on their bottoms. The main corroborating evidence is the description of the incident in which N’s tooth fell out. Thus we see that the testimonies of H and N support one another and confirm one another on material points, and therefore they constitute mutual corroboration.

11. The other argument of counsel for the appellant in this respect is that the trial court erred when it found corroboration of the children’s testimonies in the testimonies of the kindergarten teachers. This argument has no merit; the kindergarten teachers testified that they saw marks of violence on the bodies of H and N. This constitutes corroboration of the testimonies of the children that they were hit. The trial court was also right in holding that the testimonies of the kindergarten teachers with regard to the behaviour of the children in the kindergarten (such as the children making defensive movements and recoiling when the kindergarten teachers approached them) are similar to testimony about the mental state of a victim of a crime, and as such they can corroborate the testimony of the children about the commission of acts of violence against them (cf. A v. State of Israel [7], at pp. 361-362).

The appellant herself admitted that she was accustomed to hitting her children, to throw shoes at them, and even sometimes to give them ‘slaps’ on the neck. She also admitted that her violence resulted in the loss of N’s tooth. Therefore it is possible to hold that there is corroboration for the testimonies of the children about their being hit by their mother, even in the statements of the appellant herself. It can be held, therefore, that there is sufficient corroboration for the testimonies of the children about the violence that the appellant inflicted on them.

The offence of abuse

12. Counsel for the appellant also argued before us that the evidence contains nothing to indicate that his client abused her children.

Section 368C of the Penal Law, which is titled ‘Abuse of a minor or helpless person’ says as follows:

‘Someone who does to a minor or to a helpless person an act of physical, emotional or sexual abuse shall be liable to seven years’ imprisonment; if the perpetrator was in charge of the minor or the helpless person, he shall be liable to nine years’ imprisonment.’

The Penal Law does not define the concept of ‘abuse’. Even the explanatory notes of the draft law and the proceedings of the Knesset did not give it any definition (see the draft Penal Law (Amendment no. 31), 5749-1989; Knesset Proceedings 115 (5750) 609. See also LCA 1684/96 ‘Let the Animals Live’ Society v. Hamat Gader Vacation Enterprises Ltd [10], at p. 847, per Justice M. Cheshin).

We referred to the dictionary definition of the word ‘abuse’, in order to obtain a starting point for interpretation. A. Even-Shoshan defines the word ‘abuse’ in his dictionary as follows:

‘Harsh and cruel behaviour; inhuman treatment’ (A. Even-Shoshan, The New Dictionary, vol. 1, 1998, at p. 319).

The linguistic meaning does not necessarily express the legal meaning, and therefore we cannot resort merely to the linguistic definition in order to determine what is ‘an act of abuse’, within the meaning of the statute. The legal meaning of the language of statute is to be interpreted in accordance with the purpose of the statute and by exercising judicial discretion (A. Barak, Interpretation in Law, vol. 2, Interpretation of Statute [47], at pp. 79-104).

With regard to the purpose of the legislation, we should note that s. 368C of the Penal Law is included in article 6A of chapter 10 of the Penal Law. This article is concerned with harm to minors and helpless persons and it was enacted within the framework of the Penal Law (Amendment no. 26), 5750-1989 (hereafter — Amendment no. 26). From the explanatory notes to the draft law we can deduce the purposes that were the basis for the change of the statute. These say the following:

‘Harming persons who cannot protect themselves, such as children, the elderly and the disabled, whom in this draft law are described as helpless persons, justifies special consideration of the legislator, both with regard to sentencing and also with regard to the duty to report harm done to helpless persons’ (draft Penal Law (Amendment no. 31), at p. 146).

The amendment of the Law that introduced section 368C reflects a social trend that developed particularly in the period preceding the enactment of the amendment. The increasing social awareness as to the seriousness of the phenomenon of harming children and helpless persons and the extent of this phenomenon led the Israeli legislator to treat the perpetrators of these acts more severely. This awareness led to a more intense struggle against the negative phenomena of this kind not merely in Israel but also in other countries. Against this background, and in accordance with the wording of the section, there can be no doubt that one of its purposes is to protect children and helpless persons from the harm to which they are exposed. With this in mind, let us consider the meaning of the word ‘abuse’ in section 368C of the Penal Law.

From the wording of the section we can see that the legislator recognizes three types of abuse: physical abuse, sexual abuse and emotional abuse. The boundaries between the types of abuse are frequently blurred. Thus, for example, cases of sexual abuse may also include bodily or physical abuse, and cases of physical and sexual abuse may of course also include emotional abuse (see C. Lyon & P. de Cruz, Child Abuse [54], at p. 12).

In the case before us, the dominant element in the violence done by the appellant to her children is physical, so we will focus on the question of the existence of ‘physical abuse’ in this case.

13. What is ‘physical abuse’? What distinguishes between it and the offence of assault, and where is the boundary between them? The answer to these questions is not simple. As a rule, it would appear that abuse, including physical abuse, refers to cases of a nature and type that our conscience and feelings cannot regard merely as acts of assault. Because abuse is behaviour that involves cruelty, intimidation or degradation — the nature of which we shall consider below — it acquires a stigma of immorality which does not necessarily accompany every criminal act that involves the use of force.

Just as it is difficult to give a comprehensive and exact definition of the word ‘abuse’, it is equally difficult to define ‘physical abuse’, because of the conception that abuse has a negative ethical-normative meaning, which describes a multi-faceted phenomenon that incorporates a large number of possible behaviours (see Lyon & de Cruz [54] supra, at pp. 3-4). Our case-law, which has in many cases upheld convictions on an offence of abuse, has only minimally addressed the meaning of the term, and has not yet given it a comprehensive definition. Notwithstanding, case-law has given substance to the offence of abuse as it has progressed from case to case. We too shall not presume to give a comprehensive definition, and we shall confine ourselves to presenting the elements of the offence and the traits that in our opinion characterize cases of ‘physical abuse’.

14. The offence of abuse is an offence of behaviour and not an offence of consequence. For this reason, the prosecution does not need to prove that actual damage has been caused when it seeks to prove that an offence of abuse has been committed. As Justice Dorner said in CrimA 5224/97 State of Israel v. Sedeh Or [11], at p. 383:

‘The offence of abuse of a minor under section 368C of the Penal Law is an offence of behaviour, and not an offence of consequence whose completion is dependent on proof of the occurrence of some consequence. On the contrary, it is possible to conceive of severe cases of abuse that do not leave behind any marks and yet will be considered exceptional and cruel acts.’

Physical abuse can be perpetrated by an active deed, but it can also take the share of an omission (thus, for example, it is possible to conceive of a situation in which starving or neglecting a minor amounts to physical abuse).

In general it would appear that behaviour, whether by an act or an omission, that amounts to ‘physical abuse’ includes the use of force or physical measures directly or indirectly against the body of the victim, in a manner and to a degree that are likely to cause physical or emotional damage or suffering, or both (with regard to ‘the use of force’ — cf. the definition in s. 378 of the Penal Law).

One can assess whether the behaviour has the potential to cause damage or suffering, inter alia, from the contact and from the nature of the measure adopted; from the degree of force used against the victim and its power; from the context and the circumstances in which the force or the physical measure were used; from the frequency of using them and from the period of time during which they were used; from the systematic nature of the use of force or the physical measure; from the exceptional nature of the behaviour and from its deviation from what is accepted by society, and similar criteria.

Although causing actual damage is not one of the elements of the offence of abuse, it is obvious that proof of physical or emotional damage to a victim may serve as a probative tool to prove the existence of potential to cause suffering and damage, and the severity or the exceptional nature of the act that allegedly constitutes abuse.
            Since in many cases the victim is in a position of inferiority and has a relationship of dependence upon the person abusing him, in assessing the nature of the behaviour, in assessing its force and the degree of harm caused by it, it is hard to give much weight to the attitude of the victim. It is possible that the victim did not even feel the degradation or did not recognize the cruel treatment that he received. Because of the status of the victim and in view of the purpose of Amendment no. 26 — protection of children and helpless persons — we must conclude that the decisive attitude for the purpose of determining the existence of behaviour that amounts to an offence of abuse is that of the bystander, i.e., the objective viewpoint that examines the behaviour of the abuser to the victim.

15. In addition to the aforesaid, we can point to several indicators that are characteristic of behaviour that constitutes abuse. These characteristics, even though they do not amount to a comprehensive or closed list, may be of use in identifying behaviour that amounts to abuse.

First, we will usually tend to regard as ‘physical abuse’ a case of a continuing series of acts (or omissions). In so far as continuing physical abuse over a period of time is concerned, it is possible that an act (or omission) in the chain of abuse does not of itself have a cruel or degrading nature. Notwithstanding, the accumulation of acts (or omissions) and their continuation over a period of time are what lead to a level of severity and cruelty, degradation and humiliation or intimidation that amount to abuse (see, for example, the cases considered in CrimA 3783/98 A v. State of Israel [12]; CrimA 142/97 A v. State of Israel [13]; CrimA 7861/96 A v. State of Israel [14]).

Although as a rule it is easier to identify an act of abuse when it is composed of a series of acts, even an individual act (or omission) may constitute an act of physical abuse. In order that an individual act of using force can be considered physical abuse, it must comply with a requirement that sets it aside from assault. In general, it will be characterized by one or more of the following: cruelty, significant terrorization or intimidation of the victim, blatant degradation and humiliation of the victim, or a particularly severe potential for harming him (physically or emotionally) (cf. CrimA 2696/96 A v. State of Israel [15] and also CrimFH 9003/96 Pizanti v. State of Israel [16], where it was held that an isolated act of cutting off one of the sidelocks of a sleeping child by his father amounted to emotional abuse. See also CrimA 295/94 A v. State of Israel [17], in which it was held that cutting off a girl’s hair by force in order that she will not become corrupted in her ways is an act of abuse).

Another indication that characterizes abuse is that usually the behaviour is intended to impose authority, to terrorize, punish or extort, even though this is not essential (see, for example, CrimA 2011/95 A v. State of Israel [18]).

It is also possible to point out that usually the abuser will be in a position of power of authority vis-à-vis his victim, such that the victim is in a position of inferiority, without any ability to protect himself. The result of this characteristic of disparity of strength is that often the humiliation and the intimidation of the victim are built into the act of abuse. A relationship in which there exists a disparity of strength and status between the abuser and his victim exists not only with regard to the abuse of children but is also found in other penal provisions that prohibit abuse. See, for example, s. 65 of the Court Martial Law, 5715-1955; s. 2(a) of the Cruelty to Animals Law, 5754-1994, and also s. 3(3) of the Family Violence Prevention Law, 5751-1991. When we seek to examine the existence of the elements of the offence of abuse in the relationship between a parent and his children, we must remember that in this relationship there are significant disparities of strength: the parent has the power of authority and control, whereas the child needs his parent and is dependent on him. In this disparity of strength, the child does not have the physical and emotional strength necessary to protect himself effectively against his parent. For this reason, when we seek to interpret the statute, we must give expression to the sensitive and vulnerable position of children and the position of inferiority and helplessness in which they find themselves, when an adult who has authority over them, and especially one of their parents, uses against them a physical measure that causes suffering or may cause suffering or damage, in the way described above. In such circumstances, if the characteristics that we discussed above exist, we will identify the act as ‘an act of abuse’.

16. The mental element required for an offence under s. 368C, which is as stated an offence of behaviour, is mens rea according to the meaning thereof in s. 20(a) of the Penal Law (see Sedeh Or v. State of Israel [11], at pp. 383-384). Therefore, proof of an intent to produce a harmful outcome is not required, providing that there was an awareness of the nature of the behaviour (the acts or the omissions) and the existence of the relevant circumstances set out in the offence under discussion.

17. In concluding this part I would further add that since we have held that the term ‘abuse’ inherently incorporates a negative ethical meaning, it is difficult to conceive of circumstances in which an act of abuse will be justified. Since abuse is behaviour that includes cruelty, intimidation or humiliation, it acquires the stigma of a moral deviation, which is not necessarily applicable to every act of using force even if it is prohibited.

Consequently, if we determine that a certain act (or omission) constitutes abuse (as opposed to assault), we adopt a negative moral attitude towards it which is inconsistent with a justification in law, or with a defence of justification that is based on an accepted social norm (with regard to a social norm as a justification, see Prof. S.Z. Feller, Fundamentals of Criminal Law, vol. 2 [48], at pp. 497-500).

From the general to the specific

18. In the case before us, the appellant is the mother of the children and therefore she falls within the definition of ‘… a person responsible for the minor or for the helpless person…’ in s. 368A of the Penal Law. This fact is an element that constitutes an aggravating circumstance with regard to an offence under s. 368C.

As stated above, the children were hit by the appellant during the years 1994-1995. The appellant hit the children on various parts of their bodies (head, neck, hands, bottom), sometime with a sandal and sometimes by throwing shoes. We are not talking of an isolated act, but of a pattern of violent and continuing behaviour. The children were hit by the appellant frequently and systematically, until the children, who were under her control, learned their ‘lesson’ that there was a connection between their behaviour and the violence being directed against them. This was the impression of the trial court, which held that the violence that the appellant inflicted on the children became part of their lives and seemed to them to be ‘natural’.

It is possible that each individual hit was not, in itself, cruel. Nonetheless, the systematic nature of the hitting, its continuation over a period of time and the frequency of the violence experienced by the children from their mother, being hit with an object such as a sandal and also the atmosphere of terror and harsh authority that prevailed in the home, where trivial matters were followed by a painful physical blow and outbursts of rage — all of these indicate that we are dealing with cruel behaviour of the mother to her children and humiliating them, regarding them as property that she can do with what she wishes.

There is no doubt that the violence directed by the appellant against the children had the potential to damage them; what is more, the kindergarten teachers noticed bruises on the bodies of H and N, and even testified about the recoiling and the fear that overcame the children when they approached one of them; the recoiling indicated their emotional state as battered children. Thus the trial court was correct in holding that the appellant’s acts of violence against her children amounted to abuse.

It is indeed possible that the appellant did not intend to cause harm to her children, and she said with regard to hitting N on his mouth: ‘I did not intend to harm him and I am sorry’ (prosecution exhibit 2). But, as we have already made clear, the absence of intent to abuse or to cause harm on the part of the appellant is irrelevant in determining whether the offence under s. 368C of the Penal Law was committed.

19. I should point out in this regard that s. 368B(a) of the Penal Law, which deals with an assault of a minor or a helpless person that causes him real injury, an offence with which the appellant was charged, does not require the assailant to intend to cause a serious injury; a mental state of rashness with regard to the possibility of causing this outcome is sufficient. For this reason, the blow that the appellant gave N on his face and which caused his tooth to fall out (and for this purpose, it is irrelevant whether we are talking of a milk tooth that was already loose in the child’s mouth or not) complies with the elements of the offence under s. 368B(a) of the Penal Law, and at the very least with the aggravating circumstances for the offence of assault set out in s. 382(b) of the Penal Law. The appellant was fortunate in that she was convicted for this incident only of an offence of assault under s. 379 of the Penal Law, and not of one of these two more serious offences.

Corporal punishment administered by a parent to his child

20. Counsel for the appellant argued before us that the blows with which the appellant hit the children do not amount to a criminal offence, since they were corporal punishments that the appellant gave to her children as disciplinary measures, in order to teach them to improve their behaviour.

This argument, which was also made in the District Court, raises the question of the legitimacy of corporal punishment inflicted by a parent on his child. The learned judge in the trial court rejected this argument out of hand, after a broad and comprehensive consideration of the subject of the legitimacy of corporal punishment given by parents to their children.

I agree with the conclusion that the judge reached, which she expressed as follows:

‘The court that determines judicial and ethical norms must decry the violence of parents against their children, even when they are dressed up as “educational philosophy”, and root out these phenomena once and for all.’

21. The question of the legitimacy of the corporal punishment of children by their parents is not uniquely ours, and many other countries are addressing it. A variety of approaches to this issue can be found, and the differences between these arise from ethical, social, educational and moral outlooks that have developed over the years in different societies.

One approach, which is the tradition of the English common law, is that the parent has a defence against criminal prosecution, if he gives his child ‘reasonable’ corporal punishment. This approach puts the emphasis on parental rights and authority. According to this approach, the right of parents to raise their children is expressed, inter alia, in their authority to decide the way in which they raise and educate them; within the framework of carrying out their duty to do what is best for their children, the parent may also adopt disciplinary measures, including the use of force. Therefore if a parent acts with a proper motive and thinks that corporal punishment is a proper disciplinary measure, there is no reason to intervene in his discretion, as long as the use of force against the child is not disproportionate and does not exceed what is required in order to achieve the educational goal. According to this approach, the advantage of the test as to the ‘reasonableness’ of the punishment is that it supplies the flexibility necessary to consider the circumstances of each case independently (see: D. Orentlicher, ‘Spanking and Other Corporal Punishment of Children by Parents: Undervaluing Children, Overvaluing Pain’, 35 Hous. L. Rev., 1998, 147 [59]; S. A. Davidson, ‘When is Parental Discipline Child Abuse? The Vagueness of Child Abuse Laws’, 34 U. Louisville J. Fam. L. [60] at pp. 405-407, 410,411; and cf. A. Barak, ‘Immunity from Liability or Prosecution; Denying the Victim’s Right or Denying his Claim’, The Law of Torts — the General Doctrine of Torts [49], at p. 423).

Thus it was held in English common law as long ago as 1860 that a parent will not bear criminal liability if he gives his child ‘reasonable and moderate’ corporal punishment. In R v. Hopley (1860) [40], the court held, at p. 1026, that:

‘… a parent or a schoolmaster… may for the purpose of correcting what is evil in the child inflict moderate and reasonable corporal punishment, always, however, with this condition, that it is moderate and reasonable. If it be administered for the gratification of passion or of rage, or if it be immoderate and excessive in its nature or degree, or if it be protracted beyond the child’s powers of endurance, or with an instrument unfitted for the purpose and calculated to produce danger to the life or limb; in all such cases the punishment is excessive, the violence is unlawful, and if evil consequences to life and limb ensue, then the person inflicting it is answerable to the law, and if death ensues it will be manslaughter.’

Over the years, English case-law has held that the ‘reasonableness’ of the punishment will be examined in accordance with all the circumstances of the case, taking into account the age of the child, his physical condition, his level of understanding and emotional maturity. The method of punishment will also be examined in accordance with the length of time during which it was used and the reason for which the force was applied (see: Lyon and de Cruz, supra [54], at p. 8; A. B. Wilkinson, K, Mck. Norrie, The Law relating to Parents and Child in Scotland [55], at pp. 179-180; P. M. Bromley, N.V. Lowe, Family Law [56], at p. 274).

The authority of a parent to punish his child with corporal punishments finds expression also in English legislation. Statute gave this status also to teachers, educators and guardians. Section 1 of the Children and Young Persons Act, 1933, which was amended in the children Act, 1989, prescribes an offence of cruel treatment of a child under the age of 16. Section 7(1) of the said Act provides:

‘Nothing in this section shall be construed as affecting the right of any parent, teacher, or other person having the lawful control or charge of a child or young person to administer punishment to him.’

An attempt that was made in England to pass a law changing the common law ruling authorizing parents to administer corporal punishment to their children was unsuccessful (see C. Barton, G. Douglas, Law and Parenthood [57], at p. 151); however, s. 47 of the Education Act, 1986, repealed the authority of teachers and educators in public schools and schools supported by the State to use corporal punishment against pupils. In this regard, see Lyon and de Cruz, supra [54], at pp. 242-243.

The American Model Penal Code, which is used as a basis for many criminal codes in the States of the United States, also provides a defence for a parent who uses force against his child for the purposes of education and discipline. It states:

‘The use of force upon or toward the person of another is justifiable if:

(1) The actor is the parent or guardian or other person similarly responsible for the general care and supervision of a minor or a person acting at the request of such parent, guardian or other responsible person and:

(a) The force is used for the purpose of safeguarding or promotion the welfare of the minor, including the prevention or punishment of his misconduct; and

(b) The force used is not designed to cause or known to create substantial risk of causing death, serious bodily harm, disfigurement, extreme pain or mental distress or gross degradation; or…’ (Part I, Article 3, s. 3.08)

According to the American Model Penal Code, the criminal law of many of the States of the United States contains a defence that allows parents to administer ‘reasonable’ corporal punishment for educational purposes and imposing discipline. In these States it has been held that the court, in considering the ‘reasonableness’ of the punish inflicted on the child, will examine the personality of the child, the age and sex of the child, his physical and emotional state, the need to use force and its degree. It has also been held that corporal punishment that a parent inflicts on his child out of anger and loss of control does not serve any educational purpose, and therefore the parent will not be exempt from criminal liability (see, for example, State v. Arnold [36]).

Several States in the United States have determined a statutory definition for the ‘reasonableness’ of the corporal punishment that a parent may inflict on his child. Sometimes the definitions are broad. Thus, for example, the law in the State of Pennsylvania, like the Model Penal Code, provides that the corporal punishment inflicted by a parent on a child will not lead to criminal liability if:

‘the force used is not designed to cause or known to create a substantial risk of death, serious bodily injury, disfigurement, extreme pain or mental distress or gross degradation’ (18 Pa.C.S.A. s. 509(1)(ii)).

In the State of North Dakota, corporal punishment inflicted by a parent on his child is not improper as long as it does not cause serious injury, which is defined in the language of the statute as ‘serious physical harm or traumatic abuse’ (see N.D.C.C. s. 50-15.1-02(2) (Supp. 1995); see also Raboin v. North Dakota Dept. of Human Serv. (1996) [37], in which it was held that the ‘educational’ hits of parents did not amount to child abuse, since no evidence had been found of such damage).

A small number of States in the United States grant parents an exemption from criminal liability for using ‘reasonable force’, as long as it is not proved that they acted with intent to harm the child. See the prosecuting guidelines in V. I. Vieth, ‘When Parental Discipline is a Crime: Overcoming the Defense of Reasonable Force’, 32 AUG Prosecutor 29. With regard to the different approaches of legislation in the various States of the United States, see K. K. Johnson, ‘Crime or Punishment: The Parental Corporal Punishment Defense — Reasonable and Necessary or Excused Abuse?’ [61].

In Canada, s. 43 of the Criminal Code, which has the title ‘Correction of child by force’, says the following:

‘Every schoolmaster, parent or person standing in the place of a parent is justified in using force by way of correction toward a pupil or child, as the case may be, who is under his care, if the force does not exceed what is reasonable under the circumstances’ (R.S.C., 1985, vol. III, c. C-46, s. 43 (1985)).

This section has been included in the Criminal Code of Canada since 1892. Canadian case-law has held that the requirement in this section 43 that the use of force must be done in order to correct the behaviour and education of the child does not exist if the purpose of the use of force is to instil fear in the heart of the child (R. v. Komick (1995) [41], at para. 51), or if the parent used force against the child in an uncalculated way, out of anger and loss of control (R. v. D. W. (1995) [42], at para. 13); R. v. D. H. (1998) [43], at para. 31). The requirement that the use of force is ‘reasonable’ has also been interpreted narrowly. In R. v. Dupperon (1984) [44] it was held that when considering the question of the reasonableness of the use of force by a parent against a child, the court shall take into account considerations such as the age of the child, the level of his understanding and the possible effect of using force against him, the degree of the force used, the circumstances of using it and also the nature of the damage caused to the child, if indeed any was caused.

The aforementioned section 43 has been interpreted and even applied in Canadian case-law, but the section has met with much criticism in the various courts there. The criticism points to the lack of clarity with regard to the definition of ‘reasonable’ force for the exemption from liability. The argument made is that parents who have used a little force have been put on trial and convicted whereas other parents who used excessive force have often been acquitted. Thus, for example, a complaint was made in one judgment that the condition as to the ‘reasonableness’ of the use of force has been interpreted and applied differently by different judges, and as a result inconsistency has arisen in applying the section in case-law. Criticism was also made that the criteria laid down in R. v. Dupperon [44] with regard to the ‘reasonableness’ of a parent using force against his child do not establish any clear boundaries between ‘reasonable’ use and ‘excessive’ use of force. Consequently, parents lack a clear guideline for distinguishing between proper and improper use of force. In that judgment the court pointed out that Canada is a signatory to the Convention on the Rights of the Child of 1989, and it said in this respect:

‘… the Convention stands in direct conflict with the state of the law. One wonders how section 43 can remain in the Criminal Code in the face of Canada’s international commitment. To the extent this paradox might inform any discussion of the constitutionality of the defence, it is not a question likely to be tested by a court, because the party who would have to raise the question would be the crown itself…

… The only personal view I will express is that I think this is an area that begs for legislative reform’ (R. v. James (1998) [45]).

Similar criticism of the aforesaid section 43 was expressed in another judgment:

‘I consequently hope that the law makers will see to establish clearer rules, so that parents will know with some degree of certainty when they are permitted to physically discipline their children; or alternatively, if Parliament determines that corporal punishment is no longer tolerable in our society, to then repeal Section 43 of the Code.

The current state of uncertainty is inadequate to protect children, while simultaneously potentially placing otherwise law abiding parents at risk of obtaining a criminal record.’ (R. v. J. O. W. (1996) [46]).

22. In contrast to the approach that gives the parent protection against criminal liability if he afflicts his child with ‘reasonable’ corporal punishment, there is an approach that denies the parent authority to inflict corporal punishment on his child. This approach places the emphasis on the child’s right of dignity, bodily integrity and mental heath. According to this approach, corporal punishment as an educational method does not merely fail to achieve its goals, but it causes the child physical and emotional harm, which may leave its mark on him even when he becomes an adult. In various articles published recently in the United States, the authors discuss the gap between legal attitudes, which often are tolerant of reasonable corporal punishment intended for educational purposes, and the attitudes of professionals in the fields of medicine, education and psychology, who see no merit in it (see: Orentlicher, supra [59], and Johnson, supra [61]).

The approach of the education profession that disapproves of corporal punishment as an educational tool has found expression over the years in the legislation of several countries, including Sweden, Finland, Denmark, Norway and Austria, which have forbidden or severely curtailed the authority of parents to inflict corporal punishment on their children (see: Barton & Douglas, supra [57], at p. 151; Orentlicher, supra [59], at p. 166).

23. Let us turn from the various approaches to the appellant’s defence case which relies on corporal punishment for educational purposes.

The appellant argues that she acted within the framework of her authority as a parent, and she inflicted on her children reasonable corporal punishments in order to educated them and discipline them to obey her, for this is what she understood was in their best interests. According to her counsel, this amounts to a justification in law for the appellant’s behaviour, and exempts her from criminal liability. Is this the case?

I should point out from the outset that a defence argument based on reasonable corporal punishment cannot succeed with respect to acts of abuse. I have already discussed how an act of abuse is tainted by immorality. Therefore, there can never be a justification in law or a justification based on an accepted social norm for an act of abuse. Consequently, I am of the opinion that if the acts of the appellant were acts of abuse, she cannot invoke the defence of justification by claiming she gave reasonable punishment for educational purposes.

The argument of counsel for the defence is wider. He argues that the use of force imputed to his client does not constitute a criminal offence at all. In my opinion, the discussion of the defence that relies on justification of corporal punishment for educational purposes is relevant to the offence of assault of which the appellant was found guilty; this discussion is therefore relevant according to those who think that the acts done by the appellant to her children do not amount to ‘acts of abuse’, but are a series of acts of assault.

24. The argument of the defence counsel about the existence of justification in law for the behaviour of the appellant relies on the case-law of this court in CrimA 7/53 Russey v. Attorney-General [19]. In that case Justice S. Z. Cheshin held that:

‘In the case before us, there is no serious dispute between counsel for the parties that a father and an educator may punish children under their authority, even by means of corporal punishment…

… Parents may inflict corporal punishment on their children in order to educated them properly and teach them discipline’ (at pp. 793-794).

In the same case the court cited the English case-law rule on this subject, as held in R v. Hopley [40] supra.

The ruling of the late Justice S. Z. Cheshin in this matter relies on the reference to English common law, which was required at that time by section 46 of the Palestine Order in Council, 1922. His remarks formed the basis for several judgments in the lower courts for years afterwards (see, for example, CrimC (TA) 570/91 State of Israel v. Asulin [27], per Justice A. Strasnov).

A similar approach that also derives from English law is adopted by the Torts Ordinance [New Version], which provides a defence for parents and teachers against tortious liability for the torts of assault and false imprisonment. Section 24(7) of the Torts Ordinance [New Version] stated that in an action based on the tort of assault, the defendant shall have a defence if:

‘The defendant is the parent or guardian or teacher of the plaintiff, or if his relationship to the plaintiff is similar to that of his parent or guardian or teacher, and he punished the plaintiff to an extent reasonably necessary to improve his behaviour.’

(A similar defence exists in section 27(6) of the Torts Ordinance [New Version], with regard to the tort of false imprisonment).

The aforesaid section 24(7) of the Torts Ordinance [New Version] has its origin in the English version of the Ordinance of 1944. This section reflects an outlook that is enshrined in the culture in which it arose. The ruling of Justice S. Z. Cheshin in Russey v. Attorney-General [19] was made in 1953. It is based on the English common-law rule, but the dependence on English law has since been repealed by the enactment of the Foundations of Justice Law, 5740-1980. With the passage of time the question has arisen whether the outlook embodied in section 24(7) of the Torts Ordinance [New Version] and Russey v. Attorney-General [19] reflects the outlook of Israeli criminal law today.

I should first point out that the defence in section 24(7) of the Torts Ordinance [New Version] does not exempt a parent from liability under criminal law. With regard to the relationship between the defence in the Torts Ordinance [New Version] and criminal liability, see S. Z. Feller, Fundamentals of Criminal Law, vol. 1 [48], at pp. 417-418, who thinks that the defences enshrined in the civil law do not add to the defences against criminal liability, and the expression ‘unlawful’ that appears as an element in some of the offences in the Penal Law does not refer to the defence, as distinct from a positive prohibition that exists in civil law. See also in this respect: State of Israel v. Sedeh Or [11], at p. 380-381, and also my opinion in CrimA 3779/94 Hamdani v. State of Israel [20], at pp. 417-419. As for me, I do not think that the defence in the Torts Ordinance [New Version] can affect the question of the liability of parents in criminal law with regard to the offences under consideration in this case. In any event, it may be assumed that even the interpretation given to the defence in the Torts Ordinance [New Version] about the ‘reasonable necessity’ of the parent punishing his child will follow the developments in modern educational approaches.

25. Any decision on the legitimate question about inflicting corporal punishment on children is influenced to a large extent by social and ethical outlooks. These outlooks are naturally subject to change as a result of social and cultural developments; what appeared right and proper in the past may not appear so today (cf. The Law of Torts — the General Doctrine of Torts [49], at p. 424, note 13. See also State of Israel v. Sedeh Or [11], at pp. 381-383).

The case of State of Israel v. Sedeh Or [11] reflects the changes that have taken place in Israeli society in a field that is closely related to the case under discussion. Whereas in the ruling in Russey v. Attorney-General [19] in 1953 it was held that teachers and educators are authorized to inflict ‘moderate and reasonable’ corporal punishments (ibid. [19], at p. 795) on their pupils, in the ruling in State of Israel v. Sedeh Or [11] which was given not long ago, Justice Dorner, with the agreement of Justices Or and Englard, held as follows (at p. 381):

‘Admittedly, in the first case that considered the question of corporal punishment in the educational establishment — CrimA 7/53 Russey v. Attorney-General, at pp. 794-795 — it was held that corporal punishment inflicted by teachers and headmasters is permitted. But since this judgment was given, forty-five years have passed, and the outlook reflected in it, allowing the use of violent measures for educational purposes, no longer conforms to our accepted social norms.’

            And at p. 383:

‘According to the educational approaches currently accepted, the use of force for educational purposes itself undermines the achievement of those purposes, in so far as we are concerned with education towards a tolerant society free of physical and verbal violence… For this purpose the severity of the corporal punishment inflicted on the child is irrelevant. As a rule, corporal punishment cannot be a legitimate measure to be applied by teachers, kindergarten teachers or other educators. An erroneous outlook on this issue endangers the welfare of children, and may undermine the basic values of our society — human dignity and bodily integrity.’

See also the remarks of President Barak in CrimA 4405/94 State of Israel v. Algeny [21], at p. 192:

‘Physical violence towards a pupil is forbidden. Beatings, hitting and ear-pulling have no place in the school. The classroom is a place of education and not an arena for violence. The body and mind of the pupil are not unprotected. His dignity as a human being is harmed if his teachers inflict physical violence on him.’

26. These remarks, which were made with regard to teachers, kindergarten teachers and educators are, in my opinion, also apt with regard to parents, notwithstanding the difference in the status and rights of parents vis-à-vis their children, as compared with those of educators as stated.

Indeed, the right of parents to raise and educate their children is essentially a natural right. It reflects the natural relationship between parents and children. Israeli law naturally recognizes these parental rights (see CA 2266/93 A (a minor) v. B [22], at p. 235).

The right of parents vis-à-vis their children is not only a natural right; it is enshrined in law. Section 15 of the Legal Capacity and Guardianship Law, 5722-1962, states as follows:

‘Roles of parents

15. The guardianship of parents includes the duty and the right to look after the needs of the child, including his education, studies, training for work and an occupation and his work, and also protecting, administering and developing his property; and it is accompanied by the permission to have custody of the child and determine his place of residence, and the authority to represent him.’

The Penal Law imposes criminal liability for failing to carry out parental duties within the framework of the parent’s liability to the child, as stated in section 323 of the Penal Law:

‘Duty of parent or person responsible for a minor

323. A parent or someone who has responsibility for a minor in his household who is younger than eighteen years is liable to provide him with what he requires for his sustenance, look after his health and prevent any abuse to him or injury to his person, and he shall be deemed to have caused the consequences that befell the life or health of the minor because he did not carry out his aforesaid liability.’

Parents are the persons who are initially and mainly responsible for their children, and the duties and rights granted to them in the law give them discretion as to how to raise and educate their children. The basic outlook, both from a legal viewpoint and from a psychological-educational viewpoint, is that in the normal case the discretion of the parents is what best signifies and formulates the proper decisions in raising their children. Notwithstanding, this discretion does not mean that the parents are completely autonomous in their decisions with regard to their children. The discretion of parents is limited, and it is also subject to the needs, welfare and rights of the child (see sections 14, 15, 17 and 22 of the Legal Capacity and Guardianship Law). The right of the parents towards their children inherently carries a duty — the general duty of parents to act in the best interests of the child and to make decisions that promote his welfare. In the words of Prof. P. Shifman, ‘It is the right of parents that they — and not others — perform the duty of raising the child’ (in P. Shifman, Family Law in Israel, vol. 2 [50], at p. 219).

Against this background, it is accepted that the rights of parents to raise and educated their children are not absolute rights. The relative nature of these is reflected in the duty of the parents to care for the child, his welfare and his rights (see CA 2266/93 A (a minor) v. B [22], at p. 237. See also CFH 7015/94 Attorney-General v. A [23], at p. 65, per Justice Dorner, and at p. 99, per Justice M. Cheshin).

The law imposes a duty on State authorities to intervene in the family circle and protect the child when needed, inter alia from his own parents. The basic approach of the law is that the child is not the property of his parents, and they may not do with him whatever they wish. When the parent does not carry out his duties properly or abuses the discretion or the parental authority in a way that endangers or harms the child, the State will intervene and protect the child. The power of the State to intervene in the family circle derives from its duty to protect those who are unable to protect themselves (see: section 27 of the Legal Capacity and Guardianship Law; section 3 of the Youth (Care and Supervision) Law, 5720-1960; the Protection of Dependents Law, 5726-1966; the Family Violence Prevention Law and the Adoption of Children Law, 5741-1981).

According to the aforesaid approach, the Penal Law imposes, as aforesaid, criminal liability on a parent for an assault on his child, for neglecting him or for abusing him. The defences available to parents in certain circumstances against their children’s claims in tort for exercising their parental authority (section 24(7) of the Torts Ordinance [New Version]), and section 22 of the Legal Guardian and Capacity Law) do not, in themselves, give an exemption from criminal liability where it has been proved that the elements of the offence imposing such liability on parents under the Penal Law are fulfilled.

27. Psychological and educational research shows that parental use of punishment that causes their children pain or humiliation is undesirable, and may even be harmful. The reasons for this are various: in many cases, ‘minor’ punishment sinks over time into more serious violence, since the parent feels he must increase the force of the punishment in order to communicate to his child the ‘educational message’ that he is interested in conveying; the research also shows that corporal punishment which is initially for disciplinary purposes sinks into systematic abuse, which endangers the welfare of the child. Punishment that causes pain or humiliation as an educational method may harm not only the body of the child but also his mind. Instead of encouraging the child to discipline himself, it is likely to cause him major psychological damage: the child will feel humiliated, his self-image will be harmed, and he may develop increased anxiety and anger; since the parent is a model for the child to emulate, the child is likely to adopt a violent form of behaviour, so that the cycle of violence will pursue him as he progresses throughout life, and from a victim of violence he may as an adult himself become a violent person (B. Bettelheim, A Good Enough Parent [51], at pp. 111-129; Orentlicher, supra [59], at pp. 155-160; see also the citations there of research in the field, inter alia the research of T. B. Brazelton, and the book of M. A. Straus & D. A. Donnelly, Beating the Devil Out of Them: Corporal Punishment in American Families [58]. See also the aforementioned article of Johnson [61], and the research which he cites).

The court cannot and may not turn a blind eye to the social developments and the lessons learned from educational and psychological research which have changed from one extreme to the other the attitude towards education that uses corporal methods of punishment.

28. Painful and humiliating punishment as an educational method not only fails to achieve its purposes and causes the child physical and emotional damage, but it also violates the basic right of children in our society to dignity and the integrity of body and mind.

The court in examining the normative aspect of a parent’s behaviour to his child will take into account the current legal attitude to the status and rights of the child. This is the case in many countries around the world, and it is also the case in Israel after the enactment of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, and in the era after Israel became a signatory to the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Today it can be said that in a society such as ours the child is an autonomous person, with interests and independent rights of his own; society has the duty to protect him and his rights. In the words of Justice M. Cheshin:

‘A minor is a person, a human being, a man — even if he is a man of small dimensions. A man, even a small man, is entitled to all of the rights of a large man’ (CA 6106/92 A v. Attorney-General [24], at p. 836).

With regard to the rights of the child and the nature of these, see the remarks of President Shamgar in CA 2266/93 A (a minor) v. B [22]:

‘… The concept “rights of the child” tells us that the child has rights. The concept “rights of the child” in effect extends the canopy of constitutional protection over the child. It is expressed in a recognition of his rights and in that all of the rights are also a surety that guarantees his welfare’ (at pp. 253-254).

(See also the remarks of Justice Strasberg-Cohen in that judgment, at p. 267. I will not comment with regard to the difference of opinion between my colleagues in the matter considered in that case, which does not directly reflect upon the case before us. See also CFH 7015/94 Attorney-General v. A [23], at p. 100, per Justice M. Cheshin).

The Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, which elevated the status of human dignity to a super-legislative constitutional right, is also an important source for the case before us. It gives binding force to the dignity and protection that society must provide for its members who are weak and helpless, including children who fall victim to the violence of their parents. On the rights of the child under the Basic Law, President Barak said:

‘At the centre of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty stands “man” — “as a man”. Therefore the rights are extended to man the adult and man the child.’ (A. Barak, Interpretation in Law, vol. 3, Constitutional Interpretation [52], at p. 435).

With regard to the influence of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty on the proper legal policy on the use of violence by parents against their children, the remarks of Justice H. H. Cohn in his article ‘The Values of a Jewish and Democratic State — Studies in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Freedom’ [53], at pp. 30-31, are most apt:

‘But I think that in the wake of the Basic Law the legislator would do well to take a fresh look at some of the dispensations currently to be found in the law, which are perhaps too broad. This is specially the case with regard to the right of parents and teachers to harm the body of their children or pupils “to an extent reasonably necessary to improve his (the victim’s) behaviour”…

… The right to protection of body which the Basic Law gives to every adult man must, a fortiori, be given to the child; not merely because the former is also capable of protecting his body on his own whereas the latter is unable to do so, but because the welfare and best interests of children is one of the highest values of the State — both as a Jewish State and as a democratic State.’

 The approach that recognizes the rights of the child to protection of the integrity of his body and mind received its most obvious expression in the Convention on the Rights of the Child that was ratified in Israel on 4 August 1991, and came into force with regard to Israel on 2 November 1991. The Convention expressly prohibits the use of physical or mental violence towards children, and obliges the States to take measures to prevent violence to children. Article 19(1) of the Convention provides as follows:

‘States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child.’

29. In accordance with all the aforesaid, it should be held that corporal punishment of children, or their humiliation and degradation by their parents as an educational method is totally improper, and it is a relic of a socio-educational outlook that is obsolete. The child is not the property of his parent; it is forbidden that he should serve as a punching bag which the parent may hit at will, even when the parent believes in good faith that he is exercising his duty and right to educate his child. The child is dependent upon his parent, needs his love, protection and gentle caress. Inflicting punishment that causes pain and humiliation does not contribute to the character of the child and his education, but violates his rights as a human being. It harms his body, his feelings, his dignity and his proper development. It distances us from our desire for a society that is free of violence. Consequently, we ought to know that the use by parents of corporal punishments or measures that humiliate and degrade the child as an educational method is now forbidden in our society.

Support for this view, with regard to the criminal liability of a parent who harms his child for ‘educational’ purposes, can be found in the fact that section 49(5) of the draft Penal Law (Preliminary Part and General Part), 5752-1992, was not passed. According to the draft of the aforesaid section 49, entitled ‘Justification’, a person would not bear criminal liability for an act that he did, if:

‘(5) He did it for the purpose of educating a minor under his authority, provided that he did not depart from what is reasonable.’

Between the first reading and the second and third readings of the draft law in the Knesset, the aforesaid section 49(5) was removed, and it did not form part of the amendment of the Penal Law that was passed. During the session in which the draft law had its second and third readings in the plenum, Knesset Member Yael Dayan explained her approach to this issue as follows:

‘In our society, in which there is abuse of children, in which there is violence against the weak, in which there is violence against the helpless, in which there is violence by persons with authority, even in the family, and particularly in the family, sometimes we cannot rely on what is “reasonable”. We do not know what is “reasonable”…

… One person regards education as three slaps on the face, another regards it as burns with a iron or an instrument, and another regards it as imprisonment. It is totally forbidden to introduce here any intermediate norms, since this must be unambiguous — no violence shall be inflicted and no means of enforcement shall be used against a child or against someone who is under the authority or power or guardianship of someone else’ (Knesset Proceedings 139 (1994), 9822, at pp. 9847-9848).

30. It may be argued that in this determination we are imposing on the public a standard that the public cannot reach, for among us there are many parents who exercise force that is not excessive towards their children (such as a light hit on the bottom or on the palm of the hand), in order to educate them and discipline them. Shall we say that these parents are criminals? (See the remarks of Knesset Member Dan Meridor in Knesset Proceedings 139, supra, at pp. 9842-9843, and also Feller, supra, vol. 2 [48], at pp. 497-498).

The proper answer is that in the legal, social and educational situation in which we find ourselves, we may not compromise by risking the welfare and safety of children. It must also be taken into account that we are living in a society in which violence is spreading like a disease; a dispensation for ‘minor’ violence is likely to sink into violence on a major scale. The welfare of a child’s body and mind should not be endangered by any corporal punishment; the proper criterion must be clear and unambiguous, and the message is that there is no permitted corporal punishment.

Notwithstanding, it should not be forgotten that the parent has available the defences prescribed in the Penal Law, which provide for restrictions on criminal liability in certain circumstances, and which include all those cases of using force in order to protect the body of the child or of others. The restrictions that are recognized as providing exemptions from criminal liability are, in my opinion, sufficient in order to express the proper distinction between the use of force by parents for the purposes of ‘educational punishment’ which is improper and also forbidden, and the reasonable use of force which is intended to prevent harm to the child or to others, or to allow minor physical contact, even if it is forceful, with the child’s body to maintain order.

In addition, the criminal law has sufficient ‘filters’ to ensure that insignificant cases do not fall within its province. Thus, for example, the prosecution has discretion not to put someone on trial if there is no public interest (section 56 of the Criminal Procedure Law [Consolidated Version], 5742-1982); the criminal law also contains the defence of ‘de minimis’ (section 34Q of the Penal Law), which can also prevent criminal liability being imposed for the insignificant use of force by a parent against a child.

Moreover, in general an act that a person of normal temperament would not complain about cannot form the basis for criminal liability. Thus, for example, not every everyday contact of one person with another leads to the imposition of criminal liability on the perpetrator, even if, prima facie, it complies with the formal elements of the offence of assault. Obviously parent-child relationships involve constant physical contact, and therefore normal physical contact between a parent and his child will not constitute a basis for a criminal offence.

In my opinion, it is possible to rely on the filters that I have mentioned, by means whereof criminal liability will not be imposed on a parent in insignificant cases that do not justify enforcement within the framework of the criminal law.

From the general to the specific

31. In the case before us, the appellant’s hitting of her children was not an isolated hitting of minor significance that does not exceed the limits of de minimis, but a persistent pattern of behaviour, which created an atmosphere of tension and systematic violence in the house. The children were beaten with painful blows for insignificant matters, until the violence became an integral part of their lives. The marks of the appellant’s deeds were made on the children’s bodies and their young minds. I believe the appellant when she says that she loves here children, but this does not change the fact that the acts of violence that she inflicted on her children are improper and forbidden. Her claim that this was done for their benefit so that they should improve their behaviour conflicts with the basic values of our society with regard to human dignity and the welfare of the child’s body and mind. Even the appellant’s claim that the behaviour of her children is wild, and she raises them alone and is compelled to deal with the hardships of life on her own is insufficient to justify systematic violence against the children. For these reasons the trial court was right to hold that there was no justification in law for the acts of the appellant that might exempt her from criminal liability.

Wherefore, and for all the reasons given above, the appeal against the conviction must be denied.

32. The appellant appealed, in the alternative, against the sentence that was given to her — a suspended sentence of twelve months’ imprisonment, which she will serve if within three years from the date of the sentence she commits any offence of violence that constitutes a felony under the Penal Law, or the offence of which she was convicted in this case.

The judge in the trial court ordered, in the sentence, that the appellant should be placed on probation for eighteen months, and the probation officer should report to the court about the progress of the treatment once every three months.

At the hearing before us, the probation officer told us that the probation service applied to the District Court to cancel the probation, since at that stage the appellant was not cooperating, and the purpose of the probation was to improve her functioning as a parent.

From the declarations of the appellant during the hearing before us, a doubt arose as to whether she is able to comply with an undertaking to the probation service.

In such circumstances, it would appear that we should reconsider what is the effective punishment that can be given to the appellant. A long time has passed since the proceedings began, and ideally an updated picture of the appellant’s position should be obtained for the purpose of deciding sentence.

Therefore, before adopting any attitude with regard to the appeal against the sentence imposed on the appellant, we would like to receive, within forty-five days, an updated report of the probation service concerning the possibilities of supervising the appellant.

Wherefore, we deny the appeal with regard to the appellant’s conviction. Our judgment with regard to the sentencing will be given after we receive an updated report as stated.

 

 

President A. Barak

I agree.

 

 

Justice I. Englard

1.    I agree with my colleague Justice Beinisch that the appellant was rightly convicted of assault on her children, an offence under s. 379 of the Penal Law. In the circumstances of this case, the violent methods of punishment inflicted by the mother on the children were not reasonable and were also not insignificant.

2.    By contrast, I find the appellant’s conviction on the offence of abuse, an offence under section 368C of the Penal Law, problematic. My colleague Justice Beinisch also discussed at length the problems that the term ‘abuse’ raises in the criminal context. She pointed out that the linguistic meaning, found in the dictionary, is ‘harsh and cruel behaviour; inhuman treatment’, but this does not necessarily reflect the legal meaning, and therefore the dictionary definition is not in itself sufficient. In her opinion, the legal meaning of the term should be derived from the purpose of the statute ‘and by exercising judicial discretion’.

3.    The fundamental concrete problem which my colleague discussed is what is the difference between the offence of abuse and the offence of assault, and where is the dividing line between them. To be more precise, the question is what are the additional elements, in a case of physical abuse, as distinct from emotional or sexual abuse, that are required in order to change an offence of assault on a minor or a helpless person into an offence of abuse under section 368B or 382(b) of the Penal Law.

4.    After my colleague Justice Beinisch said that the answer to the said question is not simple, she went into great detail to characterize the special aspect of the offence of abuse. Within this framework, she began by saying that ‘abuse, including physical abuse, refers to cases of a nature and type that our conscience and feelings cannot regard merely as acts of assault’ (paragraph 13 of her opinion). She continued by stating that:

‘Because abuse is behaviour that involves cruelty, intimidation or degradation — the nature of which we shall consider below — it acquires a stigma of immorality which does not necessarily accompany every criminal act that involves the use of force.’

Nonetheless, my colleague said that she did not presume to give a comprehensive definition and that she would confine herself to presenting the elements of the offence and the traits that characterize cases of physical abuse.

5.    Among the characteristics is the use, directly or indirectly, of force or a physical measure against the body of the victim, which is done in a way and to a degree that is likely to cause physical or emotional damage or suffering, or both. With regard to this she said:

‘Although causing actual damage is not one of the elements of the offence of abuse, it is obvious that proof of physical or emotional damage to a victim may serve as a probative tool to prove the existence of potential to cause suffering and damage, and the severity or the exceptional nature of the act that allegedly constitutes abuse.’

In this regard she said:

‘… the decisive attitude for the purpose of determining the existence of behaviour that amounts to an offence of abuse is that of the bystander, i.e., the objective viewpoint that examines the behaviour of the abuser to the victim.’

6.    At this point my colleague went on to list the characteristics, even though these do not, in her opinion, amount to a closed or exhaustive list, which are: first, a continuing series of acts or omissions, in which it is possible that each act (or omission) in the chain of abuse is not of a cruel or degrading nature. Nonetheless, the accumulation of the acts or omissions and their continuation over time are what lead to the degree of severity, cruelty, degradation and humiliation or terror that constitute abuse. Second, these characteristics of cruelty, terror and intimidation, degradation and humiliation can exist even with regard to an isolated instance. Third, acts that are intended to impose authority, fear, punishment or extortion. Fourth, the fact that the abuser is in a position of power or authority with regard to his victim, in a way such that the victim is in a position of inferiority and helplessness without the ability to protect himself, i.e., a characteristic of unequal strength.

7.    With regard to the emotional element, my colleague said that since the offence under section 368C is an offence of behaviour, the mens rea required, within the meaning of section 20(a) of the Penal Law, is awareness as to the nature of the behaviour and the existence of the relevant circumstances that are prescribed for the relevant offence.

8.    After describing the characteristics of the actus reus of the offence of abuse, and after pointing out the mens rea of this offence, my colleague went on to the circumstances of the case before us. She said the following:

‘As stated above, the children were hit by the appellant in the years 1994-5… on various parts of their bodies (head, neck, hands, bottom), sometimes with a sandal and sometime by throwing shoes. We are not talking of an isolated act, but of a pattern of violent and continuing behaviour. The children were hit by the appellant frequently and systematically, until the children, who were under her control, learned their “lesson” that there was a connection between their behaviour and violence being directed against them.’

And she continues:

‘It is possible that each individual hit was not, in itself, cruel. Nonetheless, the methodical nature of the hitting, its continuation over a period of time and the frequency of the violence experienced by the children from their mother, being hit with an object such as a sandal and also the atmosphere of terror and harsh authority that prevailed in the home, where trivial matters were followed by a painful physical blow and outbursts of rage — all of these indicate that we are dealing with cruel behaviour of the mother to her children while humiliating them, regarding them as property that she can do with what she wishes.’

She also said:

‘… the violence directed by the appellant against the children had the potential to damage them; what is more, the kindergarten teachers noticed bruises on the bodies of H and N, and even testified about the recoiling and the fear that overcame the children when they approached one of them; the recoiling indicated their emotional state as battered children.’

9.    Notwithstanding, my colleague’s opinion notes that ‘… it is indeed possible that the appellant did not intend to cause harm to her children…’. But, in her opinion, the absence of an intent to cause harm on the part of the appellant is irrelevant for the purpose of committing the offence under section 368C of the Penal Law. Elsewhere my colleague held that she believed that the appellant felt love towards here children, ‘…but this does not change the fact that the acts of violence that she inflicted on her children are improper and forbidden…’.

            10. Before I analyze in detail the approach of my colleague Justice Beinisch, I would like make some preliminary remarks on matters of principle. In my opinion, the principle of legality in criminal law, as stated in section 1 of the Penal Law, is of decisive importance. Another aspect of this principle is the rule of interpretation, prescribed in section 34U of the Penal Law, that ‘if a law is capable of several reasonable interpretations in accordance with its purpose, the matter shall be decided in accordance with the most lenient interpretation from the viewpoint of a person who is supposed to bear criminal liability under that law’. According to the principle of legality, it is desirable that the actus reus of offences should be defined as clearly as possible, so that someone subject to criminal sanction may know in advance the bounds of what is forbidden and permitted. Therefore, in so far as possible, vague definitions, whose meaning is unclear, should be avoided.

            11. It should be noted that in United States law the courts tend to disqualify provisions in criminal statutes because of their vagueness, for constitutional reasons of due process. With regard to the welfare of children see, for example, State v. Gallegos (1963) [38], in which the Supreme Court of the State of Wyoming held, after setting out the principles that require specificity in criminal statutes, the following:

‘Section… a part of the Child Protection Act, declares it is a policy of the act to protect children from all types of abuse which jeopardize their health, welfare or morals. Without doubt, statutes directed to that end are essential for the safeguarding of youth and for the preservation of health and moral standards. However, criminal statutes cannot be couched in terms so vague and indefinite as to deny due process to an accused’ (at p. 968).

12.  The question of the legality of a criminal provision, which suffers from vagueness, has not arisen before us, and therefore I will not adopt any position thereon for Israeli law. I will concentrate on the interpretation of a provision of this kind. It is my opinion that one should adopt a method of interpretation which will cure the defect of vagueness in so far as it can. This principle of interpretation can be seen, in my opinion, both in the principle of legality prescribed in section 1 of the Penal Law and also in the principle of lenient interpretation prescribed in section 34U of the Penal Law. It should be noted that even in the United States there is a principle of interpretation of this kind, under the title ‘Rule of Lenity’. See in this regard In re S.K. (1989) [39]:

‘The statute under which the alleged [child] abuser is charged must sufficiently apprise him or her of what conduct is prohibited… If that statute is ambiguous, it is strictly construed, for the rule of lenity applies’ (at p. 1388).

13. What is the essence of the term ‘abuse’? It originates in the Bible, first in the book of Exodus 10 2 [62]: ‘… that I acted harshly[*] towards the Egyptians’ (see Rabbi Avraham Ibn Ezra, Commentary on Exodus 10 2 [63]) ‘and the Torah spoke in the language of men to say “I acted harshly” like a person who changes his nature to be avenged on another’); see also I Samuel 6 6 [64]: ‘… when he acted harshly towards them, did they not send them forth and they went’; Numbers 22 29 [65]: ‘And Balaam said to the ass: “Because you have treated me badly, had I a sword in my hand, I would now have killed you”;’ Judges 19 25 [66]: ‘And the people did not want to listen to him and the man took hold of his concubine and brought her out to them and they had intercourse with her and they abused her all night until the morning, and they sent her when dawn came’; I Samuel 31 4 [64]: ‘And Saul said to his armour-bearer: “Draw your sword and pierce me, lest these uncircumcised people come and pierce me and torture me…’; see also 1 Chronicles 10 4 [67]; Jeremiah 38 19 [68]: ‘And king Zedekiah said to Jeremiah: “I am afraid of the Jews who have fallen to the Chaldeans lest they give me up to them and they torture me’.

14. According to the Biblical commentators, ‘abuse’ is an act of ridicule, dishonour, humiliation, revenge, cruelty, trickery and degradation. According to Ben-Yehuda’s dictionary, someone who abuses another ‘does bad, harsh things to him with hatred, contempt’. In this spirit, Even-Shoshan’s dictionary, which was quoted by my colleague Justice Beinisch, says that abuse is ‘harsh and cruel behaviour; inhuman treatment’.

15. However, in my colleague’s opinion, as stated, the linguistic meaning does not necessarily reflect the legal meaning. Therefore, she is not prepared to satisfy herself merely with the linguistic meaning in order to determine what is an act of abuse, and the concept should be construed, in her opinion, in accordance with the purpose of the statute while exercising judicial discretion. Her premise is that one should not give a general definition, but it is sufficient to show the elements of the offence and the characteristics that characterize the cases of physical abuse. In other words, it is possible to give meaning to the offence of abuse by progressing from case to case. According to her approach, the tools that will allow a distinction to be made between cases of mere assault and cases of abuse are the conscience and feelings of the person examining the acts. This premise is unacceptable to me. As stated, the principle of legality requires that the offence is defined ab initio with as general a definition as possible, and the idea that the conscience and the feelings will define, ex post facto, its criminal character is inconsistent with the rule that ‘We may not punish unless we give warning’ (Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Sanhedrin 56b [69]).

16. Notwithstanding, as stated above, my colleague points to certain characteristic indicators of behaviour that constitutes abuse, albeit while emphasizing that they do not constitute a comprehensive or closed list. The first of the characteristics of physical abuse is the existence of a continuing series of acts or omissions. It is possible that each, in itself, does not have a cruel or degrading nature. ‘Notwithstanding, the accumulation of acts (or omissions) and their continuation over a period of time are what lead to a level of severity and cruelty, degradation and humiliation or intimidation that amount to abuse’. Assuming that the accumulation of acts and their continuation can indeed make the behaviour cruel and degrading, the question arises what is the degree of accumulation and continuation that turns the behaviour into abuse. In other words, what is the frequency required for this? This question indicates, again, a factor of uncertainty, which is undesirable within the framework of criminal law.

17. How has case-law dealt with the vagueness of the concept of abuse? The first use of the term ‘abuse’ was in the offence of exercising authority towards subordinates, an offence under regulation 87 of the Emergency (Court Martial Law 5708) Regulations, 5708-1948. This concerned the misuse of authority or rank of a soldier towards his subordinates, in which one of the aggravating circumstances is abuse of authority. In CMA 209/55 Chief Military Prosecutor v. Corp. Nehmad [28], the Appeals Court Martial referred to CMA 224/54 [29], in which it was said:

‘For the purposes of determining whether the offence was accompanied by abuse or not, it is irrelevant whether the act of misuse of authority which was expressed in hitting a subordinate took the form of one single blow or several blows to the body of the subordinate. The proper test to be considered on this point is not the quantitative criterion of the hits or blows that the subordinate received but the circumstances, the manner and form of those blows.’

In CMA 4/52 Chief Military Prosecutor v. Capt. Timor [30], at p. 187, the Appeals Court Martial writes:

‘We do not accept the argument of the prosecution that the act of the respondent was accompanied by abuse. It was not proved that the respondent acted to settle a personal score or in a manner that shows that he wished to humiliate Private L. before his comrades or to hurt him especially.’

The Emergency (Court Martial Law 5708) Regulations were replaced by the Court Martial Law, 5715-1955. The law contains an offence of abuse in section 65. This provision includes several sub-sections, one of which is the hitting of a soldier of lower rank. In CMA 152/78 Aharon v. Chief Military Prosecutor [31], the court held, at p. 203:

‘Case-law has held that the third sub-section [of section 65(a) ‘or otherwise abused them’] should not be restricted merely to a physical blow, and an offence of abuse is possible (under this sub-section) by injuring the soldier’s dignity, humiliating him or degrading him. It has also been held that the test whether an act constitutes abuse or not is objective. This means that there is no need to prove that the officer intended to injure the dignity of his subordinate. It is sufficient that from an objective viewpoint his behaviour to the soldier may be interpreted in such a way’ (square parentheses supplied).

The court goes on to say:

‘In other judgments… it was held that abuse can be expressed in acts that are sufficient to “humiliate” the soldier or “were intended to hurt him”.’

18. Study of military case-law shows that whereas the judges were of the opinion that an act of abuse, which is not defined as hitting a soldier of lower rank or a person in custody, must involve, from an objective viewpoint, an element of degradation, they differed with regard to the mens rea. Some judges held that it is necessary that there also exists an element of intent to humiliate. But the majority of judges thought that a degrading manner from an objective viewpoint is sufficient, and an element of intent is unnecessary. See: CMA 190/58 Chief Military Prosecutor v. Capt. Gad [32], at p. 63; CMA 156/70 Lieut. Meir v. Chief Military Prosecutor [33], at p. 291; Aharon v. Chief Military Prosecutor [31] supra, at p. 203; by contrast, see: CMA 143/72 Chief Military Prosecutor v. Capt. Yosef [34], at p. 198; CMA 85/62 Sgt. Brown v. Chief Military Prosecutor [35], at p. 185.

19. I will now turn to the case-law of the civil courts on the question of abuse. I will first consider the elements of the actus reus of the offence of abuse under section 368C of the Penal Law, as they emerge from case-law.

The following was written in CrimA 295/94 A v. State of Israel [17]:

‘There is no dispute that the appellant cut off the hair from the head of his youngest daughter, a child of 12 years of age, while using force on her during the cutting, and lacerating the tissue of her scalp…

This phenomenon may adopt the form of severe violence, it may be expressed in the confinement of the child and depriving him of his freedom and it may be shown by a wretched, humiliating and despicable act such as the act of the appellant.’

Justice Bach described acts of abuse in CrimA 3958/94 A v. State of Israel [25] as follows:

‘We are dealing, inter alia, with the severe beating of children, sometimes with the use of devices such as a stick or a belt, biting them, pinching them, and banging their heads against a wall, and also imposing on them unreasonable punishments. The most severe act was when the appellant gave one of her children a severe injury in that she heated up a knife and while it was still hot she used it to cause burns on the backs of the child’s hands.

In addition, there was also various acts of emotional abuse…’.

In CrimA 7861/96 A v. State of Israel [14] the court said that:

‘… The appellant had the habit of putting his children in the living-room together, humiliating and insulting the mother in their presence, and threatening that if the mother would complain, he would murder her. The appellant used to lock the children in their room for a whole day. Once he went into the room of his daughter and spat on her. Another time he cut off the sidelocks of his son against his son’s wishes. He also slapped his son and ridiculed him in the presence of other children and kicked him on his legs. He hit another of his sons on the face with a videotape and threw a shoe at him.’

My colleague Justice Kedmi held in CrimA 3754/97 A v. State of Israel [26] that:

‘… The blows which the father — mercilessly — inflicted on his daughters did not cause any of them broken bones or injuries to internal organs. However, the description of the manner of the blows and the physical marks that these left behind are sufficient to provide an expression of their force and severity; and the emotional scars — including the fears, anxieties and nightmares — that these left on the souls of the battered girls are of course incalculable.’

In CrimA 3783/98 A v. State of Israel [12] the court described the acts which led to the father being convicted of abuse:

‘… From time to time he hit one of the girls with a military belt which had iron buckles, or with a broom, or a clothes-hanger, and also with punches, kicks, etc.. From time to time they suffered injuries as a result of the attacks… he made the living-room in the apartment available to himself only…he deprived them of basic living requirements, including food and the use of electricity. He frequently cursed his wife and his daughters and called them humiliating names.’

20. From the case-law it can be seen that in cases where the courts convicted people of an offence of physical abuse there was an element of severe physical violence and cruelty towards the victim which also involved his humiliation. In my opinion, the actus reus of physical abuse should be defined along these lines, i.e., acts of severe violence and cruelty which humiliate and degrade the victim. This definition is consistent with the dictionary meaning of the term abuse, and I do not see any reason to depart from this meaning.

21. The requirement that in physical abuse there must be acts of particular severity, expressed in cruel and degrading violence, is also consistent with the outlook of the legislator as can be seen from the levels of penalties for the different offences relating to minors and helpless persons. Thus, in the provisions of section 368B of the Penal Law, someone who assaults a minor or a helpless person and causes him a real injury is liable to five years’ imprisonment. If the assailant was responsible for the child or the helpless person, he is liable to seven years’ imprisonment. If they suffered severe injury and the assailant was responsible for them, he is liable to nine years’ imprisonment. But we see that a person who commits an act of physical (or emotional or sexual) abuse on a minor or helpless person for whom he is responsible, is also liable to nine years’ imprisonment. It follows that the legislator compared the abuser precisely to an assailant who causes a severe injury. Therefore, the context requires us to narrow the offence of physical abuse to acts that have particular severity, namely violence of a cruel and humiliating nature, which may cause the victim particular suffering.

22. This conclusion brings me to the question whether the offence of abuse is really merely an offence of behaviour — which is the opinion of my colleague Justice Beinisch and the opinion of other judges in this court — or whether it may be an offence of consequence. The answer to this question has clear implications for the mens rea required for this offence. The answer to this question is not at all simple. Abuse is defined by the provision of section 368C of the Penal Law as an act of physical, emotional or sexual abuse of a minor or of a helpless person. This wording implies to some extent the existence of a consequence of suffering for the victim of the abuse. Moreover, since physical abuse is an offence which is in essence and in concept closely related to the offence of causing an injury to minors and helpless persons — it is only logical that it too should be an offence of consequence. Likewise, in reality it is hard to conceive of a person being convicted of an act of physical abuse, without the victim being caused real suffering, but it should not be forgotten that in principle, criminal liability usually arises if a person behaves illegally, and this is accompanied by criminal intent of awareness of the nature of the act, and not necessarily of the consequences of his actions. Therefore, if there is no express provision in the statute that connects the liability with the causing of consequences, the assumption is that the offence is one of behaviour. It appears, therefore, that notwithstanding the fact that the offence of abuse is very closely associated with the causing of the consequence of suffering to the minor or the helpless person, in essence it remains an offence of behaviour. Therefore, the offence is not conditional upon proof of a harmful consequence to the victim of the abuse.

23. Assuming that we are concerned with an offence of behaviour, we still need to determine the mens rea, i.e., the criminal intent required for convicting someone of this offence. Under the provision of section 20(a), the mens rea of an offence of behaviour is awareness of the nature of the act and the existence of the circumstances that are included among the details of the offence. In view of my conclusion that the nature of the actus reus of the offence of physical abuse is expressed in an act of severe and cruel violence which involves humiliation, a person who commits such an act must be aware of these circumstances.

24. I will now turn to apply these principles to the special circumstances of this case. I have studied the facts again and again and I have not been convinced that we are dealing with a case of abuse, which must be based, in my opinion, on a factual element of severe and cruel violence. I will mention once again that according to the structure of the offences that are intended to protect children and helpless persons, the offence of abuse is similar in essence — according to the severity of the penalty — to causing a severe injury. We see that in the circumstances of this case, the court decided to acquit the appellant of the offence of assault of a minor causing real injury under section 368B(a) of the Penal Law. No appeal was submitted with regard to this acquittal. Admittedly, the acquittal on this offence of assault does not mean that there is no possibility of convicting the appellant of abuse for any cruel acts that could have caused the child exceptional suffering, but not a real injury. However, as stated, I have not found that the behaviour of the appellant amounted to abuse. This conclusion with regard to the actus reus makes it unnecessary for me to consider the existence of mens rea.
            25. In my opinion, it is not a proper legal policy to attribute acts of abuse to an accused unless the acts involve characteristics of unusual severity. Doing this as a matter of course may lead to the offence becoming morally insignificant. This will happen especially if the sentence given to the offender is relatively light, as happened in this case. In my opinion, in this case there was no need to add to the offence of assault under section 379 in the aggravated circumstances of section 382(b) of the Penal Law, for which the maximum sentence is four years’ imprisonment, an offence of abuse for which the maximum sentence is nine years’ imprisonment. The sentence — in which the appellant was placed on probation for eighteen months and given twelve months’ suspended imprisonment — could have been justified completely and without any objective difficulty on the basis of offences of assault that the appellant committed against her children over a very long period. In my opinion, by defining these acts — which should not be underestimated — not only as acts of assault in aggravated circumstances, but also as acts of abuse, no additional social goal is achieved that is not achieved by convicting the appellant of assault.

Therefore, if my opinion were to be accepted, I would acquit the appellant of the offence of abuse.

 

 

18 Shevat 5760

25 January 2000.

Appeal against conviction on the offence of assault denied. Appeal against conviction on the offence of child abuse was denied by majority opinion, Justice I. Englard dissenting.

 

 

[*]    Editor’s note: the Hebrew word for the offence of abuse is התעללות; it is a form of this word used in Exodus 10 2 that I have translated here ‘act harshly’. However, this word cannot be translated identically in all contexts. For this reason, in the Biblical sources quoted here, the translation of this word is italicized in each quote.

Barake v. Minister of Defense

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 3114/02
Date Decided: 
Monday, October 14, 2002
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

Facts: This petition was submitted during IDF operations against the terrorist infrastructure in the areas of the Palestinian Authority. (“Operation Defensive Wall.”) Petitioners requested that the IDF be ordered to cease checking and removing the bodies of Palestinians that had been killed during the course of warfare in the Jenin refugee camp. Petitioners also requested that the IDF be ordered not to bury those ascertained to be terrorists in the Jordan valley cemetery. Petitioners request that the tasks of identifying and removing the bodies be the responsibility of medical teams and the Red Cross. Petitioners also request that the families be allowed to bring their dead to a quick and honorable burial. 

 

Held: The Supreme Court held that the respondents were responsible, under international law, for the location, identification, and burial of the bodies. As such, and according to guidelines that will be set out by respondent, teams will be assembled for the location, identification and removal of bodies. Respondent agrees that the Red Cross should participate in these activities and is prepared to positively consider the suggestion that the Red Crescent also participate, according to the discretion of the Military Commander. The identification process will be completed as quickly as possible, and will ensure the dignity of the dead as well as the security of the forces. At the end of the identification process, the burial stage will begin. Respondents’ position was that the Palestinian side should perform the burials in a timely manner. Of course, successful implementation requires agreement between the respondents and the Palestinian side. If it becomes clear that the Palestinian side is refraining from bringing the bodies to an immediate burial, in light of the concern that such a situation will compromise national security, the possibility that respondents will bring the bodies to immediate burial will be weighed. Burials be carried out in an appropriate and respectful manner, while ensuring respect for the dead. No differentiation will be made between bodies, and no differentiation will be made between the bodies of civilians and the bodies of armed terrorists.

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
Full text of the opinion: 

The Supreme Court Sitting as the High Court of Justice 
[April 14, 2002] 
Before President A. Barak, Justices T. Or, D. Beinisch 
Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice. 

Facts: This petition was submitted during IDF operations against the terrorist 
infrastructure in the areas of the Palestinian Authority. (“Operation Defensive 
Wall.”) Petitioners requested that the IDF be ordered to cease checking and 
removing the bodies of Palestinians that had been killed during the course of 
warfare in the Jenin refugee camp. Petitioners also requested that the IDF be 
ordered not to bury those ascertained to be terrorists in the Jordan valley 
cemetery. Petitioners request that the tasks of identifying and removing the 
bodies be the responsibility of medical teams and the Red Cross. Petitioners also 
request that the families be allowed to bring their dead to a quick and honorable 
burial. 

Held: The Supreme Court held that the respondents were responsible, under 
international law, for the location, identification, and burial of the bodies. As 
such, and according to guidelines that will be set out by respondent, teams will 
be assembled for the location, identification and removal of bodies. Respondent 
agrees that the Red Cross should participate in these activities and is prepared 
to positively consider the suggestion that the Red Crescent also participate, 
according to the discretion of the Military Commander. The identification 
process will be completed as quickly as possible, and will ensure the dignity of 
the dead as well as the security of the forces. At the end of the identification 
process, the burial stage will begin. Respondents’ position was that the 
Palestinian side should perform the burials in a timely manner. Of course, Barake v. Minister of Defence
successful implementation requires agreement between the respondents and the 
Palestinian side. If it becomes clear that the Palestinian side is refraining from 
bringing the bodies to an immediate burial, in light of the concern that such a 
situation will compromise national security, the possibility that respondents will 
bring the bodies to immediate burial will be weighed. Burials be carried out in 
an appropriate and respectful manner, while ensuring respect for the dead. No 
differentiation will be made between bodies, and no differentiation will be made 
between the bodies of civilians and the bodies of armed terrorists. 

Israeli Supreme Court Cases Cited: 
[1] HCJ 2901/02 The Center for the Defense of the Individual v. The
Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank IsrSC 56(3) 19 
[2] HCJ 2936/02 Physicians for Human Rights v. The Commander of the
IDF Forces in the West Bank, IsrSC 56(3) 3 
[3] HCJ 2977/02 Adalah—The Legal Center for the Arab Minority Rights in 
Israel v. The Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank, IsrSC 
56(3) 6. 
[4] HCJ 3022/02 LAW—The Palestinian Organization for the Defence of
Human Rights and the Environment v. The Commander of the IDF 
Forces in the West Bank IsrSC 56(3) 9 
For the petitioner in HCJ 3114/02—Ihab Iraqi 
For the petitioner in 3115/02—Saadi Usama 
For petitioner 1 in HCJ 3116/02—Hasan Jabareen 
For petitioner 2 in HCJ 3116/02—Jamal Dakwar 
For the respondents—Malchiel Blass, Yuval Roitman 

Judgment 
President A. Barak 
1. Since March 29, 2002, combat activities, known as “Operation 
Defensive Wall,” have been taking place in areas of Judea and Samaria. 
Their objective is to prevail over the Palestinian terror infrastructure, and 
to prevent the recurrence of the terror attacks which have plagued Israel. In the context of this operation, on April 3, 2002, IDF forces entered the 
area of the city of Jenin and the refugee camp adjacent to it. According to 
respondents, an extensive terror infrastructure (in their words—a bona fide 
“Palestinian Military Industries”) has developed in the city of Jenin and in 
the refugee camp. More than twenty three suicide bombers have come 
from that area—about one quarter of all terrorists who have executed 
suicide bombing attacks, including the attacks during Passover, the attack 
in the Matza Restaurant in Haifa, in the Sbarro Restaurant in Jerusalem, 
in the train station in Benyamina, the bus attack at the Mosmos junction, 
and the attack at the junction adjacent to Army Base 80. 
2. As IDF forces entered the refugee camp, they found that a large 
proportion of the houses were empty. The civilian population was 
concentrated in the center of the camp. As IDF forces arrived, they 
appealed to residents to come out of their houses. According to the 
information before us, this call was not answered until the night of April 7, 
2002. At that point, approximately one hundred people left the camp. In 
order to apprehend the terrorists, and locate weapons and explosives, IDF 
forces began house to house combat activity. This technique was adopted, 
among other reasons, in order to prevent casualties to innocent civilians. It 
became clear that the empty houses had been booby-trapped. As a result 
of this fighting, twenty three of our soldiers fell in battle. After several 
days of house to house combat, the army achieved control of the camp. 
According to respondents, during the fighting, after calls to evacuate the 
houses, bulldozers were deployed in order to destroy houses, and some 
Palestinians were killed. 
3. Bodies of Palestinians remained in the camp. Until the camp was 
completely under IDF control, it was impossible to evacuate them. Once 
the camp was under control, explosive charges, which had been scattered 
around the refugee camp by Palestinians, were neutralized and removed. 
As of the submission of these petitions, thirty seven bodies had been found. 
Eight bodies were transferred to the Palestinian side. Twenty six bodies 
have yet to be evacuated. Barake v. Minister of Defence
4. The three petitions here ask us to order respondents to refrain from 
locating and evacuating the bodies of Palestinians in the Jenin refugee 
camp. In addition, they request that the respondents be ordered to refrain 
from burying, in the Jordan Valley cemetery, the bodies of those 
ascertained to be terrorists. Petitioners request that the task of locating and 
collecting the bodies be given to medical teams and representatives of the 
Red Cross. In addition, they request that family members of the deceased 
be allowed to bring their dead to a timely, appropriate and respectful 
burial. 
5. The petitions were submitted on Friday afternoon, April 12, 2002. 
We requested an immediate response from the Office of the State 
Attorney. That response was submitted on Friday evening. After reading 
the petitions and the response, we decided that arguments would be heard 
on Sunday, April 14, 2002. The President of the Court granted a 
temporary order forbidding, until after the hearing, the evacuation of the 
bodies from the places where they lay. 
6. At the beginning of arguments this morning, April 14, 2002, a 
group of reserve soldiers, who had served in the area of the Jenin refugee 
camp, requested to be added as respondents to this petition. We read their 
submissions and heard the arguments of their attorney, Y. Caspi. We 
requested the State’s position. The State responded that the reservists did 
not present anything that was not already present in the position of the 
State and, as such, there was no place to grant their request. As such, and 
according to our procedures, we rejected the request to join as respondents 
to this petition. We allow the addition of a petitioner or respondent when 
their position adds to what has already been put before us. As the State 
correctly noted, this is not the case in this situation. 
7. Our starting point is that, under the circumstances, respondents are 
responsible for the location, identification, evacuation, and burial of the 
bodies. This is their obligation under international law. Respondents 
accept this position. Pursuant to this, and according to procedures that 
were decided upon, teams were assembled, including the bomb squad unit, medical representatives, and other professionals. These teams will locate 
the bodies. They will expedite the identification process. They will 
evacuate the bodies to a central location. In response to our questions, 
respondents stated that they are prepared to include representatives of the 
Red Cross in the teams. In addition, they are willing to consider, according 
to the judgment of the Military Commander and in consideration of the 
changing circumstances, the participation of a representative of the Red 
Crescent in the location and identification process. We recommended that 
a representative of the Red Crescent be included subject, of course, to the 
judgment of the military commanders. Respondents also state that it is 
acceptable to them that local representatives will assist with the process of 
identification, following the location and evacuation of the bodies. 
Identification activities on the part of the IDF will include documentation 
according to st\andard procedures. These activities will be done as soon as 
possible, with respect for the dead and while safeguarding the security of 
the forces. These principles are also acceptable to petitioners. 
8. At the end of the identification process, the burial stage will begin. 
Respondents’ position is that the Palestinian side should perform the 
burials in a timely manner. Of course, successful implementation requires 
agreement between the respondents and the Palestinian side. If it becomes 
clear that the Palestinian side is refraining from bringing the bodies to an 
immediate burial, in light of the concern that such a situation will 
compromise national security, the possibility that respondents will bring 
the bodies to immediate burial will be weighed. Though it is unnecessary, 
we add that it is respondents’ position that such burials be carried out in 
an appropriate and respectful manner, while ensuring respect for the dead. 
No differentiation will be made between bodies, and no differentiation will 
be made between the bodies of civilians and the bodies of armed terrorists. 
Petitioners find this position acceptable. 
9. Indeed, there is no real disagreement between the parties. The 
location, identification, and burial of bodies are important humanitarian 
acts. They are a direct consequence of the principle of respect for the 
dead—respect for all dead. They are fundamental to our existence as a Barake v. Minister of Defence
Jewish and democratic state. Respondents declared that they are acting 
according to this approach, and this attitude seems appropriate to us. As 
we have said, in order to prevent rumors, it is fitting that representatives of 
the Red Crescent be included in the body location process. It is also fitting, 
and this is acceptable to the respondents, that local Palestinian authorities 
be included in the process of the identification of the bodies. Finally, it is 
fitting, and this is the original position of the respondents, that burials 
should be performed respectfully, according to religious custom by local 
Palestinian authorities. All these acts should be performed in as timely a 
manner as possible. All the parties are in agreement in that regard. 
Needless to say, all of the above is subject to the security situation in the 
field, and to the judgment of the Military Commander. 
10. Indeed, it is usually possible to agree on humanitarian issues. 
Respect for the dead is important to us all, as man was created in the 
image of God. All parties hope to finish the location, identification, and 
burial process as soon as possible. Respondents are willing to include 
representatives of the Red Cross and, during the identification stage after 
the location and evacuation stages, even local authorities (subject to 
specific decision of the Military Commander). All agree that burials 
should be performed with respect, according to religious custom, in a 
timely manner. 
11. Petitions claimed that a massacre had been committed in the Jenin 
refugee camp. Respondents strongly disagree. There was a battle in Jenin, 
a battle in which many of our soldiers fell. The army fought house to 
house and, in order to prevent civilian casualties, did not bomb from the 
air. Twenty three IDF soldiers lost their lives. Scores of soldiers were 
wounded. Petitioners did not satisfy their evidentiary burden. A massacre 
is one thing; a difficult battle is something else entirely. Respondents 
repeat before us that they wish to hide nothing, and that they have nothing 
to hide. The pragmatic arrangement that we have arrived at is an 
expression of that position. 
12. It is good that the parties to these petitions have reached an understanding. This understanding is desirable. It respects the living and 
the dead. It avoids rumors. Of course, the law applies always and 
immediately. Respondents informed us that, in all their activities, the 
military authorities are advised by the Chief Military Attorney. This is 
how it should be. Even in a time of combat, the laws of war must be 
followed. Even in a time of combat, all must be done in order to protect 
the civilian population. See HCJ 2901/02 [1]; HCJ 2936/02 [2]; HCJ 
2977/02 [3]; and HCJ 3022/02 [4]. Clearly this Court will take no position 
regarding the manner in which combat is being conducted. As long as 
soldiers’ lives are in danger, these decisions will be made by the 
commanders. In the case before us, it was not claimed that the 
arrangement at which we arrived endangered the lives of soldiers. Nor was 
it claimed that the temporary order endangered the lives of soldiers. On the 
contrary; the arrangement at which we arrived is an arrangement in which 
all are interested. 
In light of the arrangement detailed above, which is acceptable to all 
parties before us, the petitions are rejected. 
April 14, 2002 

Hamadah v. Israel Auto Insurance Fund

Case/docket number: 
CA 6860/01
Date Decided: 
Wednesday, March 26, 2003
Decision Type: 
Appellate
Abstract: 

[This abstract is not part of the Court's opinion and is provided for the reader's convenience. It has been translated from a Hebrew version prepared by Nevo Press Ltd. and is used with its kind permission.] 

 

The Appellant was injured in a traffic accident in Gaza in a car insured by an Israeli insurance company. The Appellant filed his claim seven years later in an Israeli court. The court found that the accident was subject to an order by the military commander, which established a two year limitations period for claims deriving from traffic accidents in Gaza, and thereby held that the period of limitations had elapsed. This appeal challenges that decision.

 

The Supreme Court held:

 

A.         1.         Since the enactment of the Compensation for Persons Injured in Traffic Accidents Act 1975 (hereinafter: The Compensation Act), the military commander issued the Order for Compensation for Persons Injured in Traffic Accidents (Gaza Area) (n. 544) 1976 (hereinafter: the Compensation Order). The Compensation Order includes an arrangement that is essentially identical to the arrangement in the Compensation Act and includes reference, in certain matters, to the Civil Torts Ordinance 1944, including a limitations provision that sets the period of limitations at two years.

 

            2.         The statutory source for the authority of the military commander in the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip (hereinafter: the area) is twofold: it is both a result of customary international law and of Israeli law, as the commander is the long arm of the Israeli government. Each of these sources leads to the conclusion that indeed the claim has passed the statute of limitations and that the appeal must be rejected.

 

B.         1.         One alternative assumes that the orders of the commander are foreign law. Under this assumption, the matter of conflict of laws in terms of the limitations issue must be resolved according to the rules of private international law.

 

            2.         When a local court must decide a matter that involves foreign law, the rules of international law mandate that procedural provisions be decided according to the laws of the forum, and substantive provisions be adjudicated according to the foreign law. In Israel, periods of limitations are procedural provisions and thus, seemingly, it limitations must be determined under the laws of the forum. However, this is not the case when the foreign law – which creates an encompassing arrangement that includes provisions of substantive law and incidental provisions that regulate the implementation of the substantive rights – is concerned. In a case where a statute grants substantive rights and attaches to them provisions that limit their exercise, including procedural provisions, the arrangement must be applied cohesively rather than in parts. When the foreign law establishes a cause of action to assert substantive rights and attaches to it a specific period of limitations on its realization, the parties may not claim entitlement to enjoy the period of limitations that exists in the adjudicating forum.

 

            3.         When the case is heard in Israel, and the substantive law that applies is foreign law that established a specific period of limitations for a right granted in substantive law, the limitations must be considered a substantive provision, or – sadly – a provision that is an integral part of the foreign law that must be applied cohesively in the adjudicating suit. In the case at hand, it is sufficient to find that to the extent that the Compensation Order is foreign law, the Appellant’s claim has passed the statute of limitations.

 

C.         1.         Should considering the military commander as an Israeli authority lead to a conclusion that the order is that of an Israeli governmental authority, and thus the Compensation Order constitutes Israeli law, we must refer to the Limitations Act 1958. Section 58 of the Limitations Act stipulates that the Act does not offend a period of limitations in terms of a certain issue that is set in a different source of law. Therefore, should it be possible to consider the Compensation Order a “different source of law”, the period of limitations that it sets will be the applicable period, rather than the ordinary period of limitations that is set in the Limitations Act. In terms of the relevant limitations, the Compensation Act refers to the Civil Torts Ordinance, which sets a period of limitations of two years.

 

            2.         The Limitations Act does not define the term “different source of law.” The status of the Compensation Order is not definite because of the duality in the status of the military commander. We must examine the substance of the military commander’s orders, their relation to the Israeli legal system and the particular nature of the Compensation Order. As noted above, the statutory source of the military commander’s orders is Israeli. The Compensation Order is identical in its primary section to the Israeli Compensation Act, and it is considered by the court to be an order that is closely and clearly related to Israel law. The conclusion that results from the combination of the commander’s statutory status and the Compensation Order’s connection with Israeli law is that they can be considered to be Israeli law when adjudicated by an Israeli court. Though from an international perspective the commander’s authorities are sourced in customary international law, when the commander’s legislative activity is heard by an Israeli court it can be seen, for such relevant purposes, as Israeli law.

 

            3.         The status of the commander as an organ of Israeli government coupled with the clear link between the Compensation Order and the Israeli Act lead to the conclusion that the Compensation Order can be seen as included in the definition of the term “law” as it appears in the Interpretation Ordinance or in the term “different source of law” as it appears in the Limitations Act. Therefore, We must turn to the Compensation Order for purposes of setting the applicable period of limitations, and this period is of two years according to the Ordinance to which the Order refers.

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
Full text of the opinion: 

Justice T. Strasberg-Cohen

Facts

1.  On October 31, 1990, appellant was shot and injured while driving through the streets of Gaza City in a car insured by respondent no. 1, an Israeli insurance company. Appellant was taken to Shifa Hospital in Gaza.  He was then moved to Soroka Hospital in Be’er Sheva, where he remained hospitalized for close to two months. Approximately seven years later, on October 12, 1997, appellant submitted a personal injury claim to the Tel Aviv/Jaffa District Court under the Road Accident Victims (Compensation) (Gaza Strip) (Number 544) Order-1976 [hereinafter Compensation Order].  The court summarily dismissed the claim as being barred by the statute of limitations.

Judgment of the District Court

2.  The district court ruled that, since the accident occurred in Gaza, the Compensation Order applied.  The Compensation Order regulates road accidents claims in a manner similar to the Road Accident Victims (Compensation) Law-1975 [hereinafter the Compensation Law]. However, at the same time, the Compensation Order applies several sections from the Civil Wrongs Ordinance-1944 [hereinafter the Mandatory Ordinance], including the two year statute of limitations provided for in section 68(a) of the latter.  The Court ruled that this two year prescriptive period should be applied, since section 27 of the Prescription Law-1958 provides that the latter would not affect any period of prescription fixed in any “other law.” The Court saw the Compensation Order as an “other law” which provides for a particular prescriptive period. Thus, the court held that the Compensation Law does not apply despite the fact that the claim was submitted in Israel.  As such, the court dismissed the claim.  

Arguments

3.    Appellant claims that the Compensation Order is not a “law,” as defined by the Interpretation Ordinance (New Version) or the Interpretation Law-1981, and is not an “other law” as defined by section 27 of the Prescription Law.  As such, section 27 should not apply, and the Mandatory Ordinance should not determine the prescription period.  Appellant further asserts that the prescriptive period should be determined in accordance with Israeli law, which provides for a seven-year statute of limitations.  Appellant also claims that under the Oslo Accords, and also due to the practice of the respondents, compensation claims under the Compensation Order may only be submitted in Israeli courts. As such, appellant claims, Israeli law should be applied. In Israel, the Mandatory Ordinance has been replaced by the Civil Wrongs Ordinance (New Version), and the prescription period in section 68(a) of the Mandatory Ordinance has been modified by section 89 of the Civil Wrongs Ordinance. As such, courts in Israel determine the prescription period according to section 89 of the Civil Wrongs Ordinance. 

In the alternative, appellant asserts that his injuries constitute “continuing damages.”  Under section 68(b) of the Mandatory Ordinance, where there are “continuing damages,” the prescription period begins running only after the damages cease.

4.  Respondents, for their part, agree with the judgment of the district court. They assert that it should not be possible, by shifting the venue of the claim, to revive a claim which has become time-barred in the locations where the accident occurred. They assert that the Compensation Order creates the appellant’s right to compensation, and the Order also limits that right.  The Order provides for a two-year statute of limitations. Moreover, as the claim was submitted in Israel, the Prescription Law cannot be applied.  The Compensation Law is territorial and applies only to accidents which occurred within the State of Israel.  Local law applies to an accident which occurred in Gaza, and that local law is the Compensation Ordinance.  Respondents assert that this is a correct interpretation of the law, including the language of the Motor Vehicle Insurance Ordinance (New Version)-1970 and the relevant caselaw.  Respondents claim that the fact that the Israeli courts have applied “local law” does not mean that the Israeli prescription period should be applied. This is because the Prescription Law is a general law which is overridden by the specific law of the Compensation Order. It is also the case under section 27 of the Prescription Law, since the Compensation Order is a “law,” as defined by the Interpretation Ordinance, and should be seen as an “other law” which section 27 of the Prescription Law refers to. 

Respondents also claim that if the Compensation Order is not “Israeli law”—but rather “foreign law”—its statute of limitations should be construed as a substantive—not procedural—law which, under private international law, apply in an Israeli forum.  This is a basic legal approach in common law countries. Appellants also complain of the growing phenomenon where compensation claims concerning accidents which occurred in Judea, Samaria or Gaza [hereinafter the Area], and which involved residents of the Area, are submitted to the courts in Israel in an attempt to use the Israeli statute of limitations. Due to the security situation in the Area, this prevents the proper investigation of the relevant facts. Thus, respondents assert, as a matter of appropriate policy, the prescription period set in Israeli law should not be applied. 

The appeal here focuses on the prescription of a personal injury claim submitted in Israel by a party injured in a road accident which occurred in the Area, where the car was insured by an Israeli company.

The Statute of Limitations

5.   In 1976, approximately one year following legislation of the Compensation Law, the military commander issued orders regarding compensation for victims of road accidents—Order no. 544 in Gaza and Order no. 677 in Judea and Samaria.  Like the Israeli Compensation Law, these orders established no-fault causes of action for victims of road accidents.  They also established a statutory fund for the compensation of the victims of road accidents. The Compensation Order includes comprehensive regulations, which are essentially identical to the regulations of the Compensation Law and, in certain matters, refers to the Mandatory Ordinance.  In one case, the orders refer to section 68 of the Ordinance, which deals with the statute of limitations:

  1. No action shall be brought for any civil wrong unless such action be commenced –
    1. within two years next after the act, neglect or default of which complaint is made, or
    2. where the civil wrong causes fresh damage continuing from day to day, within two years next after the ceasing thereof…

The period of prescription in claims regarding personal injury caused by a road accident is, under section 68 of the Mandatory Ordinance, two years.  The period of prescription in Israel, in contrast, under section 5 of the Prescription law, is seven years.  Which law applies to the case at hand: the two-year prescription period of the Mandatory Ordinance or the seven-year prescription period of the Israeli Prescription Law?  Before examining this question, I will devote some space to the normative status of the Compensation Order and to the source of the authority of the military governor who issued the order. 

Status of the Military Governor in the Area

6.     The status and authority of the Israeli military governor of an area under military control are derived, first and foremost, from customary international law.  See G. von Glahn, The Occupation of Enemy Territory 27 (1957); 2 L. Oppenheim, International Law 432-34 (7th ed.). Article 43 of the Hague Convention Regarding the Laws and Customs of War on Land-1907 [hereinafter Hague Convention] grants authority to the military governor and even obligates him to act to “restore” and “ensure,” as far as possible, “public order and the safety” of the residents of the area.  See HCJ 302/72 Hilu v. Israeli Government IsrSC 27(2) 169; HCJ 606/78 Saliman Tofif Oyev v. Minister of Defence IsrSC 33(2) 112; HCJ 390/79 Doykat v. Israeli Governement IsrSC 34(1) 1; HCJ 69/81 Abu Atya v. Commander of the Region of Judea and Samaria IsrSC 37(2) 197, 309; HCJ 393/82  Jamit Askhan Almaalmon Altaonya Almahduda Almaolya v.  IDF Commander in the Region of Judea and Samaria IsrSC 37(4) 785; HCJ Tha v. Minister of Defence IsrSC 45(2) 45.  On the authority of this obligation the governor acts to regulate the lifestyle and welfare of the residents of the area.  See von Glaht at 436-37; Oppenheim, at 33-34. 

There is an additional normative source of authority, which stems from the fact that the military governor of the Area is an Israeli government authority.  This stems from the Proclamation in the Matter of Law and Government (Judea and Samaria) (Number 2), promulgated on June 7, 1967, which grants legislative and administrative authority regarding the Area to the IDF commander in the Area.  It provides that such authority shall be exercised by the commander, or by whoever acts on his behalf. See section 3(a) of the Proclamation. An examination of the legislative activities of the governor demonstrates that they accord with government policy and are often influenced by Israeli statutes, at times even identical to them. Professor A. Rubenstien states:

The regional commanders are military officers who answer to the Chief of Staff and the Minister of Defense. The person responsible for legislation is the Coordinator of the Activities, who is subject to the Minister of Defense.  Legislative actions or orders must be approved by the civil government system, and often the initiative itself comes from the Coordinator of Activities or the Minister of Defense.  Occasionally, the initiative, or the approval, is given by the government itself. In effect, the regional commanders are the executive arm of governmental policy.  Furthermore, the various “headquarter officers” stationed at regional headquarters, and who represent the various government ministries, are the official extensions of the government ministries. 

See A. Rubenstien, The Shifting Status of the Administered Territories, 11 Iyunei Mishpat, 439, 451-52. In another context, Justice I. Zamir stated:

The Foreign Minister, responsible for foreign policy, speaks in the name of the state… The IDF commander in the region of Judea and Samaria, who also acts on behalf of the government, speaks in the name of the state in all matters regarding the territory in that area.  Both voices are voices of the state.

HCJ 2717/96 Wapah Ali v. Minister of Defence IsrSC 50(1) 848, 855. 

7.     Thus, the normative source of the authority of the military governor in the Area is twofold—it stems from customary international law as well as from Israeli law, in that the governor acts as the arm of the Israeli government.  In this regard, Professor I. Dinstien writes:

The authority of the legislative Jordanian authority has been suspended, and the Israeli military commander acts as a substitute for it, subject to the limits placed upon him by international law. He possesses legislative authority for the West Bank.  However, from the perspective of Israeli constitutional law, the military commander continues to be a part of the executive branch, and his actions are subject to the judicial review of the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice, just like the actions of the Chief of Staff and the Minister of Defense, who are appointed over him…. In my opinion, the legal status of the legislative acts of the military commander, from the point of view of the Supreme Court of Israel, does not differ from the legal status of any administrative regulations promulgated by the executive branch. In both situations, the High Court of Justice may embellish upon it… It can be appreciated that the twofold nature of the military commander as both supreme legislator, from the perspective of the territories, and as an executive authority subject to rules and regulations, from an Israeli perspective, raises difficulties of both practical and theoretical natures.

I. Dinstien, Judicial Review Over the Activities of the Military Government in the Administered Territories, 3 Iyunei Mishpat 330, 331-32 (1973). It seems that the above paragraph, which concerned judicial review of the actions of the military commander, also applies to questions of private law.

This Court, in a number of decisions, has addressed the duality which characterizes the status of the military governor. We have held that this duality requires the governor’s orders to conform to the requirements of both international and Israeli law.  See HCJ 302/72 Id.; HCJ 606/78 Id.; HCJ 390/79 Id.; HCJ 60/81 Id., at 230-232; HCJ 393/82 Id..

8.   How does the normative duality of the governor affect the status of the orders he issues?  The cases I have cited, in which the Court implemented a dual test for the examination of the governor’s orders, concerned administrative petitions which examined the actions and activities of the governor. This is not the case here, where we are being asked to determine the normative status of the governor’s orders in a civil proceeding before an Israeli court.  In such a situation, should we consider the governor’s orders as “foreign law” or “Israeli law”?  The answer to this question will affect the prescriptive period which applies to a right created by the Compensation Order, the Mandatory Ordinance or the Israeli Prescription Law.  If we conceive of the governor’s order as “foreign law,” the question will be examined in light of the principles of private international law which apply to the implementation of foreign law in a local forum.  On the other hand, if we conceive of the governor’s orders as Israeli law, we must refer to section 27 of the Prescription Law which states that it will not apply where the matter is specifically regulated by another law.  I will discuss each of these possibilities.

The Order as Foreign Law—Private International Law

 9.    The relationship between Israel and the Area is not a relationship between two independent sovereigns.  There is the sovereign country of Israel, on the one hand, and administered territory, on the other.   This Court, in dealing with the orders of the military governor has presumed them to be “foreign law.”  See CrimA 831/80 Tzoba v. State of Israel IsrSC 31(2) 169; CA 300/84 Abu Atya v. Arbatisi IsrSC 39(1) 365; C.App. 4716/93 Nablus Arab Insurance Co. v. Abed Zrikat IsrSC 48(3) 265; Crim.A. 8019/96 Amir v. State of Israel IsrSC 53(4) 459, 477.  For the sake of argument, under the assumption that the governor’s orders are foreign law, choice of law in the matter of prescription is determined in accordance with the rules of private international law, to which I now turn.

    When a matter which involves foreign law comes before a local forum, the rules of international law provide that procedural rules shall be in accordance with the law of the forum, while substantive rules shall be in accordance with foreign law. In Israel, questions of prescription are procedural issues.  As such, it would seem that the laws of the forum should be used.  Such is not the case, however, where foreign law creates a comprehensive system of regulation which includes provisions that regulate the realization of those substantive rights.  Where the legislation grants substantive rights and includes provisions which limit their realization—even procedural provisions—the system of regulation should be applied in its entirety. In such circumstances, the procedural provisions should be construed as inseparable from the substantive provisions, such that the procedural provisions become an integral part of the foreign substantive law.  Even if one finds that the provisions remain procedural despite their being part of the general substantive system of regulation, a plaintiff who desires to rest his claim upon foreign law should not be allowed to select part of those regulations while ignoring others.  He cannot choose those provisions which are beneficial to him, while ignoring those which are to his detriment.  Such a result is dictated by both common sense and proper legal policy.  This is the case here: where foreign law creates a cause of action for the realization of substantive rights and simultaneously sets out a specific limitations period for their realization, the local forum’s procedural rules of prescription will not apply.

10.  The proposal for the Choice of Law Act-1987, written by Professor A. Levontin, is a clear expression of this approach.  This proposal was not legislated.  However, there is no reason not to adopt its approach and apply it in the appropriate contexts, through judicial interpretation.  Section 50 of the proposal, the section relevant to the matter at hand, provides:

(7) In examining a right granted by foreign law, and in realizing such a right in Israel, the prescription provisions of the law that set out the right should be taken into account.  Where foreign law provides for a specific prescription period for the enforcement of a particular right, it is presumed that the foreign law intended that this specific period should apply even when the proceedings regarding that right occur outside the country of that law, including Israel.

Where foreign law provides a general procedural period of prescription, it is presumed that the foreign law only intended that period to be binding in proceedings occurring within that country. 

The explanatory notes of the proposed provision state:

Where foreign procedural prescription has been attached to a particular right, and only to that right, it should be assumed that something inherent in the nature of that right led the foreign legislator to specifying a period of prescription for it.  In such a case “it is presumed that the foreign law intended that it should apply even when the proceedings regarding that right are taking place outside of the country of that law, and in Israel.

Explanatory Notes to the Choice of Law Act, Ministry of Justice Publishing-1987, p.91.

The approach I set out above is apparent in the proposed law and the explanatory notes.  According to this approach, a prescription period which is attached to a particular right shall be applied in every state in which the realization of the substantive right is requested, even where the prescription provision is, at the outset, procedural.  This approach is not unique to Israel.  It has been adopted in the common law countries, whether through legislation or through caselaw.

Comparative Law

11.  The federal structure of the United States, which is comprised of autonomous states, has provided rich ground for the discussion of choice of law questions. Over the years, both legislative rules and caselaw have developed to deal with conflicts between the laws of the states, especially with regard to the issue of prescription.  The problem was a result of the traditional approach, which perceived statutes of limitations as procedural.  This encouraged “forum shopping.”  In order to prevent this phenomenon, two main rules were formulated.  The first, a product of case-law, relates to statutes of limitations of a sister-state as foreign substantive law. This rule provides that when a statute creates any sort of obligation and limits that obligation by a particular period of prescription, the court will perceive the prescription period as accompanying that obligation in any court in which the obligation is claimed, even where prescription is procedural.  In this regard Justice Holmes stated in Davis v. Mills, 194 U.S. 451, 454 (1904):

[C]ourts have been willing to treat limitation of time as standing like other limitations and cutting down the defendant’s liability whenever he is sued.  The common case is where a statue creates a new liability and in the same section or in a same act limits the time within which it can be enforced, whether using words of condition or not…. It is merely a ground for saying that the limitation goes to the right created and accompanies the obligation everywhere.

The second rule is statutory, and involves the adoption of “borrowing statues.” The foreign law is borrowed and drawn into local law.  In this way, the prescription period of the state of the substantive law is applied by the forum handling the claim.  E. F. Scholes and P. Hay explain:

As noted, the traditional (procedural) characterization of the Statue of Limitation may encourage forum-shopping.  Two exceptions are designed to alleviate this problem.  The first exception is a judicial creation: when the foreign limitation is intended to extinguish the right and not only to bar the remedy, it will be considered to be “substantive”…  The courts invariability limit the substantive characterization to limitations of rights created by statute.  The limitation is considered to be “built-in”… The second exception to the traditional rule… It takes the form of “borrowing statutes enacted by most jurisdictions”.  The typical “borrowing statute” provides that the cause of action will be barred in the forum if it is barred where it arose, accrued or originated.

E. F. Scholes & P. Hay, Conflict of Laws 60-62 (2nd 1992). (For additional judgments dealing with the case-law rule see Scholes & Hay, 60, nn. 2-4. For additional judgments regarding the system of “borrowing statutes” see Heavner v. Uniroyal, 305 A.2d 412 (N.J. YEAR?); Henry v. Richardson-Merrell., 508 F.2d 28, 32 (3d Cir. 1973); Allen v. Volkswagen of America, 555 F. 2d 361 (FORUM 1977).

12.  Thus, in American Law, the traditional common law approach, which provided that the law of the forum would apply with regard to statutes of limitation, was abandoned.  Instead, it was determined that foreign statute of limitations would apply.  A similar approach may be found in Scottish and Australian caselaw.  See Dicey & Morris, The Conflict of Laws 185 (12th ed. 1992).  England has also abandoned the traditional common law approach.  After years of criticism of the traditional rule, a committee was established to examine the application of foreign law in English courts.  In 1984 the Foreign Limitations Periods Act was legislated. This law regulated the application of prescription in a conflict of laws situation.  It provided that, in dealing with a claim under foreign substantive law, the foreign period of prescription would be applied.  The English prescription period would only apply in cases where English substantive law applied:

The Act was based on the recommendations of the Law Commission.  It adopts the general principle, subject to an exception based on public policy, that the limitation rules of the Lex Causa are to be applied in England. English limitations rules are not to be applied unless English law is the Lex Causa or one of two Leges Causae governing the matter.

Dicey & Morris, 186-87. See also J. D. McClean, Morris: The Conflict of Laws 386-87 (4th ed. 1993); Cheshire  North,  Private International Law 79-81 (12th ed. 1992).

To conclude this section, I find the approach articulated above to be acceptable. I am of the opinion that, where Israeli courts are dealing with a matter involving foreign law, and the applicable foreign substantive law provides for a specific period of prescription, the prescription period should be construed as a substantive provision. Alternatively, the prescriptive period should be construed as an integral part of the foreign law. This suffices to determine that, in so much as the Compensation Order is foreign law, the appellant’s claim has become time-barred, and should be dismissed.

The Order as “Law” or “Other Law”

 13.   I shall now turn to examine the other approach before us, which perceives the military governor as an Israeli authority. According to this perspective, the order has been promulgated by an Israeli authority. As such, the issue of prescription, as well as the Compensation Order itself, should be examined as Israeli law, and the issue would be governed by the Prescription Law.  Section 27 of the Prescription Law provides that it does not affect a prescription period that is provided for in another law:

 27. This law shall not, unless otherwise expressly therein provided, affect any period of prescription fixed for a particular matter in any other law…

If the Compensation Order is an “other law,” which provides a distinct prescription period, that period will apply. On the other hand, if the Compensation Order is not an “other law,” the prescription period provided in section 5 of the Prescription Law will apply.  More specifically, the “other law” would be the Mandatory Ordinance which the Compensation Order refers to.

 14.              The Prescription Law does not define the term “other law” in section 27, and there is no caselaw on the matter.  In the cases regarding section 27 which have come before Court, all of the relevant legislation has been Israeli legislation. See, e.g., CA 419/71 Menorah Re-Insurance v. Nomikus IsrSC 26(2) 527; CA 33/72 Fromin & Sons  v. Director of Customs and Excise Taxes IsrSC 28(2) 459; AD 36/84 R. Tychner v.Air France French Airways IsrSC 41(1) 589. This is not the case here, where the position of the possible “other law” is characterized by the dual status of the issuer of the order. 

In interpreting the term “other law,” we turn to the Interpretation Ordinance. This is because the Interpretation Law does not affect the definitions contained section 1 of the Interpretations Ordinance regarding statutes and administrative orders which were enacted before the Interpretation Law came into effect.  For such matters, the Interpretation Ordinance governs. The Compensation Order and the Prescription Law were enacted prior to the Interpretation Law.  Therefore, the relevant statute is the Interpretation Ordinance, which contains the following definition of a “law”:

“law”—any law or regulation, whether passed before the commencement of this Ordinance, or after it;

“regulation”—any regulation, rule, bylaw, proclamation, order, direction, notification, notice or other document, issued by any authority in the State of Israel or in Israel.

Can the Compensation Order, which was issued in the Area, be considered an “order” issued by “any authority” in “Israel”, which is included in the definition of a “regulation” that is “law”?  The answer to this question is not simple.  We must examine the essence of the order, as well as its connection to Israeli law.  As stated, the normative source of the governor’s orders, including the Compensation Order, is Israeli. This is a result of the military governor’s position as an organ of the Israeli government. Regarding the status of the governor as part of the executive branch, and the derivative status of his legislation as secondary legislation of the executive branch, see supra para. 7.

7.    With regard to the status of the legislator in the Area as an extension of the executive branch of the government, Professor Rubenstein writes:

Anyone who deals with law in the Area immediately notices the vast disparity between the reality and the legal fictions which disguise it.  One obvious legal fiction is that the military commander is the legislator for the Area….. In fact, the regional commanders are actually the executive arm of government policy….For all practical purposes, they are actually an extension of the government.

Rubenstien, at 452. In the same spirit, Justice Kedmi is of the opinion that, with regard to judicial notice, defense legislation in the Area has the same status as domestic Israeli law:

With regard to judicial notice, defense legislation in the Area is subject to the same rules as Israeli legislation.  The “legislator” in the Area is the long arm of the Israeli executive branch…. Considering the dual status of the legislator in the Area—Israeli, on the one hand, and local, on the other—our courts may regard defense legislation as if it were internal secondary legislation which applies only in the Area.

Crim.A. 8019/96 Amir, Id.

15.  The core of the Compensation Order is identical to the Compensation Law.  This Court construes the Compensation Order with an eye to its clear and strong connection to Israeli law.  The Deputy President, Justice S. Levin, has stated that the normative source of the Compensation Order is Israeli, and that the order draws its principles from the Israeli Compensation Law.  He states:

The issue of liability in a road accident, including the question of a definition of a “road accident,” is regulated in the Area by the orders of the military governor, in accordance with the principles of absolute liability and appropriation of cause, while the normative source of the legislation is Israeli, through the military governor.

C.App. 3003/96 The Arab Insurance Company Inc. v. Amro 55 Dinim Elyon 926. See also C.App. 4716/93 Shechem Arab Insurance Co. v.Zrikaat IsrSC 48(3) 265, 272-73 (Levin, D.P.)

The combined effect of the normative status of the governor and the strong connection of the Compensation Order to Israeli law, is that when this Court deals with such orders, it may conceive of them as Israeli law.  It seems to me that this order may be seen as an “order” included in the definition of a “regulation” which is “law,” as such is defined by the Interpretation Ordinance. Therefore, although from the international point of view the governor’s authorities are rooted in the principles of customary international law, when the governor’s orders come before an Israeli court, they may be seen as Israeli.

16. Even if the Compensation Order should not be construed as a “law,” as defined by the Interpretation Ordinance, it may perhaps be seen as an “other law,” as that term is used in section 27 of the Prescription Law.  The term “other law” is not defined by the law.  It is unclear whether the term “other law” only covers that which is “law,” as defined by the Interpretation Ordinance, or whether the term “other law” may be interpreted more broadly.  No one claims that the governor’s order is not law.  The dispute is with regard to the question of the normative nature of the order—whether it is foreign law or Israeli law.  The combined effect of the status of the governor as an Israeli government organ together with the clear connection between the Compensation Order and Israeli law, leads to the conclusion that the Compensation Order may be seen as included within the Interpretation Ordinance’s definition of the term “law” or the term “other law” as it is used in the Prescription Law. Consequently, the Compensation Order should be used in order to determine the applicable prescription period.  The prescription period should thus be set at two years, in accordance with the Mandatory Ordinance, to which the Compensation Order refers.

Continuing Damage

17. The appellant raised an alternative argument, which should be addressed briefly. Appellant argues that section 68(b) of the Mandatory Ordinance should be applied to his appeal. This section provides that where the civil wrong causes “continuing damage,” the prescription period shall not begin until the cessation of the damage.  Appellant claims that his damage has not ceased, that his wounds continue, that his medical condition is not final, and that “only the opinion of doctors appointed by the court” can assess “his medical condition.” This claim, however, which was argued only weakly before this Court and the district court, has not been grounded in a factual basis made in the statement of claim which would establish that we are dealing with “continuing damage.” The fact that the appellant was physically injured and that he has not yet healed does not toll the prescription period.  The claim that he has not yet healed, even if it is true, does not suffice to create “continuing damage.”  We have ruled several times that the prescription period commences with the occurrence of the injury and the initial damage, provided that it is not negligible. The prescriptive period does not begin to run from the time of the stabilization of the victim’s medical condition or with the submission of a doctor’s statement of opinion. We are aware that the claim is being summarily dismissed before the parties have had the opportunity to present evidence. However, the statement of claim submitted by the appellant does not offer a factual basis for his argument. 

18. In conclusion, I have found that the claim is barred by the applicable statute of limitations, and that the appeal should be dismissed.  This conclusion is the result of an analysis of both the alternatives presented for the question at hand, whether the order is seen as “foreign law,” or as “law” as defined by the Interpretation Ordinance, or as “other law” as defined by the Prescription Law.

Therefore, the appeal should be dismissed, since two years time has passed since the occurrence of the road accident in which the appellant was injured. Under the circumstances there is no order for costs.  

Justice E. Rivlin
I agree.

Justice A. Grunis
I agree.

Appeal dismissed, as per the opinion of Justice T. Strasberg-Cohen.

March 26 2003

Translated by: Leora Dahan

Edited by: Eli Greenbaum

Comments, questions and suggestions are all welcomed, and may be directed towards elig@supreme.court.gov.il

 

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