Constitutional Law

Association for Civil Rights in Israel v. State of Israel

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 6924/98
Date Decided: 
Monday, July 9, 2001
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

Facts: In this petition, the petitioner, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, asked the Court to direct the Government of Israel, the Minister of National Infrastructures, and the Minister of Finance to nullify the appointment of some of the representatives on behalf of the Government in the Israel Lands Council and to appoint in their stead, Arabs as members of the Council.

 

Held: The court analyzed the substance and applicability of the principle of equality and decided that given that the Government is to appoint an additional six representatives on its behalf as members of the Council, the order nisi is to be made absolute in the sense that the respondents are ordered to weigh, in accordance with what was detailed in the judgment, whether it is possible to appoint an additional Arab as a member in the Israel Lands Council.

 

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
Full text of the opinion: 

HCJ 6924/98

Association for Civil Rights in Israel

v

1.  State of Israel

2.  Minister of National Infrastructures

3.  Minister of Finance

 

The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

[9 July 2001]

Before Justices M. Cheshin, I. Zamir, D. Beinisch

 

Objection to an order nisi issued March 14, 1999.

 

Facts: In this petition, the petitioner, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, asked the Court to direct the Government of Israel, the Minister of National Infrastructures, and the Minister of Finance to nullify the appointment of some of the representatives on behalf of the Government in the Israel Lands Council and to appoint in their stead, Arabs as members of the Council.

 

Held: The court analyzed the substance and applicability of the principle of equality and decided that given that the Government is to appoint an additional six representatives on its behalf as members of the Council, the order nisi is to be made absolute in the sense that the respondents are ordered to weigh, in accordance with what was detailed in the judgment, whether it is possible to appoint an additional Arab as a member in the Israel Lands Council.

 

 

Basic Laws cited:

Basic Law: Israel Lands ss. 1, 2.

Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty s. 1.

 

Legislation cited:

Israel Land Administration Law, 5720-1960, ss. 1, 2, 4A.

Israel Lands Law, 5720-1960.

Israel Land Administration Law (Amendment) 5755-1995, s. 5.

Government Corporations Law 5735-1975, ss. 18A, 18A1, 60A

Women’s Equality of Rights Law 5711-1951.

Equal Pay for Female and Male Employees Law, 5724-1964.

Equal Employment Opportunities Law 5748-1988, s. 2.

Authority for Advancement of Women Law, 5758-1998.

Civil Service Law (Appointments), 5719-1959, ss. 15A, 15A (b), 15A (b) (2).

National Insurance Law [Consolidated Version] 5755-1995, ss. 20, 22.

Employment Service Law, 5719-1959, s. 42.

Patient’s Rights Law 5756-1996, s. 4.

 

Draft legislation cited:

         Draft Proposal for the Israel Land Administration Law, 5720-1960 

         Draft Proposal for the Israel Land Administration Law (Amendment) (Israel Land Administration Council) 5755-1994.

         Draft Proposal for the Israel Land Administration Law (Amendment no. 3), 5758-1998.

         Draft Proposal for the Government Corporations Law (Amendment no. 13) (Appropriate Representation for the Arab Population) 5760-2000.

         Draft Civil Service Law (Appointments) (Amendment no. 11) 5760-2000.

          

Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

[1]      HCJ 6698/95 Ka’adan v. Israel Land Administration Authority, IsrSC 54(1) 258. [2000] IsrLR 51.

[2]      HCJ 453/94 Israel Women’s Network v. Government of Israel, IsrSC 48(5) 501; [1992-4] IsrLR 425.

[3]      HCJ 2671/98 Israel Women’s Network v. Minister of Labor and Social Affairs, IsrSC 52(3) 630.

[4]      HCJ 1113/99 Adalah Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Minister of Religious Affairs, IsrSC 54(2) 164; [2000] IsrLR 133.

[5]      HCJ 421/71 Yaf Ora Ltd v. Broadcasting Authority, IsrSC 25(2) 741.

[6]      HCJ 2814/97 Upper Tracking Committee for Matters of Arab Education in Israel v. Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport, IsrSC 54(3) 233.

[7]      HCJ 953/87 Poraz v. Mayor of the City of Tel-Aviv-Jaffa, IsrSC 42(2) 309.

 

Israeli books cited:

[8]      Y. Weisman, Property Law – General Part (1993).

[9]      U. Benziman, A. Manzur, Subtenants – Arabs of Israel, their Status and the Policy toward Them (1992).

[10]    I. Zamir, Administrative Power (Volume A. 1996).

 

Israeli articles cited:

[11]    D. Barak-Erez ‘A Dunam Here and a Dunam There: The Israel Lands Administration in the Vise of Interests’ Iyunei Mishpat 21 (1998) 613.

[12]    I. Zamir, M. Sobel ‘Equality before the Law,’ Mishpat U’Memshal E (2000) 165.

[13]    F. Radai, ‘As to Affirmative Action’ Mishpat U’Memshal C (1995-1996) 145.

[14]    A. Rubinstein, ‘On the Equality for Arabs in Israel’ Kiryat Hamishpat A (2001) 17.

 

Foreign books cited:

         [15] D. Kretzmer The Legal Status of the Arabs in Israel (Boulder, 1990).

 

Other:

[16]    State Comptroller – Annual Report 44 for the Year 1193 and for the Accounting Year 1992 (1994).

[17]    Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel.

[18]    Report of the Subcommittee as to the Status of Minorities in Civil Service and in Public Services (1989).

[19]    The Regime of the State Israel – Book of Sources (Y. Galnor, M. Hafnung eds., 1993).

 

For the petitioner – Hadas Tagari.

For the respondents – Osnat Mendel, Head of High Court of Justice Department, State Attorney’s Office.

 

 

JUDGMENT

 

Justice I. Zamir

1.    The Association for Civil Rights in Israel (hereinafter: ‘the petitioner’) asks the Court to direct the Government of Israel, the Minister of National Infrastructures, and the Minister of Finance (hereinafter: ‘the respondents’) to nullify the appointment of some of the Government representatives in the Israel Lands Council and to appoint in their place, Arabs as members of the Council.

The Law

2.    The law which establishes the Israel Lands Council (hereinafter: ‘the Council’) is the Israel Land Administration Law, 5720-1960 (hereinafter: ‘the law’).  Section 3 regulates the appointment and the role of the Council in stating:

‘The Government will appoint an Israel Lands Council which will establish the land policy according to which the Administration will operate, will supervise the actions of the Administration, and will approve its budget proposal that will be established in the law’.

The composition of the Council was established in section 4A as follows:

‘4A(A) The Minister, who will be the chairperson, and members whose numbers will not be less than eighteen and not more than twenty four, which the Government will appoint, by proposal of the ministers, will serve in the Council, as detailed below:

(1)  Half of the Council members will be on behalf of the Government, and half will be on behalf of the Jewish National Fund and by its proposal;

(2) (a)  At least half of the members on behalf of the Government will be State employees, holding senior positions in the government offices connected to the matter, and the remainder will be individuals from academia and representatives of the public;

(b)  The members on behalf of the Jewish National Fund will be members of the Board of Directors, employees of the Jewish National Fund or individuals from academia; the Jewish National Fund is also permitted to propose one representative on behalf of the Jewish Agency;

(3) Members of the council who hold positions not in civil service nor in the service of the Jewish National Fund, and who in these positions have an interest in land policy (hereinafter – interest holder in land policy), will not make up more than a third of the number of the Council members, and of them no more than one half will hold positions in the agricultural sector.

(B) The Government will be given details as to the qualifications of the candidates, including their curriculum vitae, their education, their dealings in the past and present, their experience, and any other detail which is substantive and relates to the matter.

(C)  The Minister, with the approval of the Council, will appoint a substitute for the Chairperson from among its members.

(D)  Notice as to the appointment of the members of the Council will be published in the register.

 

Additional clauses in the law establish provisions as to limitations on appointing members to the Council, the period of tenure, the conclusion of the tenure, the appointment of alternates for a member of the Council, protocols in the Council and more.

The minister who today serves as the Chairperson of the Council is the Minister of National Infrastructures.

The two ministers that according to section 4A(a) of the law propose to the Government the names of the candidates for appointment to the Council are today the Minister of Finance and the Minister of National Infrastructures.

3.    The law also establishes the Israel Lands Administration (hereinafter: ‘the Administration’).  Section 2 of the law establishes that the Government will set up the Administration which will ‘administer the Israel Lands’; that it will appoint the Director of the Administration and that the Administration employees will be civil servants.  The authority of the Administration is sweeping authority that is almost not regulated by the law.  However, section 4 of the law establishes that the Director of the Administration will submit to the Council a report of the activities of the Council at least once a year, and it is clear that the Administration must act according to the policy established by the Council, and that it is subject to the supervision of the Council.  See section 3 of the law, supra, paragraph 2.

As to the Administration see HCJ 6698/95 Ka’adan v. Israel Land Administration Authority [1] (hereinafter: ‘the Ka’adan case’) at pp. 269-272.

4.    Israel Lands which are subject to administration by the Administration, were defined in the Basic Law: Israel Lands.  Section 1 of the basic law establishes that Israel Lands are ‘the lands in Israel, of the State, of the Development Authority or of the Jewish National Fund.’  This section further establishes that the ownership of Israel Lands will not be transferred, whether by sale or by any other means.  However, section 2 of the basic law, removes from the application of the prohibition types of lands and types of transactions which have been established for this purpose in the law.  Such transactions were established in the Israel Lands Law, 5720-1960.  As to the Basic Law: Israel Lands and as to Israel lands in general see Y. Weisman, Property Law – General Part [8], p. 195 and on.

In actuality, Israel Lands include more than 90% of all the lands in the State.  See Weisman in his book supra [8] at p. 193.  If so, it is clear that the land policy determined by the Council and the oversight of the Council over the Administration has enormous influence over all that relates to development of the Land both from a national and from a private aspect.  See D. Barak-Erez ‘A Dunam Here and a Dunam There: The Israel Lands Administration in the Vise of Interests’ [11].  From here it is also clear that there is great importance to the composition of the Council.

Composition of the Council

5.    The law that established the Council and the Administration in 1960 – did not state a word about the composition of the Council. How so?  As stated in the explanatory notes to the Draft Proposal for the Israel Land Administration Law, 5720-1960, at that time the covenant between the State and the Jewish National Fund (hereinafter: ‘JNF’), was about to be signed, and it contained provisions as to the Council and the Administration (hereinafter: ‘the Covenant’).  The legislator made due with the fact that the composition of the Council would be coordinated in the Covenant.  And indeed, that Covenant that was signed on November 28, 1961 and published in the Yalkut Pirsumim 5728-1968, no. 1597, arranged the composition of the Council.  According to the Covenant, the number of the members in the Council would be thirteen, and half less one would be appointed by proposal of the JNF.

Over the years the number of Council members was increased on three occasions, until it reached twenty-seven.  The number was increased, as stated by the State Comptroller, without the need for this being clarified and with the numerical relationship between members from the JNF and other members being maintained.  See State Comptroller – Annual Report 44 for the Year 1993 and for the Accounting Year 1992 [16] at pp. 224-225.

6.    The situation in fact was not satisfactory.  It raised criticism on the part of the State Comptroller.  See said Annual Report of the State Comptroller [16] at p. 221 and on.  Following the report of the State Comptroller a private Draft Law (on behalf of three members of Knesset) was submitted to the Knesset which was primarily intended to arrange the composition and the functionality of the Council:  Draft Proposal for the Israel Land Administration Law (Amendment) (Israel Land Administration Council) 5755-1994.  In the explanatory notes to the Draft Law (p. 179) it was stated:

‘The actions of the Administration in all that relates to Israel lands take place via an internal legislative body which is the Council of the Administration.  This Council operates by power of undefined arrangements, primarily internal, and in a manner which deviates from the proper order and the proper administration.

In report 44 of the State Comptroller, criticism was expressed . . .  in that report the State Comptroller revealed that in fact a majority that is connected in one way or another to the agricultural sector in actuality controls the Council and its various committees.  Indeed, the law does not relate to the need to give expression in the Council to one sector or another, but it would be preferable, if there were not in the Administration Council a majority for a specific economic group.’

On the basis of this Draft Law, the Israel Land Administration Law (Amendment) 5755-1995 (hereinafter: ‘the amending law’) was passed.  The amending law added section 4A to the law, which regulates the composition of the Council, and additional sections which related to the Council.  See supra paragraph 2.  In accordance with section 5 of the amending law, the period of tenure of the Council members ended in February 1997, and the Government was meant to appoint new members to the Council in accordance with the amending law.

7.    Looking toward the appointment of new members to the Council the petitioner, in February 1997 approached the respondents in a letter.  In the letter, it said, inter alia, as follows:

‘The actions of the Council have great impact over various sectors in the population, and in fact the composition of the Council, has to date reflected the interests of various sectors of the public.  However, this representation did not apply as to the Arab population, and as said today not even one Arab member has been included in the Council.  Therefore, we turn to you with a request that in the Council that is to be appointed there will be appropriate representation of Arab members, of appropriate professional experience and qualifications.

We are of the view that the situation that has existed to date, according to which there is no representation for the Arab population in the body that determines the policy of the Administration, is illegitimate at its core.  The Arab population which is about a fifth of the State’s population has unique interests on the subject of lands, interests which are not represented by other entities.  The principle of equality necessitates that this population will be granted appropriate representation in the Israel Lands Council.  Half of the members of the Council – twelve out of twenty four – are representatives of the government, of which at least six are senior civil servants, and the rest (up to six) are individuals from academia and representatives of the public.  This diverse composition that the law established, and in particular the membership of about six members who are individuals from academia and representatives of the public, was intended to enable flexibility in determining the composition of the Council, flexibility that would ensure proper representation for diverse publics.’

8.    On March 21 1997, the Government decided to appoint eighteen members to the Council: of them nine on behalf of the Government, all civil servants who represent various government offices, and nine on behalf of the JNF.  Among the members that were appointed there was not a single representative of the public nor was there a single Arab member.

On June 15, 1997 Dan Meridor, the then Minister of Finance wrote to the petitioner and said as follows: ‘I am of the view that there is nothing to prevent the appointment of Arab citizens to the Israel Lands Council.  Your proposal will be taken into account in my considerations, at the time of making a decision as to the inclusion of additional [members] to the Administration Council.’

In the meantime, as arises from the pleadings, five additional members have been appointed (at an unknown date), of which three are on behalf of the Government and two on behalf of the JNF, and among them there is not one Arab member.

Since the quota of members on behalf of the Government as established in section 4A of the law was filled, no available space remained for an Arab member in the Council.  ‘There is therefore no other recourse’ so wrote the legal counsel of the Ministry of National Infrastructures on July 26, 1998 to the petitioner ‘but to amend the law in order to create more spaces for representatives of the public.’

9.    On June 15, 1998, a government sponsored draft law was published which proposed to increase the maximum number of members in the Council from twenty-four to thirty: Draft Israel Land Administration Law (Amendment no. 3), 5758-1998.  In the explanatory notes to this draft law (p. 374) it was stated: ‘. . . with the goal of ensuring representation on behalf of the public in the Israel Lands Council, it is proposed to establish that the number of representatives on behalf of the Government who are civil servants will  not be greater than twelve.’

The legal counsel in the Ministry of National Infrastructures announced to the petitioner that the Minister intends to act, after the draft law becomes law, to appoint a representative from among the Arab public out of the quota of representatives of the public in the Council.

However, the draft law, although it passed a first reading in the Knesset (on July 7, 1998), was never submitted for a second or third reading, and it is impossible to know if and when it will be made into law.

The petition

10.  This being so, the petitioner filed the petition to this Court, in which it requests that the Government nullify the appointment of some of the Government representatives on the Council and appoint in their stead Arab members in a proportion which constitutes an appropriate representation of the overall Council members.

After an initial hearing on the petition the Court issued an order nisi (on March 14, 1999).  The response to the petition was submitted in two levels: the level of principle and the level of practice.  On the level of principle, the respondents claimed that the Government on whose behalf half of the members are appointed must appoint senior civil servants who will represent the government offices which have a connection to the matter and will act to implement the land policy of the Government.  Moreover, the respondents claim that even if the Government appoints representatives of the public to the Council, it is not clear that it must give ‘appropriate representation’ to the Arab population.  In any event, according to their claim, there is no need for the Court to make a determination on this question in the level of principle, as the question is standing before a resolution in the practical level.

In the practical level, the respondents gave notice that the government intends to appoint an Arab member to the Council in the near future even if the Draft Israel Land Administration Law (Amendment no. 3) (supra paragraph 9) is not passed.  In the view of the respondents, the appointment of an Arab member to the Council out of the maximum quota of six representatives of the public is an appropriate representation of the Arab population in the Council.

11.  Indeed, after a time, the Government decided (on May 14, 1998) to appoint Mr. Salah Suleiman as a representative of the public who represents the Arab sector in the Council.  However, following the request of the Attorney General to conduct a re-examination of the question of Mr. Suleiman’s political affiliation the Government decided to limit the appointment to a period of about half a year.  Later (in the month of January 2001) the Government extended the appointment for an additional half a year until the month of July 2001.

In a supplementary notice by the State Attorney’s office (from April 5, 2001) it was stated that the Attorney General directed the legal counsels from the various government offices which relate to the matter to prepare for the appointment of an Arab member to the Council, who would replace Mr. Suleiman, in the month of July, 2001.  Even at the time of the hearing it was said to the Court by the counsel for the respondents that the Government intends to appoint an Arab member to the Council when the period of tenure of Mr. Suleiman ends.

Based on what has been stated, the Court presumes that when the time comes an Arab member will be appointed as a representative of the public in the Council in the place of Mr. Suleiman.

12.  The respondents, who object to the claim that they have a legal duty to give appropriate representation to the Arab population on the Council, are of the opinion that even if there is such a duty imposed on them they have fulfilled it by appointing one Arab representative of the public to the Council.  Is this indeed so?  The question what the duty to give appropriate representation necessitates where such a duty is imposed is a difficult question.  The answer depends to a great extent on the context, including the statutory provisions, the identity of the entity, the essence of its role, and the other circumstances of the given case.  See HCJ 453/94 Israel Women’s Network v. Government of Israel (hereinafter: ‘the first Israel Women’s Network case’) at pp. 527-528.

However, be the duty to give appropriate representation what it may be, in the given case it is clear that the appointment of one Arab member as a representative of the public out of a maximum quota of six representatives of the public on the Council fulfills the duty of appropriate representation of the Arab population among the representatives of the public on the Council.

Therefore it becomes unnecessary to discuss and determine in this petition the question if indeed a duty is imposed on the respondents to give appropriate representation to the Arab population among the representatives of the public on the Council.

13.  The petitioner is not satisfied with the appointment of one Arab among the representatives of the public to the Council.  It claims that the Government has a duty to give the Arab population appropriate representation not only among the representatives of the public but in the Council in its entirety.  In the Council there are twenty four members.  One Arab member is not considered, according to its claim, appropriate representation for the Arab population which makes up about one fifth of the population in Israel.  Therefore, it requests that additional Arab members be appointed to the Council.

Indeed, the petitioner, who is aware that the law requires the appointment of half of the members of the Council on behalf of the JNF, does not ask for the appointment of Arab members on behalf of the JNF.  The explanation for this is, apparently, that the JNF is a Jewish organization which is obligated, by its articles of incorporation to purchase lands for the settlement of Jews in the land of Israel.  However, the petitioner asks for the appointment of additional Arab members on behalf of the Government in order to reach an appropriate representation of the Arab population in the Council.  It claims that such representation is necessitated by the principle of equality.

The question that is before the Court is therefore whether the principle of equality necessitates the appointment of additional Arabs as members of the Council.

Principle of equality

14.  As to the importance of the principle of equality it is no longer necessary to go on at length.  In the words of Justice M. Cheshin ‘It is a first among principles in royalty, head and shoulders above all the other principles.’ HCJ 2671/98 Israel Women’s Network v. Minister of Labor and Social Affairs (hereinafter: ‘the Second Israel Women’s Network case’) [3] at p. 650.  As to equality in general see I. Zamir, M. Sobel ‘Equality before the Law’ [12]. 

The Court has given a broad meaning to the principle of equality in a large number of decisions and has applied it to almost every type of distinction between people on the basis of irrelevant considerations.  Thus, for example, a distinction between people who seek to receive a subsidy based on the place they live or the date of application may be considered a violation of the principle of equality.  However, the original meaning of the principle of equality, and it appears that it is also the precise definition, is a narrower definition.  In this meaning, which is also accepted in other countries, the principle of equality relates to a limited list of defined grounds which can be called the classic grounds of equality, and Justice M. Cheshin calls them generic grounds of equality.  These are for example, religion, race, nationality and gender: every person is entitled to equality without distinction as to religion, race, nationality and gender.  The principle of equality in this sense, as distinguished from the broad sense, is considered in many states, and is worthy of being considered, a constitutional right.  Not without a reason did the Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel [17] note the obligation of the State to keep up ‘total social and political equality of rights for all its citizens without distinction as to religion, race and gender.’

Violation of the principle of equality in the narrow sense is considered particularly severe, and so said Justice M. Cheshin in the Second Israel Women’s Network case [3] (at pp. 658-659):

‘An additional example of generic discrimination [in addition to the discrimination against a woman for being a woman. I.Z.] is the discrimination against a person for the color of their skin or for their race.  Generic discrimination, as has already been said, is discrimination which mortally wounds human dignity.’

See also the Ka’adan case [1] (supra paragraph 3) at pp. 275-276.

15.  Such is also discrimination against an Arab for being an Arab, and it is the same if the discrimination is based on religion or nationhood.  It is a violation of the principle of equality in the narrow sense.  Therefore, it carries particular severity. 

The principle of equality in this sense is the soul of democracy.  Democracy demands not only one vote for one person in elections, but also equality for all at all times.  The real test for the principle of equality is anchored in the treatment of the minority: religious, national or other.  If there is no equality for the minority there is no democracy for the majority.

This is also so as relates to equality toward Arabs.  However, the difference between the question of equality toward Arabs and the question of equality toward others is not to be ignored.  Thus, for example, is the question of equality toward women.  This question is not unique to the State of Israel.  It is universal.  Discrimination against women in the State of Israel like in other states stems primarily from prejudicial opinion.  The struggle against such opinion has been taking place for some time with determination in Israel, based on broad social consensus, and it is achieving a significant amount of success.  So too, as an additional example, is the struggle for equality of people with disabilities.  This struggle, as well, takes place on a broad foundation of understanding and empathy.  These struggles do not awaken, at least in an open realm, fundamental resistance or emotional recoil.  This is not so with the question of discrimination against Arabs.  Indeed in the legal realm there is no fundamental difference between the question of equality toward the Arab population and the question of equality toward another group.  In that realm the question of equality is the question of equality toward a religious or national minority, be it what it may be.  This too is a universal question and it too has a universal answer.  The answer is that a religious or national minority, and especially such a minority, is entitled to equality.  However, in the practical realm in the State of Israel there is a special significance to the question of equality toward Arabs.  This question is connected to a complex relationship that has developed between Jews and Arabs in this country over a long period of time.  Despite this, and perhaps particularly because of this, there is a need for equality.  The equality is vital to life together.  The good of society and in the real calculation the good of every individual in society necessitate nurturing the principle of equality between Jews and Arabs.  In any event, this is the dictate of the law, and therefore it is the duty of the Court.

And President Barak said as follows in the Ka’adan case [1] (supra paragraph 3, at pp. 282).

‘The State of Israel is a Jewish state in which various minorities, including the Arab minority, live. Each of the minorities living in Israel enjoys complete equality of rights. It is true, members of the Jewish nation were granted a special key to enter home (see the Law of Return-5710-1950), but once a person is lawfully at home, he enjoys equal rights with all other household members. . .  There is, therefore, no contradiction between the values of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state and between the absolute equality of all of its citizens. The opposite is true: equality of rights for all people in Israel, be their religion whatever it may be and be their nationality whatever it may be, is derived from the values of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state.’

16.  According to the principle of equality there is, inter alia, a duty to allocate State resources in an equal manner to Arabs as to Jews. See HCJ 1113/99 Adalah Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Minister of Religious Affairs [4] (hereinafter: ‘the Adalah case’).  Civil service jobs also constitute resources of the state.  These are particularly important resources, as they carry with them the possibility of impact on many issues, including on the distribution of monetary and other resources.  Therefore, the principle of equality necessitates that state jobs are allocated without discrimination between Jews and Arabs.  The meaning is that a person’s appointment to a state job is not to be prevented just because he is an Arab.

However, does this also mean that the Arab population is entitled to appropriate representation in civil service and associated entities, such as, for example, the Israel Lands Council?

The duty of appropriate representation

The principle of equality in its common meaning, both the narrow meaning and the broad meaning, does not necessitate appropriate representation.  Indeed there is a connection between the principle of equality and appropriate representation, but there is also a difference between them.  The principle of equality in its common meaning is fundamentally a passive concept: it may prohibit a person from taking into account irrelevant considerations such as religion, nationality, race or gender.  On the other hand appropriate representation is at its core an active concept: it may require a person to act to reach appropriate representation, including taking into account considerations such as religion, nationality, race or gender as a relevant consideration.

The essence of appropriate representation is expressed in the first Israel Women’s Network case [2] (supra paragraph 12).  Section 18A of the Government Corporations Law 5735-1975 stood at the center of this case.  And this is the language of the section:

‘(a) The composition of the board of directors of a Government corporation shall give proper expression to representation of both genders.

(b) Until proper expression of such representation is achieved, ministers shall appoint, in so far as is possible in the circumstances of the case, directors of the gender that is not properly represented at that time on the board of directors of the corporation.’

In the decision, Justice Mazza clarified that the duty established in section 18A to give proper expression to representation of both genders, is a duty of affirmative action.  Affirmative action is generally directed at correcting a social distortion that has harmed equality.  In said case it stems from the reality of sub-equality in the representation of women in boards of directors of government corporations and is directed at advancing equality between the genders on these boards of directors.  Therefore, said Justice Mazza, affirmative action, while it appears to harm equality because it preferences members of a certain group on the basis of considerations of religion, nationality, race, gender and the like, in fact is derived from the principle of equality and serves as a means to achieve equality.  As to affirmative action see F. Radai, ‘As to Affirmative Action’ [13]; Zamir and Sobel, in said article [12] at pp. 200-204.

18.  Is there a place to analogize the first Israel Women’s Network case [2] and the present case?  In this case, like in the first Israel Women’s Network case [2] the petitioner is not asking the court to direct the respondents to act in the appointment of members according to the common meaning of equality, as the petitioner is not making the claim that the Government rejected a candidate for membership in the Council because he is an Arab.  But what? The petitioner is requesting that the Court order the respondents to act in appointment of members to the Council by way of affirmative action toward the Arab population.  The Court so ordered in the first Israel Women’s Network case [2] since women had weak representation in the boards of directors of government corporations; in the petitioner’s opinion, it is to be similarly ordered in this case, since Arabs have weak representation in civil service, and included in this in the Council.

Despite this, there is no room for analogy between the first Israel Women’s Network case [2] and the present case.  In the first Israel Women’s Network case [2] a duty was imposed on affirmative action in order to advance the appropriate representation of women in an explicit statutory directive, meaning in section 18A of the Government Corporations Law.  On the other hand in the present case there is no such an explicit provision which requires appropriate representation of Arabs in the Council.  There is therefore no statute that provides a foundation for the petitioner’s claim that there is a duty to provide the Arab population appropriate representation in the Council.

19.  The petitioner claims, however, that the duty to give the Arab population appropriate representation in the Council does not require an explicit statutory directive, but it exists by power of the principle of equality.  The basis for this claim is the decision in the second Israel Women’s Network case [3] (supra paragraph 14).  How is the second Israel Women’s Network case [3] different from the first Israel Women’s Network case [2]?  In the second Israel Women’s Network case [3] the Court applied the duty of appropriate representation to women even without an explicit statutory directive.

In the second Israel Women’s Network case [3] the appointment of a deputy to the Director of the National Insurance Institute was discussed.  At that time the Director of the National Insurance Institute had eight deputies including a woman who was on vacation, apparently for the purpose of retirement.  After the position of one of the deputies was vacated the Minister of Labor and Welfare decided to appoint a certain person, a man and not a woman, to the position that was vacated, for a trial period.  The petitioner asked that this appointment be nullified and that the minister be obligated to appoint a woman to the position that was vacated in order to advance the representation of women among the Deputy Directors of the National Insurance Institute.

The Court examined statutes and case law as to the principle of equality of the genders, including the requirement of appropriate representation of women in civil service, and the applicability of statutes and case law to the management of the National Insurance Institute.  As the Court noted, at first came the Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel [17], which declared the obligation of the State to fulfill complete political and social equality of rights without difference as to religion, race and gender.  Later came the Women’s Equality of Rights Law 5711-1951, and statutes which required equality between the genders in the work area, including, Equal Pay for Female and Male Employees Law, 5724-1964, Equal Employment Opportunities Law 5748-1988,  and Authority for Advancement of Women Law, 5758-1998.  Alongside the statutes the Court ruled clearly that every administrative authority is required, even without a statutory provision, to fulfill the equality between genders.  Against this background Justice M. Cheshin (Ibid [3] at p. 658) said as follows:

‘Statutes we have brought and case law we have surveyed have seemed to us as points of light, and the light is the light of equality, equality for man and woman in each and every matter.  We will go from one point of light to another, and the doctrine of equality will reveal itself before us in its full glory.’

On this foundation of statutes and case law against discrimination on the basis of gender statutory provisions grew which required affirmative action in order to advance appropriate representation of women in public service.  Section 18A of the Government Corporations law requires ‘appropriate expression’ for the representation of women in the Boards of Directors of government corporations, and section 60A of this statute requires that it will also be so with certain entities (detailed in the addendum to the law) that were established by statute, such as the Council for Film Critique and the National Council for Planning and Construction.  Section 15A of the Civil Service Law (Appointments) 5719-1959, requires ‘appropriate expression’ for the representation of women ‘among the employees in civil service’.  This requirement also applies to the appointment of employees to local councils.  See ibid [3] at p. 661.  And since section 22 of the National Insurance Law [Consolidated Version] 5755-1995 establishes that appointments of employees of the Institution will be according to the rules established for appointment of civil servants, the duty of appropriate representation of women, as established in section 15A of the Civil Service Law (Appointments), also applies to the appointment of employees in the National Insurance Institute.  Justice M. Cheshin summarized the statutory provisions and said (at pp. 662-663):

‘These representation directives were not intended only to instruct about themselves.  They came to instruct about a new direction in the Israeli legal system, a direction which we have not recognized or known in the past.  A new and good wind has begun to blow among Israeli statutes. . .  We have likened legal provisions which deal with equality for women and prohibit their discrimination as points of light.  We have drawn a line between all the points of light and here a doctrine in the law of the land has revealed itself before us, a doctrine whose force goes beyond the particular legal provisions.  Joining the points of light one to its neighbor created a type of critical mass and so the doctrine was created, whose ramifications reach far. . .  all the representation directives, despite the differences between them, constitute – each to itself – a crystallization of that matter and express the same core principle.  And the principle is: the provision of appropriate representation to women and men in public bodies as a need made necessary by the principle of equality.’

However, as it turned out, the legal provisions as to appropriate representation for women, while they cover the majority of the civil service, they leave islands here and there that are not covered.   This is so, among others, in the National Insurance Institute.  Indeed the duty of appropriate representation for women, as determined in section 15A of the Civil Service Law (Appointments) applies to the appointment of employees of the Institute, as said in section 22 of the National Insurance Law [Consolidated Version]; however, ‘surprisingly’, in the words of Justice M. Cheshin, this duty does not apply to the appointment of the management of the Institute, meaning the Director, the Assistant Director, and the deputies, that according to section 20 of the law are appointed by the Minister.  See ibid [3] at pp. 646,648.  Why and how? There is no explicit or clear answer to this.  Absent a reason the answer that apparently appears is that this is none other than a happenstance omission, meaning a deficiency in the law and not negative regulation.  This being so the power of the doctrine as to appropriate representation of women in public service is great enough to fill in the blank and also apply itself to the management of the Institute for National Insurance.  And indeed this is how the Court ruled in the second Israel Women’s Network case [3].

Appropriate representation for Arabs

20.  Therefore, is there room to make an analogy between the second Israel Women's Network case [3] and the present case?  At the time the petition was filed the answer, apparently, was in the negative.  The statutory provisions and case law which required equality for women, and in particular appropriate representation in public service via affirmative action, were several fold more numerous and heavier than the statutory provisions and case law which required equality for Arabs.  The cumulative weight of the statutory provisions and case law which required equality for women gave a basis to say, as the Court said in the second Israel Women's Network case [3], that ‘a doctrine whose force goes beyond the particular legal provisions’ (Ibid, at p. 622) had been created as to appropriate representation of women in public entities.  See supra paragraph 19.  On the other hand the cumulative weight of statutory provisions and case law which required equality for Arabs was much smaller.  In this situation there was not, apparently, a basis to say that a similar doctrine was created as to the appropriate representation of Arabs in public entities.

21.  Even if this is the case, claims the petitioner, in any event there is a need for a doctrine as to appropriate representation of Arabs in public entities, as the Arab population suffers generic discrimination which violates human dignity.  The petitioner presents data: although Arabs constitute close to a fifth of the total residents in the State, the proportion of Arab employees in civil service is only approximately 4.2%; among the senior employees in civil service the proportion of Arab employees is only about 1% and there are government offices in which the proportion of Arab employees is even lower.  The petitioner relies for this matter on various sources.  See, inter alia: U. Benziman, A. Manzur, Subtenants – Arabs of Israel, their Status and the Policy toward Them [9], and in particular at pp. 142-143 as well as D. Kretzmer The Legal Status of the Arabs in Israel [15].

The respondents have not presented (apparently because they did not see a need to present from a legal standpoint) data as to the relative proportion of Arabs in civil service.  But they also did not deny the data that the petitioner presented.  Indeed, words of truth are apparent in the petitioner’s claim.  In the Report of the Subcommittee as to the Status of Minorities in Civil Service and in Public Services [18] from the year 1989 (which was appointed by the public-professional committee, known as the Koverski Committee, for overall examination of the civil service and of entities supported by the State budget) data was presented as to the relative proportion of minorities employed in eight government offices.  It was found that the proportion of minorities of the overall employees was approximately 5%, and apparently even lower.  The conclusion, as stated in the report, is ‘that the proportion of minorities employed in civil service is generally low and at times even very low’.  See select sections of this report in the book The Regime of the State of Israel – A Source Book, at p. 346.

Recently, Mr. Elyakim Rubinstein, Attorney General, wrote in a published article that ‘the representation of the Arab minority in civil service and public service is far less than their part in the population, and stands at single digit percentages only,’ and he mentioned a government decision from 1993, following a recommendation of the Koverski Committee, to advance educated Arabs at senior levels of civil service by way of creating job openings exempt from the duty of a tender: A. Rubinstein, ‘On the Equality for Arabs in Israel’ [14] at p. 21.

In the second Israel Women's Network case [3] Justice M. Cheshin stated, (at p. 664) as to the representation of women in public entities that ‘the phenomenon that appears to us is this, that the place of women is missing in public entities to a degree and in circumstances that the laws of statistics would have difficulty explaining without adding to the system the element of discrimination as well’.  Is there no place to say so as well as to the representation of Arabs in public entities?

22.  Be the answer what it may be, and be the explanation what it may be, the situation today is different from the situation that was.  It is different first and foremost because of the growing awareness as to the existing situation and the need to change the situation.  And indeed, lately there has been a change.  The change found expression in moderate improvement of representation of the Arab population in civil service, and it found striking expression in new statutes.  A few years only after the statutory provisions as to appropriate representation of women in public service – section 18A of the Government Corporations Law and section 15A of the Civil Service Law (Appointments) – were passed, the legislator came along and also applied these provisions to the appropriate representation of Arabs.  Following this the great gap that existed in legislation between the duty of equality toward women and the duty of equality toward Arabs in all that relates to representation in public entities was almost closed.  Therefore, it now needs to be examined, against the present day legal situation, if there is a basis to say that a doctrine has been created as to appropriate representation of Arabs in public service similar to the doctrine that was created, as determined in the second Israel Women's Network case [3], as to appropriate representation of women.  What arises from this examination?

23.  Most of the legal sources which require equality for women, including appropriate representation for women in public service, also require in the same breath equality, including appropriate representation, for Arabs.

One can open with the Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel [17] which speaks of the responsibility of the State to fulfill complete social and political equality of rights without differences as to ‘religion, race, or gender’.  Moreover, the declaration also called to Arabs in Israel, in the height of the War of Independence, to preserve the peace and take part in building the State on the basis of full and equal citizenship ‘and on the basis of appropriate representation in all its institutions, temporary and permanent’.  It is proper to emphasize: appropriate representation in all its institutions.  As has been ruled, the Declaration represents the ‘I believe’ of the State, and therefore it serves the Court as a source for statutory construction.  Moreover, section 1 of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty declares that the basic rights of a person in Israel ‘will be respected in the spirit of the principles in the Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel’.

Indeed, the Court has spoken in many decisions, in which it relied on the principle of equality, in one breath on equality in terms of gender and equality in terms of religion and nationality.  Thus, as one example among many, in HCJ 421/71 Yaf Ora Ltd v. Broadcasting Authority [5] at p. 743, Justice H. Cohn stated:

‘. . . it is the law (although for now still unwritten) that any discrimination on the grounds of race, gender, religion, belief, political or other view, or the like, is prohibited to any authority operating by law.’

Accordingly, the court noted the duty of the State to act with equality to Arabs, inter alia, in the allocation of resources of the State.  See lately the Adalah case [4] supra paragraph 15; HCJ 2814/97 Upper Tracking Committee for Matters of Arab Education in Israel v. Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport [6].

24.  Similarly in legislation.  Generally it is common in legislation which requires equality to bind together the prohibition to discriminate on grounds of gender with the prohibition to discriminate on the grounds of religion, race or nationality.  See for example: Employment Service Law, 5719-1959, s. 42; Equal Employment Opportunities Law 5748-1988, s. 2; Patient’s Rights Law 5756-1996, s. 4.

25.  Most important of all, in the present matter, after the legislator saw fit to impose an obligation to advance appropriate representation of women in public service, it saw the need after a few years to impose the same duty toward Arabs.  In March 2000 a private draft law was submitted to the Knesset on this issue: Draft Proposal for the Government Corporations Law (Amendment no. 13) (Appropriate Representation for the Arab Population) 5760-2000.  In the explanatory notes of the draft law (at p. 345) it was said that ‘the number of directors from among the Arab population in Government Corporations is very low’; it was therefore proposed to add to the Government Corporations law a provision which would establish, similar to the appropriate representation of women that was established in section 18A of the law, a duty of appropriate representation for the Arab population.  On the basis of this draft proposal section 18A1 was added to the Government Corporations Law, and this is its language:

‘(a) The composition of the board of directors of a Government corporation shall give proper expression to representation of the Arab population.

(b) Until proper expression of such representation is achieved, ministers shall appoint, in so far as is possible in the circumstances of the case, directors from among the Arab population.

(c) For purposes of this section ‘the Arab population’ – includes the Druze and Circassian population’

On October 24, 2000, the Attorney General issued a guideline to the Prime Minister and cabinet members as to the implementation of this section.  See this guideline as an addendum to said article by Rubinstein [14] at p. 29.  Inter alia, the Attorney General states in the guideline as follows:

‘It cannot be denied that the said statutory amendment came against the background of a dearth of appointments from among the Arab population for roles of the said type.  This provision therefore comes to achieve a result that it is appropriate to reach for, in these entities and others, by power of basic rules of equality and fairness, even without this being anchored in Knesset legislation.’

And he concludes the guideline with a call to the Prime Minister and the members of the cabinet to fulfill the duty of appropriate representation according to this provision, inter alia, in order to prevent a ground for disqualifying the appointment.

Does the duty of appropriate representation according to this provision also apply to the Israel Lands Council?  The answer is in the negative.  The Council is not a government corporation, as it is defined in the Government Corporations Law.  Indeed according to section 60A of this law the duty of appropriate representation also applies to entities established by statute, and they are detailed in an addendum to this statute.  However the Council is not counted among the entities detailed in the addendum to the law.  The result is that section 18A1 of the law which requires appropriate representation for the Arab population, does not apply to the Council.

26.  Approximately a year ago the Government submitted the Civil Service Law (Appointments) (Amendment no. 11) 5760-2000.  In the explanatory notes to this draft proposal (at p. 496) it was said as follows:  ‘The Arab population, including the Druze population and the Circassian population in the State, although it constitutes almost a fifth of the State’s population, is represented in civil service only at the rate of about 5% of the totality of the government employees, and among the senior position holders in civil service at an even lower rate.’  Therefore, it was stated in the explanatory notes, in continuation of the legislative trend which found expression in the addition of section 18A1 to the Government Corporations Law, it is proposed to establish, in a statute, provisions as to appropriate representation in civil service for the Arab population.  On the basis of this draft proposal section 15A of the Civil Service Law (Appointments) was amended.  The language of the section today is as follows:

‘(a)  Among the employees in civil service, including all the professions and the ranks, in each office, and support unit, appropriate expression will be given, under the circumstances, for the  representation of members of both genders, of people with disabilities, and of members of the Arab population, including the Druze and Circassian (in this law – appropriate representation).

(b)  The Government will operate to advance appropriate representation among the employees in civil service in accordance with the objectives it will set, and for this purpose, inter alia –

(1)  The office or support units which relate to the matter, as well as the Civil Service Commission, each in their field, will undertake the necessary means under the circumstances which can enable and encourage appropriate representation. . .

(2)  The Government may designate job openings in which, to the extent possible, will be employed only candidates who are qualified for the job, from among a group which is entitled to appropriate representation according to the provisions of subsection (a) which is not appropriately represented, as the Government shall determine.

(3)  The Government may order, as to a job opening or a group of job openings or a rank or a group of ranks, which will be detailed in the order, and for a period that will be determined, the granting of preference to candidates from among the group that is entitled to appropriate representation according to the provisions of subsection (a) that is not represented in an appropriate manner, where they have similar qualifications to the qualifications of other candidates. . .

(c) The provisions of this section will apply to all manner of acceptance to employment and advancement in employment according to this statute, including appointment by way of a tender, employment without a tender and appointment in fact.’

The section goes on to establish provisions which do not relate to the matter discussed in the petition as to fulfilling the duty to provide appropriate representation.

27.  It is clear that section 15A of the Civil Service Law (Appointments) establishes a duty of affirmative action for the Arab population in appointments to civil service.  However, the section is not simple.  It raises various questions.  There is no need to discuss them in this petition.  In this petition it is a sufficient question whether the section requires granting appropriate representation to members of the Arab population in the Israel Lands Council.

The Civil Service Law (Appointments) regulates appointments in civil service.  However the Israel Lands Council is not part of the civil service.  Most of the members in the Council are also not civil servants, but representatives of the public or representatives of JNF.  Indeed, the Council is by its composition and its substance, a satellite body, outside of the government mechanism, similar to other public councils, investigative committees, administrative tribunals and more.  As to satellite bodies see I. Zamir, Administrative Power (Volume 1) [10] at p. 411 and on.  It appears that section 15A does not apply to satellite bodies including the Israel Lands Council.

28.  However, even if section 15A of the Civil Service Law (Appointments) does not directly apply to the Israel Lands Council, it still has indirect weight on the question whether it is appropriate to grant appropriate representation to the Arab population in the Council. As in fact, this section joins up as an additional component to a network of legal sources which oblige equal treatment of the Arab population.  See supra paragraphs 22-25.  The cumulative weight of all of these is very similar to the cumulative weight of legal sources which require equal treatment of women.  Therefore, the conclusion also has to be similar.  As to the legal sources which require equality to women, Justice M. Cheshin in the second Israel Women's Network case [3] said that these sources are similar to ‘points of light’, and that ‘Joining the points of light one to its neighbor created a type of critical mass and so the doctrine was created’ (Ibid, at p. 662) as to appropriate representation for women in public entities.  See supra paragraph 19.  Similarly, it is to be said as to legal sources which require equal treatment of Arabs: alongside the doctrine which requires granting appropriate representation to women they create a doctrine which requires granting appropriate representation to Arabs in public service.  What is the duty which stems from this doctrine?

29.  The Court gave the answer in the second Israel Women's Network case [3].  There, the Court ruled that the duty of appropriate representation of women, according to section 15A of the Civil Service Law (Appointments), applies to all the employees of the National Insurance Institute, except for members of the Institute’s management.  See supra paragraph 19.  Here, the duty of appropriate representation of women, people with disabilities, and members of the Arab population, according to that section, applies to all the employees of the Israel Lands Administration, excluding members of the Council.  There, the Court ruled that the doctrine as to appropriate representation for women also extends over the appointment of the members of the management of the National Insurance Institute.  By power of that doctrine, the Court further ruled, that there is a duty on the Minister when coming to appoint a Deputy Director of the Institute to work toward advancing the representation of women.  What does this mean?  This does not mean that there is a duty on the Minister to appoint a woman to this job.  But rather what?  In the words of Justice M. Cheshin (Ibid, at p. 671):

‘It is imposed on the Minister to fulfill his duty according to the doctrine, the duty to act in order to give appropriate representation to women: to make an effort and to diligently work toward finding suitable candidates to fill the job of deputy director in the National Insurance Institute.’

Justice M. Cheshin noted (Ibid, at p. 670) that there exists a difference between the duty to grant appropriate representation according to section 15A of the Civil Service Law (Appointments) and the duty to grant appropriate representation according to the doctrine.  What is the difference?  The duty the statute imposes in section 15A, is not just to act but to achieve a result: the result is ‘appropriate expression’ for the representation of women, of people with disabilities, and of members of the Arab population.  It is clear that a result depends on action: the authorized authority must act to achieve appropriate representation.  For this purpose the statute establishes various means, such as designating positions for employing candidates from among the group entitled to appropriate representation according to section 15A(b)(2) of the Civil Service Law (Appointments).  As long as there is not appropriate representation the authorized authority has the burden to prove that it has done all that is necessary and possible by law under the circumstances to achieve appropriate representation.

On the other hand the duty imposed based on the doctrine relates primarily to the discretion of the authorized authority.  The authority authorized to make an appointment is obligated, like any administrative authority as to any power, to consider all the relevant considerations and give each relevant consideration the appropriate weight.  Generally, religion, nationality and race are irrelevant considerations, and therefore the authorized authority is prohibited from taking them into consideration for purposes of using the power.  However, as to appointment to public service, belonging to the Arab population, is, by force of the doctrine, a relevant consideration.  Accordingly, not only is the authorized authority entitled to bring it into account, but it even is required to bring it into account as one of the relevant considerations and give it the appropriate weight.  There is no great innovation here.  The principle of equality is in any case, and without connection to the doctrine, a relevant consideration that the authorized authority must bring into account when it makes an appointment. See HCJ 953/87 Poraz v. Mayor of the City of Tel-Aviv-Jaffa [7]. And still there is innovation in the doctrine.  The innovation is in the substance of the relevant consideration.  According to the doctrine the relevant consideration says that in an appointment to public service it is not sufficient to act with equality toward an Arab candidate but it is also necessary to act with affirmative action toward an Arab candidate with the goal of providing the Arab population with appropriate representation in public service.  See Zamir and Sobel in their article [12] at pp. 200-204.  However, this consideration is still only one from among the relevant considerations.  The authority must weigh all the relevant considerations, and particularly the personal fitness of the candidate to fill the role, in order to reach the proper balance.  However, in the framework of the balancing, the candidate’s belonging to the Arab population is, as long as appropriate representation has not been achieved, a relevant consideration in the candidate’s favor.  This is the affirmative action required by the doctrine in order to fulfill the principle of equality toward the Arab population.

In fact, the difference between the duty imposed by the statute and the duty imposed by the doctrine may be hazy.  But is exists first of all in the fundamental realm, and additionally in the practical realm.  Inter alia, the provisions established in section 15A(b) of the Civil Service Law (Appointments) such as designating jobs in order to advance the appropriate representation, apply only to the duty imposed by the statute.

The present case

30.  What is the conclusion that arises from all that has been said, as to the present case.  Section 4A of the Israel Land Administration Law, establishes that the Government will appoint, by proposal of the ministers, half of the members (in fact, twelve members) in the Israel Lands Council and among them at least half (in fact six) ‘civil servants, holding senior positions in the government offices connected to the matter. . .’ see supra paragraph 2.  This authority is subject to the doctrine.  According to the doctrine it is incumbent on every minister who proposes a candidate for membership in the Council to weigh, inter alia, the need to also give appropriate representation to the Arab population in the Council and to give this consideration appropriate weight.  For this purpose the Minister must inquire whether there is among the senior office-holders in his office an Arab candidate substantively qualified for appointment as a member of the Council.  If there is such an individual, and there is no good reason to deny his candidacy or to prefer another candidate over him, it is proper to propose him for appointment as a member of the Council.

A similar duty is imposed on the Government when it receives the proposals of the Ministers for appointment of members in the Council and must decide on an appointment.  It must consider the question whether there is in these proposals to provide appropriate representation to the Arab population.  If not, it must inquire if nonetheless there is no practical possibility to find a worthy Arab candidate among the senior office-holders in the government offices which relate to the matter in order to advance the appropriate representation of the Arab population.

31.  It is a question what the duty to give appropriate representation to the Arab population in a certain entity requires, and in this case – the Council.  The answer may change depending on the circumstances of the case.  Appropriate representation is not a formal duty, but a substantive duty, that has purpose and an objective.  Therefore it is not correct to say that section 18A of the Government Corporations Law, which requires giving appropriate expression in the Boards of Directors of Government Corporations to women, requires that in every such Board of Directors the women will be half of the overall members.  But it also is not to be said that the symbolic presence of one woman is sufficient in order to fulfill the duty of appropriate expression.  The required extent of representation is dependent on the context.  See the first Israel Women's Network case [2] (supra paragraph 12), at pp. 527-528.  It is also to be said thus as to appropriate representation of the Arab population in Boards of Directors of Government Corporations, as is required by section 18A1 of the Government Corporations Law.  This section does not require that the number of Arab members in every Board of Directors of a Government Corporation will be one fifth of the overall members.  Similarly it is also to be said as to the duty to give appropriate representation in civil service whether for women, whether for members of the Arab population or for persons with disabilities.

The question of what constitutes appropriate representation in a specific entity is dependent, inter alia, on the substance of the entity, including the practical importance of the entity in terms of the group entitled to appropriate representation.  Accordingly, it appears that the importance of representation and the force of representation in the Israel Lands Council are greater as to members of the Arab population than as to, for example, people with disabilities.  The Government and the ministers that relate to the matter are to also bring this consideration into account in the process of appointing members to the Council.

32.  In the present case, the statute establishes that civil servants are not to be appointed as members in the Council unless they are ‘senior’ civil servants in the offices which relate to the matter.  The petitioner presumes that there are no such Arab employees.  The Court does not know if this presumption has a basis.  In any event, this is not sufficient to exempt the ministers who relate to the matter and the government from the duty to employ their discretion in a manner that is intended to advance, if possible, the appropriate representation of the Arab population.  If indeed it turns out that among the ‘senior’ civil servants in the government offices there is not a single Arab employee who will be qualified for appointment as a member of the Council, then this is proof of a distorted situation, which s. 15A of the Civil Service Law (Appointments) and s. 18A1 of the Government Corporations Law were intended to repair.  However, repair of the distorted is a process, and as is the way of such processes it takes time.  In such a case there is no recourse but to wait until there will be senior civil servants in the government offices which relate to the matter, as is necessitated by s. 15A of the Civil Service Law (Appointments).  The Court is not entitled to take, or order the Government to take, a short cut, in contradiction of a statutory provision.  However, according to the law the government must take the road at the appropriate speed.

If it turns out that today there is not among the senior government employees in the government offices which relate to the matter a single qualified Arab employee who is qualified to be appointed as a member of the Council, it is appropriate that the Government also consider the possibility of appointing an additional Arab from among individuals in academia and public representatives which the Government is qualified to appoint as members in the Council.

33.  The petitioner requested that the Government nullify the appointment of some of the members in the Council in order to enable the appointment of Arabs in their place in a manner that will constitute appropriate representation for the Arab population.  However, as the petitioner recently notified the Court, and the respondents affirmed, several Council members recently retired, and of the quota of twelve members who are appointed to the Council on behalf of the Government today only six members are serving in the Council.  Meaning, the Government is now authorized to appoint six additional members to the Council.  Indeed, as the respondents’ counsel notified the Court several days ago, the Minister of National Infrastructures sent the Minister of Finance a proposal for the appointment of six additional members to the Council on behalf of the Government.

The respondents’ counsel did not note in the notice who the candidates are who were proposed by the minister.  However, since the notice does not state otherwise, one would think that there is not an Arab among the candidates.  The notice also does not state that there is not among the senior office-holders in the government offices which relate to the matter an Arab who is qualified to be appointed as a member of the Council.  This being so, the ministers have a duty to consider anew the list of candidates in light of what has been said in this judgment.

Summary

34.  In summary, the Government has appointed during the time of the hearings in the petition an Arab as a representative of the public in the Israel Lands Council, and it has taken upon itself to appoint, upon the conclusion of his tenure, an Arab as a representative of the public in his place.

Now the Government is to appoint an additional six representatives on its behalf as members of the Council.  As to the appointment of these members I propose making the order nisi absolute, which orders the respondents to weigh, according to what has been stated in this judgment, if it is possible to appoint an additional Arab as a member in the Israel Lands Council.

The respondents will bear the court costs of the petitioner in a total sum of 10,000 NIS.

 

 

Justice M. Cheshin

I agree.

 

 

Justice D. Beinisch

I agree.

 

It has been decided as per the decision of Justice Zamir.

 

18 Tamuz 5761

9 July 2001

      

 

 

Association for Civil Rights in Israel v. Minister of Defense

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 5973/92
Date Decided: 
Thursday, January 28, 1993
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

Following a number of brutal acts of kidnapping and murder committed by the Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorist organisations is December, 1992, it was decided by the Government of Israel to empower the military commanders of Judea and Samaria and of the Gaza Strip to issue orders for the temporary deportation of the leaders of these two terrorist organisations who had taken part in organising and supporting acts of terror, for a period not exceeding two years. The two commanders thereupon issued (general) temporary provisions under the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945 (from the time of the British Mandate but still in force in the territories) allowing for individual temporary deportation orders to be carried out immediately after being issued. An appeal committee was also set up, which would, however, hear appeals only after the deportation had already taken place. Altogether, 400 persons were deported to Lebanon under the deportation orders.

           

The defence authorities (the respondents) submitted that the deportation orders were lawfully carried out even though the deportees were not given an opportunity to bring an appeal and have it heard prior to deportation, since pressing emergency conditions required the deportation to be carried out without any delay. Moreover, they argued, prior hearing could be dispensed with, since the general deportation orders made express legislative provision in that respect. Alternatively, case law of the High Court recognises emergency situations where even an inherent right like the right to hearing will not be enforced.

 

The petitioners argued that the deportation orders were void, both because the general order itself was void ab initio, in particular owing to lack of sufficient legal basis for denying deportees a prior right of hearing, and also owing to defects in the individual orders. Moreover, they submitted that the deportation was contrary to international law since the 4th Geneva Convention of 1949 relating to Protection of Civilians in Wartime prohibits deportation in general and mass deportation in particular. It was also contrary to Israeli administrative law which grants the right to a hearing prior to deportation.

           

An additional argument of the petitioners was that an appeal committee was not set up prior to the deportation, and that was an additional reason for invalidating the orders. The argument was rejected outright by the Court, since a committee was indeed in existence prior to the deportation (under regulations l l l and 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations.

           

In a per curiam opinion, the Supreme Court held as follows:

           

I.      The Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945 including Regulation l l 2 dealing with deportation is in force in Judea and Samaria, and in Gaza. Its continued force was derived first from Jordanian law and subsequently from legislation enacted by the Israeli military administration.

 

2.     According to the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, there must be sufficient evidence to support the deportation in each individual case. This requirement has been fulfilled.

 

3.     Regulation 112(8) of the above Regulations provides that the advisory committee set up to hear appeals against administrative detention also has jurisdiction to examine deportation orders if so requested by a deportee. That Regulation does not, however, specify whether the appeal is to be heard before or after the deportation is carried out. A reasonable interpretation would be that the right of appeal under Regulation 112(8) should be exercised prior to deportation. However, denial of a right to a prior hearing does not necessarily lead to invalidation of the deportation orders. The correct remedy would be to allow a hearing to take place after the deportation under the same conditions as would have prevailed if it had taken place prior to the deportation.

 

4.     The High Court of Justice will examine the legality of any act of the military government in accordance with the principles of Israeli administrative law. Those principles require grant of the right of hearing, and as far as possible the hearing, so as to be fair and effective, should be held in the presence of the person concerned (in this case, the deportee). Allowing such person to appear in person, and not just by his representative, may have prevented cases of mistaken identity or other errors of which there were a number in the present matter.

 

5.     In exceptional circumstances, the rule allowing for the right to a prior hearing can be departed from, where security needs justify such departure. However, in the present case, it is not necessary to consider whether such exceptional circumstances exist, since the rule laid down in earlier case law applies here, whereby even where there has been no prior hearing, a hearing should be held subsequent to deportation, and this should afford the deportee the opportunity to put forward his case in detail; in any event, lack of a prior hearing does not invalidate the individual deportation orders.

 

6.     The general temporary provision orders where invalid insofar as they sought in general to replace existing principles of natural justice which require a prior hearing to take place before carrying out deportation orders, without relating to specific exceptional cases.

 

7.         The Court concluded as follows:

a)     Lack of prior hearing did not invalidate the individual deportation orders. The Court ordered the right of hearing to be granted following the deportation.

b)     The "provisional" (general) deportations order was invalid, for reasons stated, but this did not invalidate the individual orders.

c)     Submissions regarding invalidity of individual deportation orders were to be considered by the advisory committee within the scope of the (subsequent) appeals.

Voting Justices: 
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
Full text of the opinion: 

            H.C.J 5973/92                        H.C.A. 5990/92

            H.C.J 5974/92                        H.C.A. 6043/92

            H.C.J 5975/92                        H.C.A. 6047/92

            H.C.J 5976/92                        H.C.A. 6064/92

            H.C.J 6023/92                        H.C.A. 6077/92

            H.C.J 6114/92                        H.C.A. 6089/92

            H.C.J 6170/92                        H.C.A. 6097/92

            H.C.J 6263/92                        H.C.A. 6129/92

            H.C.J 6289/92                        H.C.A. 6167/92

H.C.J 29/93                                H.C.A. 6213/92

H.C.J 32/93                                H.C.A. 6245/92

                                                                                                            H.C.J 97/93                            H.C.A. 6247/92

H.C.J 107/93                              H.C.A.  217/93

            H.C.A.  248/93

            H.C.A.  249/93

            H.C.A.  266/93

            H.C.A.  278/93

            H.C.A.  285/93

            H.C.A.  454/93

 

 

    (H.C. 5973/92)

Association for Civil Rights in Israel

v.

Minister of Defence and others

 

(H.C. 5974/92)

Taher Sheritah & Others

v.

Commander of the IDF

 

(H.C. 5975/92)

Centre for the Protection of the Individual & Others

v.

Commander of the IDF in the West Bank & Others

 

(H.C. 5976/92)

Leah Tsemel & Others

v

Commander of the IDF in the West Bank and Gaza

 

 (H.C. 6023/92)

Abed El Wahab Darawashe, M.K.

v

Prime Minister and Minister of Defence & the Other

 

(H.C. 6114/92)

Ahmad Muhammed Nimer Husein and Another

v.

Commander of the IDF in the Gaza Strip

 

(H.C. 6170/92)

S. Porath

v.

Government of Israel

 

(H.C. 6263/92)

Naftali Gur Arie

v.

Government of Israel and others

 

(H.C. 6298/92)

Darawish Nasser and another

v.

The Commander of the Central Command and another.

 

(H.C. 29/93)

Ibrahim Said Abu Salem and others

v.

Minister of Defence

 

(H.C. 32/93)

Na'ama Husein Elabori

v.

Minister of Defence and another

 

(H.C. 97/93)

Majhad Hamed Kadir & Others

v.

Minister of Defence and another

 

(H.C. 107/93)

Fares Mahmud Abu Muamar

v.

Prime Minister and Minister of Defence and another

 

 

 

In The Supreme Court Sitting as a High Court of Justice

[28 January 1993]

Shamgar P., Elon D.P., Barak, Netanyahu, Goldberg, Or and Mazza JJ.

 

Editor's Summary

 

            Following a number of brutal acts of kidnapping and murder committed by the Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorist organisations is December, 1992, it was decided by the Government of Israel to empower the military commanders of Judea and Samaria and of the Gaza Strip to issue orders for the temporary deportation of the leaders of these two terrorist organisations who had taken part in organising and supporting acts of terror, for a period not exceeding two years. The two commanders thereupon issued (general) temporary provisions under the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945 (from the time of the British Mandate but still in force in the territories) allowing for individual temporary deportation orders to be carried out immediately after being issued. An appeal committee was also set up, which would, however, hear appeals only after the deportation had already taken place. Altogether, 400 persons were deported to Lebanon under the deportation orders.

           

            The defence authorities (the respondents) submitted that the deportation orders were lawfully carried out even though the deportees were not given an opportunity to bring an appeal and have it heard prior to deportation, since pressing emergency conditions required the deportation to be carried out without any delay. Moreover, they argued, prior hearing could be dispensed with, since the general deportation orders made express legislative provision in that respect. Alternatively, case law of the High Court recognises emergency situations where even an inherent right like the right to hearing will not be enforced.

 

            The petitioners argued that the deportation orders were void, both because the general order itself was void ab initio, in particular owing to lack of sufficient legal basis for denying deportees a prior right of hearing, and also owing to defects in the individual orders. Moreover, they submitted that the deportation was contrary to international law since the 4th Geneva Convention of 1949 relating to Protection of Civilians in Wartime prohibits deportation in general and mass deportation in particular. It was also contrary to Israeli administrative law which grants the right to a hearing prior to deportation.

           

            An additional argument of the petitioners was that an appeal committee was not set up prior to the deportation, and that was an additional reason for invalidating the orders. The argument was rejected outright by the Court, since a committee was indeed in existence prior to the deportation (under regulations l l l and 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations.

           

            The Supreme Court held as follows:

           

I.      The Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945 including Regulation l l 2 dealing with deportation is in force in Judea and Samaria, and in Gaza. Its continued force was derived first from Jordanian law and subsequently from legislation enacted by the Israeli military administration.

 

2.     According to the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, there must be sufficient evidence to support the deportation in each individual case. This requirement has been fulfilled.

 

3.     Regulation 112(8) of the above Regulations provides that the advisory committee set up to hear appeals against administrative detention also has jurisdiction to examine deportation orders if so requested by a deportee. That Regulation does not, however, specify whether the appeal is to be heard before or after the deportation is carried out. A reasonable interpretation would be that the right of appeal under Regulation 112(8) should be exercised prior to deportation. However, denial of a right to a prior hearing does not necessarily lead to invalidation of the deportation orders. The correct remedy would be to allow a hearing to take place after the deportation under the same conditions as would have prevailed if it had taken place prior to the deportation.

 

4.     The High Court of Justice will examine the legality of any act of the military government in accordance with the principles of Israeli administrative law. Those principles require grant of the right of hearing, and as far as possible the hearing, so as to be fair and effective, should be held in the presence of the person concerned (in this case, the deportee). Allowing such person to appear in person, and not just by his representative, may have prevented cases of mistaken identity or other errors of which there were a number in the present matter.

 

5.     In exceptional circumstances, the rule allowing for the right to a prior hearing can be departed from, where security needs justify such departure. However, in the present case, it is not necessary to consider whether such exceptional circumstances exist, since the rule laid down in earlier case law applies here, whereby even where there has been no prior hearing, a hearing should be held subsequent to deportation, and this should afford the deportee the opportunity to put forward his case in detail; in any event, lack of a prior hearing does not invalidate the individual deportation orders.

 

6.     The general temporary provision orders where invalid insofar as they sought in general to replace existing principles of natural justice which require a prior hearing to take place before carrying out deportation orders, without relating to specific exceptional cases.

 

7.         The Court concluded as follows:

a)     Lack of prior hearing did not invalidate the individual deportation orders. The Court ordered the right of hearing to be granted following the deportation.

b)     The "provisional" (general) deportations order was invalid, for reasons stated, but this did not invalidate the individual orders.

c)     Submissions regarding invalidity of individual deportation orders were to be considered by the advisory committee within the scope of the (subsequent) appeals.

 

 

Israel Supreme Court Cases Cited:

 

[1]       H.C. 513, 514/85 Nazal v. Commander of IDF in Judea and Samaria, 39(3) P.D. 145.

[2]   Elections Appeal 1/65 Yarador v. Chairman of Central Elections Committee, 19(3) P.D. 365.

[3]       H.C. 680/88 Schnitzer v. Chief Military Censor, 42(4) P.D. 617.

[4]   H.C. 1361, 1378/91 Maslam v. Commander of IDF Gaza Strip; Abu Judian v. Minister of Defence, 45(3) P.D. 444.

[5J       H.C. 320/80 Kawasma v. Minister of Defence, 35(3) P.D. 113.

[6]       H.C. 672/88 Lavdi v. Commander of IDF West Bank, 43(2) P.D. 227.

[7]       H.C. 7/48 Karabutli v. Minister of Defence 2 P.D. 5.

[8]       H.C. 25/52 Al Galil v. Minister of interior 6 P.D. 110.

[9]       H.C. 240/51 Al Rahman v. Minister of interior 6 P.D. 364.

[10]     H.C. 174/52 Abu Dahud v. Governor of Acre Jail, 6 P.D. 897.

[11]     8/52 Badar v. Minister of interior, 7 P.D. 366.

[12]     H.C. 3/58 Berman v. Minister of lnterior, 12 P.D. 1493.

[13]     H.C. 290/65 Altagar v. Mayor of Ramat Gan, 20(1) P.D. 29.

[14]     H.C. 654/78 Gingold v. National Labour Court, 35(2) P.D. 649.

[15] Cr. A. 768/ 80 Shapira and Co. Netanya Contractors Ltd v. State of Israel, 36(1) P.D. 337.

[16] H.C. 4112/90 Israel Association for Civil Rights v. Commander of Southern Command, 44(4) P.D. 529.

[17] Misc. App. H.C. 497/88 (H.C. 765/88) Shachshir v. IDF Commander West Bank, 43(1) P.D. 529.

[18] H.C. 69/81 Abu Ita v. Commander of Judea and Samaria Region; Kanzil v. Customs Commissioner Gaza Region Command, 37(2) P.D. 192.

[19] H.C. 358/88 Israel Association for Civil Rights v. Commander of Central Command, 43(2) P.D. 529.

[20] H.C. 531/79 "Likud" Faction in Petach Tikva Municipality v. Petach Tikvah Municipal Council, 34(2) P.D. 566.

[21]     H.C. 549/75 Noah Films Ltd v. Films Censorship Board, 30(1) P.D. 757.

 

 

English Case Cited:

[22]     R. v. Secretary of State for Home Dept. ex parte Hosen Ball [1977] 1 W.L.R. 766.

 

Jewish Law Sources Cited:

[A]      Genesis Ch. 3, vv. 1-2, Ch. 4, vv. 9-10, Ch. 18, v. 21.

[B]       Deuteronomy Ch. l, v. 16.

[C]       Response of Harama (Rabbi Moshe Isserles) 108.

 

On Behalf of the Petitioner in H.C. 5973/92:

Adv. J. Shoffman; Adv. D. Brixman

On Behalf of the Petitioners in H.C. 5974/92; 5975/92;

and Respondents No. 5

Adv. A. Feldman; Adv. E. Rosenthal; Adv. L. Tsemel

in 14C 6263/92

On Behalf of the Petitioners in H.C. 6023/92; 107/93:

Adv. E. Dekoar

On Behalf of the Petitoner in H.C. 6114/92:

Adv. E. Riadh

On Behalf of the Petitioner in H.C. 6298/92, 32, 97/93:

Adv. D. Nassar

On Behalf of the Petitioners in 29/93:

Adv. G. Bolos

On Behalf of Respondents 34 in H.C. 6263/92:

U. Slonim

On Behalf of the Respondents:

Adv. J. Harish, The Attorney-General

Adv. N. Arad, Director of the High Court of Justice Department

The State Athority's Office

In the Supreme Court Sitting as High Court of Justice

 

 

JUDGMENT

 

Introduction

 

            1. (a) These petitions and the applications accompanying them relate to the deportation to Lebanon on 17th December 1992 of 415 residents of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip, in respect of whom, according to governmental authorities, information has been assembled to the effect that they are active in the Hamas or Islamic Jihad organisations.

           

            According to Respondents' reply, only those whose activities reached, or exceeded, the level of responsibility for local administration (including training, operations and incitement) have been deported, and not those who were engaged merely in disturbing the peace, distributing leaflets or writing slogans.

 

            (b) Relatives of the late Nissim Toledano and Iris Azoulai, who were victims of the above organisations, and the Victims of Terror Association joined the proceedings as respondents, requesting that the steps taken by the State remain in Force. The family of the missing soldier Yehuda Katz also joined the proceedings as petitioner and applied for the Government to declare its willingness to include an exchange of Israeli missing in Lebanon for the persons expelled. Adv. Shai Porath also joined the petitions, claiming that the Government was not competent to refuse on 25th December 1992, the request of the International Red Cross to transfer aid and supplies to the deportees at the place they are staying in Lebanon.

           

            We would explain our position in respect of these additional petitions at the outset:

           

            (1) Insofar as relates to the petitions of the Toledano and Azoulay families and the Association of Victims of Terror Association, their positions are the same as that of the State, and therefore everything stated by us in this context below will also apply to those petitions.

           

            (2) As the Attorney-General has declared before us, the application of the Katz family is being considered by the Government and we did not consider that at this stage we can go beyond that.

           

            (3) We were dubious as regards the legal basis of Adv. Porath's petition; however, it has meanwhile become apparent that the question of medical aid for the deportees is in any event amongst those matters which the Government is at present taking up with the International Red Cross, and at this stage, therefore, considera­tion of the said additional petition has become superfluous.

           

            2. Our statements will be divided into the following sections:

           

            (a) Factual background, including a description of the Hamas organisation and the Islamic Jihad organisation.

           

            (b) The expulsion orders which were made and the legal basis for the expulsion orders according to the Respondents.

           

            (c) The Petitioners' arguments.

           

            (d) Conclusion on the legality of the expulsion.

 

The Hamas and the Islamic Jihad

 

            3. (a) On 13th December 1992 the Hamas carried out a brutal kidnapping and murder of the late Nissim Toledano. The same week, the said organisation caused another five deaths, the climax of acts of murder which had preceded them. Acts of kidnapping and murder expressed the central and dominant objective of the said organisation, and of the Islamic Jihad organisation and its factions, to bring about the liquidation of the State of Israel through Jihad (a holy war). Those organisations have in recent years been responsible for the murder or wounding, by stabbing, axes, strangulation or shooting, of civilians and soldiers who have fallen in the path of the perpetrators; amongst the victims are a 15 year old girl and old people of 70 years and more. These organisations have also murdered many tens of Arab residents of the occupied territories who, according to them, were suspected of having contact with Israeli entities or of disloyalty to the personal norms of conduct which bound them according to the said organisations' philosophy.

           

            (b) According to an expert's opinion which has been submitted to us, based to a great extent on the manifest publications of these organisations, i.e. statements quoted from them, the Hamas is a secret organisation which combines the most extreme Islamic fundamentalism with absolute opposition to any arrangement with Israel or recognition of it and preaches the destruction of the State of Israel ("Israel will arise and exist until Islam wipes it out, just as it wiped out its predecessors" - quoted from the Hamas Covenant).

           

            The object of the organisation is the reinstatement of an Islamic state in the whole area of Palestine "from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River" ("the Hamas believes that the Land of Palestine in a Muslim trust until the end of time. Neither it nor any part of it can be surrendered... This is the principle of the Islamic Sharia (Islamic law) and holds good as regards any country conquered by force by the Muslims" - quoted from the third chapter of the Hamas Covenant dated 18th August 1988). Holy War (Jihad), in the form of armed struggle, including murder, is the sole and immediate means to achieve the said goal; any accomodation with an Israeli entity amounts to surrender of the principles of the Islamic religion.

 

            In its propaganda the organisation relies on local religious personalities who add religious decisions and interpretations as a conceptual foundation and as religious legitimation for acts of terror. Its adherents include members of the free professions who guide the organisation's activites and arrange for the supply of resources necessary for its activities. The organisation is aided by front organisations which serve as sources for mobilising manpower and for camouflaging covert action (transfer of funds, etc.).

           

            The acts of murder and terror are in a constant process of escalation, and for taitous kidnapping for the purpose of murder, as already mentioned, is outstanding feature of the organisation's activities.

           

            The main objectives of the organisation emerge from its proclamations. In Proclamation 91 of 5th October 1992 it was said, inter alia:

           

"Hamas calls upon the masses of our Arab and Islamic people to clarify their position: rejection of the device of autonomy and rejection of the normalisation of relations with the Zionist enemy. Hamas demands that the leadership of the PLO and of all Arab countries concerned in the negotiations with the Zionist enemy withdraw from the negotiations and stand alongside the Palestinian people in its Jihad against subjugation.

 

            Hamas congratulates the brave Halal As Eladin Elkassem Brigade for their success in attacks in Gaza and Jerusalem against soldiers of the Zionist occupier and calls for more heroic attacks".

 

            In Proclamation 93 of 5th December 1992, the following passage appears:

 

"Only iron will rout iron and only the strong will overcome the weak, a firm decision is a firm decision and Jihad is Jihad until Allah proclaims victory.

 

Your movement, the Hamas, renews its promise to continue the Jihad, despite the surrender of the docile or the violence of the occupiers and calls as follows:

 

(a) On the foreign level:

Hamas stresses its demand that the Arab countries participating in the negotiating process, withdraw from it and not respond to the demands of the Zionist enemy to halt the economic boycott and normalise relations with it".

 

            The Proclamation of 14th December 1992, following the kidnapping and murder of the Late Nissim Toledano, included the following:

           

"We emphasise that the Jihad and the death of the martyrs which Hamas has adopted as a method and strategy is the only means for the liberation of Palestine, and it is this alone which will bring about the collapse of our enemy and shatter his arrogance. We have promised Allah to continue our jihad, to escalate it, develop it and constantly surprise the enemy by our sacred military activites. We call upon our brethren in all the Palestinian (Islamic and national) factions to escalate the activities of the Jihad and concentrate all our people's potential in the front which is fighting the enemy and to turn our pillaged land into a volcano which will destroy the conquering invaders by fire.

 

The capture of the officer is in the context of the state of war between Palestine, our people and our brigades and the Zionist enemy, and it was not the first act, as our people is well aware - and will not be the last - with the help of the Almighty". (Emphasis in the original)

 

            Expression of the spiritual image of the Hamas activists can also be seen from the congratulatory statements about the murder at the end of December of the Lage Haim Nahmani, which were made by the chief spokesman of the deportees, Dr. Elaziz Rantisi, on 4th January 1993.

           

            (c) The Islamic jihad movement, with all its factions, is no different in its character and objects. It emerges from the statements of its leaders and its publications that this movement views the "Zionist Jewish entity" embodied in the State of Israel as a prime enemy and advocates immediate action to liquidate it, this movement too has given expression to its ambitions in dozens of acts of murder and terror.

           

The Deportation Orders

 

            4. (a) Against the background of increasing Hamas activity in the first weeks of December 1992, the Government, on 16th December 1992, decided as follows:

           

"456. Security matters

 

In the Ministerial Committee for National Security Matters, authority is given to make emergency regula­tions for the issue of immediate deportation orders for the expulsion of persons inciting acts of terror and it is decided (by a majority, one abstention) as follows:

 

            (a) In view of the existence of a state of emergency and in order to safeguard public security - to instruct the Prime Minister and the Minister of Defence to order and empower the military commanders of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip to issue orders in accordance with vital, immediate security needs relating to the temporary deportation, without prior notice, for the purpose of deporting inciters, of those of the residents of the territory who are, by their action, endangering human life or inciting such action, for such period as determined by the military commanders, but not exceeding two years.

 

            (b) Any person departed as aforesaid may, within 60 days, appeal against his deportation to a special committee through a member of this family or his advocate in accordance with rules to be laid down in the orders".

           

            Following the said decision, the Commander of Central Command, who is also Commander of the IDF Forces in Judea and Samaria, and the Commander of Southern Command, who is also Commander of the IDF Forces in the Gaza Strip, published provisional orders relating to the Temporary Deportation (Temporary Provision) (Judea and Samaria Region) (No. 138l) Order, 1992 and the Temporary Deportation (Temporary Pro­duction) (Gaza' Strip Region) (No. 1986), 1992. The wording of the order in respect of Judea and Samaria is set out below:

           

"The Israel Defence Forces

           

Order for Temporary Deportation (Temporary Provision)

 

By virtue of my power as Commander of the IDF Forces, having been satisfied due to the special circumstances presently existing in the territory, that decisive security reasons so require, I hereby order, as a temporary provision, as follows:

 

Definitions

 

1. In this Order -

 

'regulations' means the Defence (Emergency) Regula­tions, 1945;

 

 'temporary deportation order' means an order pursuant to Regulation 112(1) of the Regulations, the force of which is limited to a period not exceeding two years.

 

Implementation of temporary deportation order

 

2. A temporary deportation order may be carried out immediately after it is issued.

 

Appeals committee

 

3. (a) Notwithstanding the provisions of Regulation 112(8) of the Regulations, appeal committees shall be established for the purpose of this Order whose members shall be appointed by me or by person empowered by me.

 

(b) A legally qualified judge of a military court shall serve as chairman of an appeal committee.

 

(c) An appeal committee shall have power to hear an appeal brought before it and may approve the temporary deportation order, revoke it or reduce the period specified therein.

 

Appeals

 

4. (a) An appeal against a temporary deportation order may only be made to the appeal committee within 60 days of the temporary deportation order being issued.

 

(b) The deliberations of the appeal committee shall be conducted in camera.

 

(c) Where the temporary deportation order has been carried out, the appeal committee shall consider the appeal in the absence of the deportee.

 

(d) The deportee shall be entitled to be represented before the appeal committee by an advocate or a relative.

 

5. (a) This Order shall commence on the date of its signature.

 

(b) This Order shall remain in force until other provision

is made by me.

 

6. This Order shall be referred to as the Temporary Deportation (Temporary Provision) (Judea and Samaria Region) Order (No. 138 l), 1992.

16th December 1992.

 

Danny Yatom, Brigadier

Commander of the IDF Forces in Judea and Samaria"

 

 

            The wording of the order in respect of the Gaza Strip is similar, with some insignificant modifications, to the order published for Judea and Samaria.

           

            (b) The said order relating to temporary expulsion is based on the provision of Regulation 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, which were made by the British Mandatory Government and are still part of domestic law in the said territories.

           

            The relevant provisions of Regulation 112 as aforesaid provide as follows:

           

"Deportation

           

112. (l) The Commander of the Israel Defense Forces in the territory shall be empowered to make an order under his hand hereinafter referred to in these Regulations as a deportation order) for the deportation of any person from the occupied territory. Any person in respect of whom a deportation order is made shall remain outside the occupied territory so long as the order is in force.

 

(8) Any advisory committee appointed under the provision of sub-regulation (4) of Regulation 111, if so requested by any person in respect of whom a deportation order is made under these Regulations, is empowered to deliberate and make recommendations to the commander of the territory in connection with the deportation order".

 

            There has been no dispute before us that the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, including the said Regulation 112, are part of the domestic law in force in each of the said occupied territories (as regards Judea and Samaria, see also the summary of the legislative history in H.C. 513/85 [l] Nazal v. The Commander of the IDF Forces in Judea and Samaria, (hereafter - the Nazal case) [l]. In the Gaza Strip, the British Mandatory law still applies in full, so that Regulation 112 is included therein.

           

            (c) From the above quotation, it emerges that the temporary deportation order referred to the special circumstances which had arisen and to the decisive security reasons, and it provided the following main arrangements:

           

            (1) The force of the temporary deportation is for two years at the most.

           

            (2) The temporary deportation order under Regulation 112 of the said Regulations can be carried out on the spot, namely immediately after its issue.

           

            (3) The right to a hearing would only be available after the deportation is carried out, i.e., it would be possible to submit an appeal for up to 60 days from the date of issue of the order. The 60 day limitation was revoked in an amendment of 13th January 1993.

           

            (4) The appeal committee for the purposes of such an appeal would have power to make a binding decision, not merely a recommendation.

           

            (5) The appeal would be heard in the absence of the deportee, who could be represented by an advocate or relative.

           

            (d) Following on the orders, the commanders actually exercised the power vested in them, as follows:

           

            In Judea and Samaria, 284 deportation orders were issued, of which 39 were for a period of 18 months and the rest for a period of 24 months. In the Gaza Strip, 202 orders were issued, of which 100 were for a period of 18 months and the rest for a period of 24 months. Of the said total number, 78 were subsequently with­drawn, but orders were added, to the effect that altogether 415 persons were expelled.

           

            On 16th December 1992 the deportation began. It was temporarily stayed following on the first petitions, by interim orders of this court, which were set aside on 17th December 1992 together with the issue of the orders nisi.

           

            (e) The criterion applied by the military authority which decided to carry out the deportation was an individual one; namely, the selection was personal, based on the information regarding each of the candidates for deportation. As stated in the State's written reply submitted to us:

           

"49. Those involved are individuals, some of whom took part in the organisation and support of acts of violence or in the guidance, incitement or preaching of such acts. The others assisted the activites of the said organisations in the sphere of ecomomic or organisational infrastructure, the mobilisation of personnel, the raising and distribution of funds and also in the wording of proclamations and organising their circulation. "

 

            (f) after the deportation, it transpired that the deportees included, in error, six people against whom an order had not been made, another person in respect of whom of identity an error had been made and nine persons under legal process or persons against whom court proceedings were being conducted, whom it was not intended to expel without first exhausting the legal proceedings already being taken.

 

            The Government announced its willingness to return the said persons, and 14 of them who agreed thereto have already been returned.

           

The Respondents' Position

 

5. The position of the Respondents is that a deportation order may be duly carried out pursuant to the emergency provisions without allowing an opportunity to submit an appeal prior thereto, pursuant to Regulation 112(8) quoted above, because -

 

            (a) in practical terms there is a necessity, namely there are pressing emergency conditions which required deportation; and

           

            (b) in legal terms, in such circumstances, the prior hearing of an appeal could be dispensed with, because the orders of the commanders laid down an express legislative provision on this issue permitting expulsion without prior hearing; in the alternative, the law of the State of Israel, as expressed in the precedents of this Court, also recognises exceptions which, in extreme security circumstances, permit departure from the observance of an inherent right, including that of a hearing. In this context the Respondents referred inter alia to the judgment of President Agranat and of Judge Sussman in E.A. 1/65 (Yarador v. Chairman of the Sixth Knesset Central Elections Committee, [2] and to the judgment in H.C. 680/88 (Schnitzer v. The Chief Military Censor, [3], at 630, opposite the letter B).

           

The Petitioners' Arguments

 

            6. (a) The central argument of the Petitioners is that the deportation orders are void for a dual reason, both because the empowering order (namely the Temporary Provisions Order) is void ab initio and because of various defects which occurred in the course of issuing the individual orders.

           

            With regard to the first reason, the Petitioners referred in particular to alleyed absence, of a sufficient legal basis for denying the deportee the right of prior hearing, so as to allow him to raise his objections to the deportation, before it takes place, before a committee operating under Regulation 112(8) of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, and if he so desires thereafter also before the High Court of Justice (according to the limits delineated in that respect by this Court in H.C. 1361/1378/91 Mesalem v. The Commander of the IDF Forces in the Gaza Strip, Abu Judian v. Minister of Defence [4] at 453, opposite the letter F).

 

            (b) The act of deportation is contrary to both public international law and to Israeli administrative law, jointly and severally:

           

            (1) Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention relate to the Protection of Civilian Persons in time of War prohibits expulsion generally and mass expulsion in particular.

           

            (2) Israeli law grants the right to a hearing before deportation (H.C. 320/90, Kawasme v. Minister of Defence, H.C. 672/88, (hereafter, the Kawasme case) [5], Lavadi v. Commander of the IDF Forces in the West Bank, [6] at 235,. and H.C.A. 454/88, quoted therein). This right, which is laid down in Israeli law, should not be denied by security legislation in occupied territory.

           

            (c) Following H.C. 7/48 (EI Karbutli v. Minister of Defence, (hereafter, the Karbutli case) [1] it was pleaded by the Petitioners that the deportation orders are void on a further ground, namely that the committees under the Temporary Provisions Order were only set up after the deportation, i.e. they did not exist before the deportation was carried out.

           

            We should point out already at this stage that we cannot accept this last argument. As we shall specify below, the right to apply for a hearing (or appeal) is based on the provisions of Regulation 112 as aforesaid. Sub-regulation (8) thereof, which the Petitioners continue to view as the determining provision as to the appeal, refers to the committees set up under Regulation 111(4), which have been in existence time, including the date that the order was carried out.

 

The Legal Conclusions

 

            7. The following are the matters requiring examination.

           

            (a) The validity of Regulation 112 of the said Regulations as part of domestic law.

           

            (b) When may Regulation 112 be implemented.

           

            (c) The right of hearing pursuant to that regulation.

           

            (d) The exceptions to the right of hearing and the validity of the temporary provisions.

           

            (e) The validity of the deportation orders.

           

            (f) The implementation of the right of hearing.

           

            8. Regulation 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, which deals with deportation, is a legal provision of law valid in Judea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip, since it is part of the law applicable in the region ("the laws in force in the country", in the words of Regulation 43 in the Aurex to the Hague Convention of 1907 concerning the Laws and Customs of Land Warfare). The continued force of the Regulation, which was made during the British Mandate, originally derived from the provisions of Jordanian law, and since the entry of the IDF Forces it has a similar derived from the Law and Administration Proclamation (No. 2), 1967 and Proclamation of the same year related to the Gaza Strip (see also H.C. 1361-1378/91, [4], at p. 455). The implementation of Regulation 112 as domestic law is, since the entry of the IDF Forces, with the power and authority of the regional commander.

 

            The orders which were made in the present case were based on specific information in respect of each deportee, namely on individual considerations which, according to the Respondents, indicated the existence of a basis in respect of each single one of the deportees. This means that there was no collective order but a set of personal orders, each of which exists independently, and meets the requirements of Regulation 108 of the said Regulations, which is discussed below.

 

            9. The arguments addressed to us did not justify a departure from the legal conclusion that the discretion standing behind the implementation of Regulation 112 was based on considerations contained in Regulation 108 of the said Defence Regulations (as stated therein, "if it is necessary or effectual to grant the order for the security of the public, the defence of the State of Israel, the maintenance of public order or the suppression of uprising, rebellion or riots"), provided that the individual data relating to a deportee, as presented to the Commander of the IDF Forces before making the order, give foundation for such an act. The evidence relating to each deportee should be clear, unequivocal and persuasive, see the Nazal case [1], at 655).

           

            10. (a) Regulation 112(8) lays down as aforesaid that a consultative committee, appointed under Regulation 111(4) for the purposes of hearing appeals against an administrative detention order, is empowered to examine and make recommendations in connection with a deportation order if so requested by a person in respect of whom such an order has been made.

           

            The said Regulation does not specify whether the hearing of the appeal should be held before or after the deportation is carried out. The British Mandatory authorities which made the Regula­tions believed, as emerges from the way in which the Regulation was implemented, that there is no duty to hear an appeal before the deportation order is carried out, and the then consultative committee heard appeals (when too, in the absence of the deportee) only after the deportation order had been carried out. The committee under Regulation 112(8) was the same committee which acted under Regulation 111(4) and, just as it heard appeals after detention rather than before it, so it also heard appeals against deportation after, rather than before, its implementation.

           

            As can be learnt and inferred from the case law of the early years of the State, then too it was not the practice to grant the right of hearing, in the event of an appeal, prior to eassying out a deportation order (this is for example implied from H.C. 25/52, Jalil v. The Minister of the Interior, [8]; H.C. 240/51, Ta Alrahman v. Minister of the Interior, [9]; H.C. 174/52, Abu-Dahud v. Superintendent of Acre Prison, [10]; H.C. 8/52, Badar v. Minister of the Interior, [11].

 

            However, the developments which have occurred in consti­tutional and administrative law in recent decades have conferred on the right of hearing as a rule - including the right to appeal to the consultative committee under Regulation 112(8) which takes place in advance - the status of an established rule, and an essential means for the prior examination of the justification for the Commander to make a deportation order. The courts have viewed the prior hearing in the field of administrative law as one of the rules of natural justice (H.C. 3/58, Berman v. Minister of the Interior, [12] at 1503; H.C. 290/65, Eliaar v. Mayor of Ramat Gan, [13] at 33; H.C. 654/78, Gingold v. National Labour Tribunal, [14] at 654; Cr. A. 768/80, Schapira v. State of Israel, [15] at 363); and as regards the right of prior hearing, it was stated in H.C. 4112/90, Association for Civil Rights in Israel v. Commander of the Southern Command, [16] at 638, that -

           

"The source and foundation [of the right of hearing] is in Jewish tradition, and the sages of Israel ancient saw it the ancient right of humanity" (Genesis, Chapter 3, Verses 11-12; Chapter 4, Verses 9-10 [a] 18, 21; Deuteronomy, Chapter 1, Verse [B] 16); and further on [16] on page 638 it is stated:

 

            As regards the present case, it was stated in H.C.A. 497/88 (H.C. 265/88) (Shakshir v. Commander of IDF Forces in the West Bank, [17] at 537

           

"In Aware of the grave and far-reaching determent occasioned to the person concerned by reason of an order expelling him from is place of residence, the legislature has laid down a special procedure, which is not known in criminal law, through Regulations 111(4) and 112(8) of the Defence Regulations, according to which a consultative committee, headed by a lawyer, was established, amongst its powers being to examine all the information existing against the deportee 18 including all evidence, whether unrestigated privileged, in the posession of the Defense authorities. This committee gives the deportee an opportunity to submit to it his evidence and arguments and it must also allow him to call other witnesses on his behalf, if those witnesses might affect the result of the hearing. After examining the evidence and hearing the arguments of the parties or their attorneys, the consultative committee makes its recommendation to the Military Commander as regards the outcome of the relevant order... if the Commander decides, after receiving t he opinion of the consultative committee, not to cancel the deportation order and to insist upon its imple­mentation, it is open to the deportee submit a petition to the High Court of Justice".

 

            (c) The legal interpretation according to which Regulation 112(8) grants a right of appeal before implementation of the deportation was considered at length in the Kawasme case [5].

           

            The Kawasme case [5] involved the deportation of the mayors of Hebron and Halhoul and of the Imam of the El Ibrahimi Mosque, Rajahb El-Tamimi, following the murder in Hebron of six Jews who, on 2nd May 1980, were returning from prayers at the Cave of Machpela. Immediately upon the deportation order being made by Brigadier-General Benjamin Ben Eliezer, the three were taken from their homes, supposedly for the purpose of talks with the regional commander. They were then told that they were going to meet the Minister of Defence and instead they were flown by helicopter to the Lebanese border and there expelled over the border. Their spouses petitioned this Court against the validity of the deportation order.

           

            An order nisi was issued pursuant to which the authorities were required to show cause "why the deportation orders should not be set aside... since they (the deportees) had not been given a fair opportunity to state their objections to the deportation orders for consideration by the committee mentioned in Regulation 112(8)... and were not allowed to appear before that committee before the expulsions were implemented.

           

            In the Kawasme case the State Attorney explained in his arguments that those responsible for the deportation knew that the law prescribed with regard to Regulation 112(8), although they had decided, without consultation with legal authorities, to implement the deportation forthwith without service of an order or notice of its contents, because "a situation had arisen which obliged the immediate deportation of the said three leaders in order to prevent a dangerous escalation in the security situation in the region". The State representation also stated in court, after deportation had been carried out, that it would be willing to hold a hearing before an appeal committee.

           

            President Landau held that, according to the rules of natural justice and in view of the wording of Regulation 112(8), the reasonable meaning of the Regulation was that there is a duty to grant an opportunity of applying to the committee immediately after the deportation order is made and before it is carried out. After the deportation has been carried out a new situation arises, when the deportee is already over the border and he is thereby deprived of his ability to object to the order and put his case to the committee.

           

            This was also how the Regulation was understood - as emerged from the Minister of Defence's reply - in another case, being that of the deportation order in respect of Bassam Shaka, the mayor of Nablus. In the words of President Landau, "even if it had been most desirable in the eyes of the respondents, for pressing reasons of security, that the deportation be implemented without any delay, that did not justify their disregard... of the necessity to observe the law" (ibid., p. 119).

           

            Nevertheless, President Landau did not see fit to set aside the deportation order. The consultative committee was already in existence at the time of the deportation and it was therefore not appropriate to conclude that the order was void on the ground that this Court applied in the case of Karbulti (ibid., H.C. 7/48), in which a detention order was revoked because a committee under Regulation 111(4) did not exist at the time the detention was carried out.

           

            In President Landau's opinion, the main point is that denial of the right to apply to the committee prior to deportation require does not retroactive revocation of the order, but the correct remedy for the wrong is reinstatement, namely placing the petitioners in the situation in which they would have been had they not been deprived of the right to apply to the committee. In view of the evidence of open incitement against the State by the Imam El Tamimi, the court did not find it appropriate to extend relief to that deportee, whereas in respect of the other two (Kawasme and Milchem), a majority of the judges (the President and Judge Yitzhak Kahan) decided, as President Landau said, after much soul-searching, that a recommendation should be made to allow those two to appear before the committee after the event. Judge Yitzhak Kahan, as mentioned, agreed with the result which President Landau reached, but added that although Regulation 112(8) does not contain express provision that an appeal to the committee should be allowed before deportation, in his opinion the rule is that generally a person should be allowed to appeal to the consultative committee before the order is implemented. This rule is not founded on statute, but on principles laid down by the courts which oblige every authority to act fairly. Denial of the right to apply to the committee is similar to denying a person's right to a fair hearing. However, according to him, there could be emergency situations in which the right of hearing must bow to a contrary vital interest, which should be given priority. We shall discuss this below.

           

            Judge Haim Cohen, dissenting, believed that the order should be made absolute, since the expulsion orders should be viewed as void in view of the manner in which the deportation had been dealt with.

           

            The court, therefore, by a majority, decided to discharge the order nisi, namely to dismiss the petition, making the following recommendation:

 

 "...that if the committee (namely the consultative committee appointed under Regulation 111(4) of the 945 Regulations) finds that the content of the first and second petitioners' application to it, if made, is prima facie relevant and that it contains a clear position on the part of the petitioners whereby they intend to observe the laws of the military administration in their activities as public personalities and it also contains unequivocal reference to the statements of incitement published in their name in the media - then in the next stage the petitioners should be allowed to appear personally before the committee to allow it to gain an impression of their oral explanations, in the manner which should have been adopted initially" (ibid., pp.124- 125).

 

            The two deported mayors indeed applied to the committee through the Red Cross in affidavits which met the requirements. Following this, they were returned for the hearing via Allenby Bridge and were arrested on the spot. The consultative committee held its hearing by the Bridge. Petitioners' counsel appeared before it and their arguments were heard, and information was submitted on behalf of the Army about their activities. The committee heard the appeal and dismissed it, and the deportation order was upheld. The petitioners applied to this Court with a new petition which too was dismissed. The deportation order was then carried out once again.

           

            11. (a) In the present case, the Respondents have sought to modify the legal infrastructure by enacting the orders regarding the temporary provisions which expressly permit immediate expulsion, and allowing the possibility of applying to the consultative committee after the deportation.

           

            (b) We have explained in the past on more than one occasion that this Court will review the legality of an act of the military administration and the validity thereof in accordance with the principles of Israeli administrative law, in order to decide whether the norms binding an Israeli public officer have been observed (HC 69,493/81,) Abu Ita, v. Judea and Samaria Regional Commander, Kanzil v. Customs Commissioner, Gaza Region Command [18], at 231.

           

            It was stated there:

 

"So far as this Court is concerned, the officer is not generally regarded as having fulfilled his duty if he has performed that which is necessitated by the norms of international law, since more is required of him, as an Israeli authority, and he should also act in the sphere of military administration in accordance with the rules which delineate fair and proper administrative procedures. For example, the laws of war do not disclose any principle, whether established or at least formu­lated, according to which there is a duty to observe the right of hearing, but an Israeli authority will not fulfil its duty... if it does not respect that duty in circum­stances where the right should be granted in accordance with our norms of administrative law".

 

            Israeli administrative law requires as aforesaid, the grant of a right of hearing, and we have already stated that the more serious and irrevocable the results of the Government decision, the more essential is it that the person affected be allowed to state his objections and give his answer to the allegations against him so as to try to refute them (see H.C. 358/ 88, Association for Civil Rights v. Commander of the Central Command, [19] at 540).

           

            (c) Moreover, hearing arguments from an intermediary rather than from the person concerned is inherently deficient in value and practicality. Statements made by counsel lose some of their force when the person making the statements on behalf of another cannot first meet with the person concerned in order to obtain from him information, guidance and instructions, and continue consulting with him routinely in respect of the factual allegations raised against him which are the basis of the hearing, and in respect of which his reply is sought, as he alone knows his exact case Personal appearance, before the committee of the person in respect of whom the deportation order is made, is the foundation and essence the right to a hearing.

           

            The cases of mistaken identity, and of selection of deportees which have been discovered in the matter before us after the event, have of course made more acute the conclusion as regards the importance of giving an opportunity to put forward a regiments directly before the committee. There is a possibility - if only theoretical - that there are other cases in which it could become apparent that there was a mistake in - or non-justification for - the deportation, if the person concerned appeared before the committee and stated his case.

 

            12. (a) The Respondents have put forward the argument that, according to the principles of administrative law, there are circumstances in which vital interests of state security prevail over the duty to hold a prior hearing, before carrying out the deportation order. In other words, in balancing these competing values, namely the right of hearing versus security needs and when the security circumstances are of special weight, the right to hearing should not be exercised in advance of carrying out the deportation but only subsequently, and the need to exercise the power immediately then constitutes an incontestable constraint. The State's argument was as follows:

           

"31. Moreover, the opinion of the security authorities was, and still is, that any attempt to carry out the deportation of hundreds of people according to the previous pattern (rather than by way of immediate expulsion), whilst the deportees were still in the territories, was likely to give rise to a very services wave of incitement and violence, aimed inter alia at creating pressure (both domestic and international) on the State of Israel to rescuid the intention to expel them.

 

32. In this context, it could also be appraised, on the basis of past experience, that such a wave of incitement was also likely to spread beying the Palestinian street into the detention centres and prisons in Israel, in Judea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip".

 

            In order to lay the foundation for his argument of the existence, at times of a right to depart from the major principle of granting the right of prior hearing, the Attorney-General referred inter alia to H.C. 531/79 (The Likud Faction in Petach Tikva Municipality v. The Petach Tikva Municipal Council, [20] at 576), where it is stated:

 

"Principles of necessity or temporary constraints set aside the application of the rules of natural justice".

 

            Cr.A. 768/80 [15] was also mentioned, where it was held, an p. 365-366 of the report:

           

"There are cases where an administrative authority makes a decision without hearing the interested party and at the decision can be a valid one. This will happen when the interest which the decision protects in a specific case is of greater weight in the context of interests as a whole than the interest of the right to a hearing. Granted the importance of the principle of the right to a hearing, it should not be forgotten that it is only one of the generality of interests which have to be balanced and respected".

 

            In delineating the bounds of the said exception to the existence of the rule as to a hearing in purely operational matters, in the realm of security, it was said in H.C. 358/88 [19], at 546-561:

           

"There are indeed operational military circumstances in which judicial review is inconsistent with the place or time or with the nature of the circumstances; for example, when a military unit carries out an operation in the scope of which it must remove an obstacle or overcome opposition or respond on the spot to an attack on military forces or on civilians, and the operation is taking place at the time, or like circum­stances in which the competent military authority sees an operational need for immediate action. By the very nature of the matter, in such circumstances there is no room to delay the military operation which must be carried out on the spot".

 

In H.C. 4112/90 [16], (at p. 640): we went on to say on this issue

           

"Such circumstances existed in the case before us, where the Military Commander for a lengthy period tried many different measures until it became apparent to him that none of them could prevent an act of murder because of the narrow and winding streets of the location which did not allow the life of the victim to be safeguarded. This grave and uncontrollable situation in which human life is at risk obliges action on the spot to safeguard human life and immediately prevent the recurrence of such cases, as the Military Commander directed in the order. Among a right of argument in such circumstances, before implementing the order, involving a delay in taking action for the period necessary to hold the hearing in this Court, as described and requested in the petition, constitutes a substantial risk to human life and a real concern as to the frustration of the possibility of taking necessary action, as detailed in paragraph 7 of our judgment. In this example the supreme value of preserving human life takes priority over the value of a right to a hearing. This balance between these two values is the supreme value in our legal system".

 

            (b) The existence of the exception was also considered by Judge Yitzhak Kahan in his separate opinion in the Kawasme case [5]. He referred to the statement of Judge Witkon in H.C. 549/75 Noah Film Company v. Cinema Film Review Board, [21], at 760), according to which:

           

"There are of course situations in which the need to cancel a license or permit granted in error or without due consideration is so great and urgent that even if the rule of audi alteram partem was not complied with the court should hesitate to invalidate the decision for cancellation.

 

            Justice Yitzhak Kahan further stated:

 

"In the work of the learned author, H.W.R. Wade, Administrative Law, (Oxford, 4th ed., 1977, p. 451), the following was stated in this regard:

 

'Sometimes urgent action may have to be taken on ground of public health or safety, for example to seize and destroy bad meat exposed for sale or to order the removal to hospital of a person with an infectious disease. In such cases the normal presumption that a hearing must be given is rebutted by the circumstances of the case. So it is also, for obvious reasons, where the police have to act with urgency, e.g. in making arrests'.

           

            An example of a case in which - for reasons of safeguarding public security - the court in England justified infringing the rules of natural justice, can be found in the judgment in R. v. Secretary of State for Home Department, ex parte Honsenbal, (1977) [22]. In that case a deportation order was issued against an American journalist who had resided in England for a substantial period of time, and the Home Secretary refused to disclose all the details of the material in consequence of which the deportation order was made. In the judgment of the Court of Appeal, the petition was dismissed and the Court did not order the Minister to disclose details of the reasons for deportation. I am not sure that we would have adjudicated as the English Court of Appeal did in that case, but this instance does show that even in peaceful England, which does not face the danger of war, the court is willing to prefer a public interest of national security to the principles of natural justice. One may certainly do so when a state of emergency is involved which obliges immediate action. As the learned author J.F. Garner states in Administrative Law (London, 5th ed., 144 ( 1979):

 

'The full panoply of natural justice does not have to be observed in a case where this would be contrary to national security'.

           

            In the United States too it has been held on more than one occasion that the right to a hearing must give way in certain cases in states of emergency, when immediate action by the authority is necessary in order to safeguard important public interests. See B. Schwartz, Administrative Law (Boston - Toronto, 1976), The learned author states there inter alia the following at pages 210-211.

           

'In the emergency case, the emergency itself is complete justification for summary action. The right to be heard must give way to the need for immediate protection of the public.

 

The typical emergency case involves danger to public health or safety. But the emergency exception is not limited to health or safety cases."

 

            (c) In the Kawasme case [5] President Landau observed that if Regulation 112(8) could not be implemented in accordance with the said existing interpretation, thereof, the respondents in that case could have proposed revocation or modification of the Regulation by legislation (ibid., p. 120, opposite the letter E); so too according to Judge H. Cohen (ibid., p. 127, opposite the letter D). Obviously, those observations with regard to the possibility of legislation relate to circumstances in which it is sought to set aside the right of hearing for the purposes of defined exceptional cases, rather than legislation which revokes the right altogether.

           

            Justice Y. Kahan, on the other hand, believed that "the same source that imposes a prohibition may also revoke it", i.e., whoever initiated the right to a hearing as one to be observed ab initio, is also the one who can - by way of precedent rather than legislation - determine in what circumstances exceptions to the rule can be recognised.

           

            (d) The Respondents sought this time to refer in advance to the legislative option, and made the orders which are, as they are eatified, enactea "temporary provisions" permitting temporary deportation immediately after the issue of the order, the right of appeal being ancuitable only after the order is carried out. In our view the temporary provisions in the present case neither add nor subtract anything, whichever way one looks at it. If there is an exception to the right of a prior hearing, action can be taken in accordance with that exception and there is no need for a temporary provision; and if there is no exception to the right of hearing, the temporary provision is in any event invalid. As regards the question whether exceptions exist to the rules relating to the right to a hearing in deportation proceedings, as we have already stated, case law is to the effect that such exceptions do exist, and they are the result of the balance between the needs of security and the right to a hearing.

 

            We have not seen fit here to take a view on the question of whether an exception to the right of hearing existed in the circumstances herein, since we accept - according to the rule in the Kawasme case [5] (per Justice Landau and Y. Kahan) - that if there was no prior hearing, a subsequent hearing should be held, serving the object of giving an opportunity to the person concerned to present his case in detail, and the absence of a prior hearing does not per se invalidate the individual deportation orders.

           

            13. Is amending legislation in the present form valid, or, in other words, can the security legislation of a military commander determine that there was no legal duty to observe the right to a hearing before the deportation order was implemented?

           

            In view of the contents of paragraph 12 above, the question of the validity of the Temporary Provisions Order becomes devoid of practical legal meaning: the power to find that there is an exception in a specific concrete case, in which exigencies demand immediate action before granting the right to a hearing, is in any event inherent in the authority to exercise the power in respect whereof the right to a hearing is sought.

           

            However, so as to complete the picture, we shall also answer the question of the validity of general legislation, such as the Temporary Provision:

           

            If the Order purported to determine a new normative arrangement, without connection to or dependence on special concrete circumstances, the existence whereof must be examined in advance in any event, then it would be ultra vires the powers vested in the Military Commander. Security legislation cannot bring about the modification of general established norms of administrative law, which our legal system views as the fundamentals of natural justice. If the Temporary Provision sought to determine, as a rule, that henceforth any expulsion order can be implemented for a limited period without granting the right to a prior hearing, then does not grant legality to the said new arrangement. Only concrete exceptional circumstances can create a different balance between the conflicting rights and values, and such circumstances were not detailed in the wording of the Temporary Provisions. The Order laid down a general arrangement which will remain in force for so long as the Temporary Provision is in force. In other words, the Order laid down a limitation as regards the duration of the deportation, although it prescribed nothing in connection with defining the exceptional concrete circumstances in which the right of hearing can be restricted. It thereby sweepingly and in an overall way abrogated the right of hearing, and such power is not vested in the Military Commander.

 

            To conclude this point, since the Temporary Provisions sought to convert a valid general norm into another, without restriction or delineation for defined exceptional cases, the Temporary Provisions Order cannot be regarded as valid.

 

            As already explained, that is of no significance as regards the power to make deportation orders. The expulsion orders were expressly made on the basis of the provisions of Regulation 112(1) and in reliance on the powers vested pursuant thereto. The said Order relating to the Temporary Provisions did not create the power to make a deportation order but referred to Regulation 112. For the purpose of the case herein, it merely sought to determine arrangements with regard to the right of hearing; that and nothing more. We have found that the temporary provision is of no avail. The power to refrain from granting the right to a prior hearing is ancillary to the provisions of Regulation 112 in accordance with the explanation in paragraph 12 above, without the need for specific empowering legislation.

           

            We are therefore inherently brought back to the provisions of Regulation 112 in all its parts, including sub-regulation 112(8) thereof. This means that the power to make a deportation order exists and the hearing, by way of an appeal against the deportation order - which will take place after the order is carried out - should be conducted in accordance with Regulation 112(8), as interpreted by case law of this Court.

           

            14. The Petitioners have argued before us that the individual deportation orders are void by reason of defects in obtaining them, apart from the lack of a right of hearing. The Respondents have disputed this.

           

            We believe that in the present case the place for such arguments is before the consultative committee, to which the deportee may address his appeal. So long as the consultative committee has not otherwise decided, each individual order remains in force.

           

            15. The Respondents must now make practical arrangements for implementery the right of appearance before a consultative committee operating under Regulation 112(8) of the said Regula­tions in respect of anyone who so requests; that is to say, that if a written application is made by a deportee through the International Red Cross or otherwise, according to which the committee is asked to hear his appeal, then the applicant should be allowed to appear personally before the committee to enable it to obtain an impression of his oral explanations and to examine his case and the justification for performing the expulsion order in respect of him. Pending the appearance before the committee, he should also be allowed a personal meeting with counsel who asks to represent the deportee before the committee.

           

            The committee may hold its hearings at any place where the IDF can guarantee that they can properly take place.

           

            For the purpose of all the aforegoing, the Respondents must make practical arrangements, details of which should be decided by the authorities charged therewith. The commencement of such arrangements was described in the States' notice submitted to us on 25th January 1993, although they should be supplemented along the lines stated here.

           

            We have also taken note of the Attorney-General's notice of 25th January 1993, according to which further consideration of the security information concerning every deportee who files an appeal will be given within a reasonable time at the initiative of the Respondents.

           

            16. We shall conclude by referring to what was said by Judge Olshan (as he then was) in the Karbutli case [7], at p. 15:

           

"Whilst it is correct that the security of the State which necessitates a person's detention is no less important than the need to safeguard the citizen's right, where both objectives can be achieved together, neither one nor the other should be ignored".

 

            17. In conclusion, we have unanimously reached the following conclusions:

           

            (1) We find that as regards the personal expulsion orders, the absence of the right of prior hearing does not invalidate them. We order that the right of hearing should now be given as detailed above.

           

            (2) The order as to temporary deportation is void for the reason detailed in paragraphs 12(d) and 13 above. This conclusion does not invalidate the individual deportation orders.

           

            (3) The arguments against validity of the personal deportation orders, issued by virtue of Regulation 112 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945 should, as aforesaid, be submitted to the consultative committee.

           

            Subject as aforesaid, we dismiss the petitions and discharge the orders nisi.

           

Given this 6th day of Shevat 5753 (28th January 1993).

Association for Civil Rights in Israel v. Chairman of the Central Elections Committee for the Sixteenth Knesset

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 651/03
Date Decided: 
Thursday, January 23, 2003
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

Facts: During elections for the sixteenth Knesset, Respondent no. 1 disqualified portions of the election propaganda broadcasts of respondents nos. 2 and 3. These portions were disqualified by the Chairman because they included pictures of the Palestinian flag. Petitioner asserted that this disqualification of the portions constituted an infringement of the freedom of speech of respondents nos. 2 and 3, and an infringement of the voters' right to view political messages uncensored. The Attorney-General, as an amicus curae, asserted that petitioner did not have standing to bring his petition, as the injured respondents could have brought the petitions themselves.

 

Held: The Court held that petitioner did have standing as a public petitioner. The Court noted that the standing of public petitioners has been recognized in matters of a public nature that concern the rule of law, the enforcement of constitutional principles, or where intervention is necessary to repair a substantial error in government operations. In general, however, the standing of a public petitioner has not been recognized where there exists a specific individual who has been injured and also has standing. Even so, in the context of election law, the Court held that the standing of a public petitioner should be recognized even where there exists a specific individual who has standing. This extended right of standing should be recognized due to the importance of regular and proper elections to the democratic process, and due to the fact that all voters have an interest in receiving the political messages of the candidates. As to the merits of the petition, the Court held that, under the circumstances, the appearance of the Palestinian flag in the broadcasts would not cause injury to viewers. As such, the Court struck down the decision of the Chairman of the Central Elections Committee.

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
Author
concurrence
Full text of the opinion: 

 

 

 

 

                                                                                    HCJ 651/03

 

Association for Civil Rights in Israel

v.                        

Chairman of the Central Elections Committee for the Sixteenth Knesset
Raam- United Arab List
Balad- National Democratic Assembly

 

The Supreme Court Sitting as the High Court of Justice

[January 21, 2003]

Before Justices T. Strasberg-Cohen, I. Englard, and A. Procaccia

 

Facts: During elections for the sixteenth Knesset, Respondent no. 1 disqualified portions of the election propaganda broadcasts of respondents nos. 2 and 3. These portions were disqualified by the Chairman because they included pictures of the Palestinian flag. Petitioner asserted that this disqualification of the portions constituted an infringement of the freedom of speech of respondents nos. 2 and 3, and an infringement of the voters' right to view political messages uncensored. The Attorney-General, as an amicus curae, asserted that petitioner did not have standing to bring his petition, as the injured respondents could have brought the petitions themselves.

Held: The Court held that petitioner did have standing as a public petitioner. The Court noted that the standing of public petitioners has been recognized in matters of a public nature that concern the rule of law, the enforcement of constitutional principles, or where intervention is necessary to repair a substantial error in government operations. In general, however, the standing of a public petitioner has not been recognized where there exists a specific individual who has been injured and also has standing. Even so, in the context of election law, the Court held that the standing of a public petitioner should be recognized even where there exists a specific individual who has standing. This extended right of standing should be recognized due to the importance of regular and proper elections to the democratic process, and due to the fact that all voters have an interest in receiving the political messages of the candidates. As to the merits of the petition, the Court held that, under the circumstances, the appearance of the Palestinian flag in the broadcasts would not cause injury to viewers. As such, the Court struck down the decision of the Chairman of the Central Elections Committee.

Israeli Supreme Court Cases Cited:

[1]HCJFH 4110/92 Hess v. Minister of Defence, IsrSC 48(2) 811

[2]HCJ 852/86 Alony v. Minster of Justice, IsrSC 41(2) 1

[3]HCJ 1/81 Shiran v. The Broadcasting Authority, IsrSC 35(3) 365

[4]HCJ 910/86 Ressler v. Ministter of Defence, IsrSC 42(2) 441

[5]HCJ 1759/94 Srozberg v. Minister of Defence, IsrSC 51(1) 625

[6]HCJ 16355/90 Jarjevski v. The Prime Minister, IsrSC 45(1) 749

[7]HCJ 428/86 Barzilai v. The Government of Israel, IsrSC 40(3) 505

[8]HCJ 4112/99 Adalah, The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Municipality of Tel-Aviv/Jaffa, IsrSC 56 (5) 393

[9]HCJ 2148/94 Gilbert v. Chairman of the Investigating Committee for the Examination of the Massacre in Hebron, IsrSC  48(3) 573

[10]HCJ 26/76 Bar Shalom v. Israel Lands Administration, IsrSC 31(1) 796

[11]CA 10596/02 Ness v. Likud Party, IsrSC 57(1) 769

[12]HCJ 40/70 Becker v. Minister of Defence, IsrSC 24(1) 238

[13]HCJ 231/73 Bergman v. Minister of Treasury, IsrSC 27(2) 785

[14]HCJ 148/73 Kaniel v. Minister of Justice, IsrSC 27(1) 794

[15]HCJ 549/75 Noah Films. v. The Film Review Board, IsrSC 30(1) 757

[16]HCJ 14/86 Laor v. The Film & Play Review Board, IsrSC 41(1) 421

[17]HCJ 869/92 Zweely v. Chairman of the Central Elections Committee for the Thirteenth Knesset, IsrSC 46(2) 692

[18]HCJ 212/03 Herut—The National Jewish Movement v. Chairman of the Central Elections Committee for the Sixteenth Knesset, IsrSC 57(1) 750

 

Israeli Books Cited:

[19]1 I. Zamir, The Administrative Authority, 81-83 (1996). 

[20]Z. Segel, The Right of Standing in the High Court of Justice 253 (1993

 

Petition granted.

 

On behalf of the petitioner—Dan Yakir

On behalf of respondent no. 1—Anar Helman

On behalf of respondent no. 2—Not Present

On behalf of respondent no. 3—Osama Halabi

 
JUDGMENT
Justice A. Procaccia

1.  Respondents nos. 2 and 3 are, respectively, Raam—The United Arab List [hereinafter Raam], and Balad—The National Democratic Assembly [hereinafter Balad]. Both of these respondents are parties running for election in the Sixteenth Knesset.  Respondent no. 1 is the Chairman of the Central Elections Committee. The Chairman disqualified segments of two of Raam’s and Balad’s election propaganda broadcasts which displayed the Palestinian flag. Petitioner, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, approached this Court with a petition for the invalidation of the Chairman's decision to disqualify the broadcast segments. Petitioner requests that we allow the televising of the propaganda broadcasts in full. 

After oral arguments and viewing tapes of the broadcast, we handed down a judgment on January 21, 2003 in which we made the order nisi final, and allowed the uncensored televising of Raam’s and Balad’s propaganda broadcasts.  Due to the exigency of the issue, we decided that the reasons for our judgment would be given at a later date.  The following are the facts and the reasons for our decision,

Background

2.  The petition before us was submitted by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel against the Chairman of the Central Elections Committee. Raam and Balad were added as respondents.  Raam did not attend oral arguments.  Balad attended the arguments, supported the petition, and joined in the request for relief. 

3.  The petition concerns two election propaganda broadcasts, one produced by Raam and the other produced by Balad.  We have viewed both election broadcasts. Raam’s broadcast is devoted to the troubles of the Bedouin in the Negev.  It contrasts, through pictures, the living conditions of the Bedouin with the living conditions of the Jewish population in Israel. The final seconds of the broadcast consist of a scene of a demonstration, whose participants include Knesset Member Sanah.  In this scene, a Palestinian flag is seen waving while a number of youths make the letter “V” with their fingers.  As per the decision of respondent no. 1, the Palestinian flag was concealed by a white spot.  Aside from this, the entire broadcast was approved for broadcast. 

The Balad broadcast consists mainly of speeches made by the head of the party, Member of Knesset A. Bishara, to the voting public, and of photographs of his meetings with various officials.  At the end of the broadcast, for a split-second, a picture of the Palestinian flag appears.  Here too, the Palestinian flag was concealed by a white spot, as per respondent 1’s decision.

4.  On January 15, 2003, in response to a letter sent by the legal advisor of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, Dan Yakir, respondent no. 1 gave the following reasons for his decision:

 

I disqualified a number of segments from election broadcasting, including those segments of which you speak in your letter. I was of the opinion, and am of that opinion still, that it was appropriate not to permit the broadcast of the flag.  We should keep in mind that the present elections are elections for the Israeli parliament and that Israel is currently in a cruel and bitter state of war, even if this does not constitute war as defined under international law.

 

The Parties’ Arguments

 

5.  Following the response of respondent no. 1, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel submitted this petition.  Its main argument is that the disqualification of the segments that display the Palestinian flag constitutes a severe infringement of Raam’s and Balad’s political freedom of speech, and upon the voting public’s right to view propaganda broadcasting.  According to petitioner, election propaganda, including propaganda broadcasting, is an integral part of any constitutional, democratic electoral process. The right to broadcast election propaganda is founded upon the freedom of speech.  This court, in its case law, has formulated an equation for balancing between the freedom of speech in election propaganda and between other public interests.  According to petitioner, in the appropriate balancing of the relevant values, there is no room to disqualify these broadcast segments. The significance of the Palestinian flag should be considered within its context.  In the case at hand, the Palestinian flag does not reflect a show of support for a terrorist organization in an armed struggle against the State of Israel. As such, there is no public interest that justifies the disqualification of the segments, and they should be seen as a part of legitimate political discourse, a discourse that should not be restricted in this case. The decision to disqualify the broadcast of the segments should be seen as unreasonable, and it should be invalidated.

 

6.  The Attorney-General, as an amicus curae, claims that the petition should be denied, both on its merits and also because the petitioner lacks standing. It was argued, in regard to the latter claim, that the petitioner is fighting a battle that is not its own, and that this provides sufficient cause to close the gates of the Court.  No one, aside from the parties running for election, has the right to broadcast election propaganda. If the decision of the Chairman of the Central Election Committee harms any of the candidates' interests in propaganda broadcasting, that candidate or party is entitled to petition for relief.  Under these circumstances, the standing of a public petitioner should not be recognized, if the injured party itself has not petitioned for relief. In this case, Raam and Balad are the political parties whose broadcast segments were disqualified.  If they believed that this decision injured their rights, they could have submitted a petition for relief.  They chose not to petition for their own reasons. The petitioner in this case suffered no injury which would entitle it to submit a petition in its own name.  It was further argued that, in general, the standing of a public petitioner is not recognized in a case where an administrative act injures the rights of a specific individual and that person refrains from petitioning the court. Such is the case before us, where only the party actually affected by the decision has standing. 

The Attorney-General also draws attention to the difficulties intrinsic to a proceeding initiated by a public petitioner and not by the true interested party. First, a petition initiated by a public petitioner may lack all the factual data necessary for a comprehensive understanding of the dispute. Second, recognizing public petitioners may generate an excess of public petitions concerning the elections.  This would draw elections issues to the Court, even though they should be dealt with in the public arena.

Regarding the merits of the petition, it was argued that the respondent’s decision is reasonable.  The Attorney-General argues that, in balancing Raam’s and Balad’s political freedom of speech against the public interest, the balance leans towards disqualifying the broadcast segments that display the Palestinian flag.  This flag is the flag of the Palestinian Authority and of the Palestine Liberation Organization [hereinafter PLO].  The Attorney-General argues that it is a symbol of the cruel terrorist war being waged by terrorist organizations against the citizens of Israel, a war which has claimed many victims. As a result of this war, the lives of thousands of families have been shattered.  The disqualification of the segments was intended to prevent certain and substantial injury to the feelings of thousands of families hurt by the terrorist war being waged by the Palestinians.  The Attorney-General adds that the respondent has broad discretion in making decisions regarding elections issues which are under his authority.  In this case, his decisions should be approved. At minimum, it should be held that they do not constitute a radical departure from the zone of reasonableness.

 

Standing

 

7.  In our case law, we have greatly extended the standing of a public petitioner in matters of a public nature that concern the rule of law, the enforcement of constitutional principles, or where intervention is necessary to repair a substantial error in government operations.  The status of the public petitioner has been recognized even where the public petitioner cannot claim to have been personally affected or harmed. See HCJFH 4110/92 Hess v. Minister of Defence [1]; HCJ 852/86 Alony v. Minster of Justice [2]; HCJ 1/81 Shiran v. The Broadcasting Authority [3]. Our approach to standing was greatly influenced by our understanding of the role of judicial review in the democratic state.  Our broad understanding of the right of standing is a part of a broader view of this Court, as not only responsible for resolving conflicts between parties, but also as responsible for the rule of law, even outside the context of resolving individual conflicts: 

 

In a democratic society, the court is responsible for preserving the rule of law.  The significance of this is that it must enforce the law with regard to the governmental authorities, and it must ensure that the government is acting lawfully.

 

See HCJ 910/86 Ressler v. Minister of Defence [4]; HCJ 1759/94 Srozberg v. Minister of Defence [5]; 1 I. Zamir, The Administrative Authority, 81-83 (1996) [19].  As such, the standing of a public petitioner was recognized in matters of general public importance concerning the rule of law and concerning matters of a constitutional nature, even where the public petitioner has no direct personal interest in the matter.  HCJ 16355/90 Jarjevski v. The Prime Minister [6]; HCJ 428/86 Barzilai v. The Government of Israel [7]. 

 

8.  Even in light of this extension of the right of standing, this Court will generally not entertain a public petition where there exists an injured party who has not approached the Court.  Where a petition attacks an administrative act which has injured the right or interest of a specific individual, and that person refrains from petitioning this Court, the Court may not recognize the public petitioner’s standing, even if the matter relates to a matter of general public importance.  This exception to standing is intended to limit the public petition to government acts where there is no relevant injured party. If such an injured party exists, the public petitioner will be considered to be intervening in a conflict not its own, and its application will be denied.  Srozberg, [5] at 631; HCJ 4112/99 Adalah, The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Municipality of Tel-Aviv/Jaffa [8]; HCJ 2148/94 Gilbert v. Chairman of the Investigating Committee for the Examination of the Massacre in Hebron [9].

It is appropriate to note that there has been criticism of limiting the standing of a public petitioner in cases where there is an injured individual with a direct and actual interest in the matter:

This limiting approach should not be maintained if the Court finds that the “public petitioner” is drawing attention to a matter of general and exceptional importance, which goes beyond the specific matter at hand.

Z. Segel, The Right of Standing in the High Court of Justice 253 (1993) [20]. This approach accords with the view that “the greater the public significance of the matter, the greater the Court’s tendency to recognize the petitioner’s right to bring the matter before the Court, even if he is an ordinary citizen.” HCJ 26/76 Bar Shalom v. Israel Lands Administration [10] (Berenson, J.).

9.  Here, Raam and Balad have a direct interest in the respondent’s decision to invalidate the segments for election broadcasting.  They did, however, not petition for relief.  The petitioner is the Association for Civil Rights in Israel. The association did not initiate this proceeding in the name of those two political parties.  Nevertheless, petitioner's standing should be recognized. 

The main reason for recognizing the petitioner's standing lies in the special nature of the matter at hand, which concerns the electoral process.  Matters concerning the electoral process are of the utmost constitutional importance. Additionally, the petitioner has standing as a representative of the interests of the voter, who has a direct interest in the electoral process, and not only as a representative of the parties whose broadcast segments were disqualified. 

10.  The standing of a public petitioner, in matters regarding the elections, should not be compared to any other matter.  The significance of the protected interest in the electoral process, and the petitioner's connection to this interest, are different from that of regular public petitions.  The electoral process is, first and foremost, concerned with guaranteeing the rights of voters and parties that wish to be elected through the democratic process.  Election laws are intended to ensure that the individual be able to realize his right to vote and be voted for, while allowing him to exercise his freedom of speech. They are also intended to preserve rules of equality, as well as the regularity and fairness of the electoral process:

The goal of election laws is, at the end of the day, none other than the translation of the wishes of the voters into the distribution of political power and seats in the Knesset.

CA 10596/02 Ness v. Likud Party, [11] at par. 11 (Barak, J.).  The object of the electoral process is to realize the fundamental right to vote and be voted for in a proper and regular process. The regularity of the electoral process is the concern of the entire public, and goes beyond the direct concern of the specific individual injured by government action.  Even in the past, when our approach to standing still restricted the right of access to the courts, a voter’s right to petition against irregularities in the electoral process was recognized. In HCJ 40/70 Becker v. Minister of Defence [12], Justice Vitkon stated:

The right to public standing developed with regard to two issues. One issue relates to the elections. The reason for this recognition is that ensuring election rights is a precondition for any democratic regime. Every voter is personally and directly harmed by disruption and lack of order in the management of the elections, and he has standing in Court, unless his right has been limited by law.

With regard to examining the merits of a public petition concerning the elections, see also HCJ 231/73 Bergman v. Minister of Treasury [13];  HCJ 148/73 Kaniel v. Minister of Justice [14]. These two cases discussed the merits of the public petitions at issue there. They did not discuss the question of a public petitioner’s standing when a specific party is injured by the government act.

11.  A voter has standing to bring a petition regarding the electoral process where his rights as a voter have been directly violated.  However, his right to standing goes further than this.  In free and democratic elections, the rights of voters are intertwined with the rights of candidates such that the violation of a candidate’s rights may affect the rights of a voter. The candidates’ freedom of speech, for example, expressed through their election propaganda, is an aspect of a voter’s right to receive information from the candidates, consider this information, and formulate their choices.  Injury to a party’s freedom of speech may not only harm the party, but also the voters who wish to hear the full spectrum of political discourse.  Unlawful restrictions on the freedom of speech are not only the concern of the candidate running for election.  They are also the concern of the voter, who requires freedom of speech to formulate his electoral preferences.  In this way, the voter’s rights are connected to the rights of the candidates running for election. A direct injury to the party may constitute an injury to the voter, and grant the latter standing to bring his concern before the courts.

 

12.  We emphasize that, even after recognizing a public petitioner’s standing in election matters, we must still examine whether his petition is founded on a solid factual basis or whether, due to the public petitioner’s distance from the conflict, it relies on vague assertions, and does not bring verified facts and data before the Court. See Gilbert [9]; Adalah [8].

13.  In the matter at hand, both Raam and Balad have a direct interest in the respondent’s decision to disqualify the broadcast segments.  Needless to say, they have the right to approach this Court requesting relief, if they believe that the decision has violated their rights. In petitioning for relief, the petitioner does not act as a substitute for these parties.  The petitioner wishes to protect not only the parties’ political freedom of speech, but also the public interest in guaranteeing the rights of the voter.  The voter has the right—a right related to freedom of speech—to both see and hear the full spectrum of political discourse.  Freedom of speech includes not only the candidate’s freedom to express his opinions, but also the voter’s freedom to know—“to see and to hear.” HCJ 549/75 Noah Films. v. The Film Review Board [15]; HCJ 14/86 Laor v. The Film & Play Review Board [16].  Here, the petitioner’s claim concerns the voter’s freedom to receive the messages of the election broadcasts without interference in their contents.  This aspect of freedom of speech grants the petitioner standing to bring the claim that this freedom has been unlawfully restricted.  This is a result of the alleged injury to the voter, and in light of the constitutional status of the right to vote and be voted for in the democratic process, and of the various aspects of the freedom of speech, which is the backbone of the electoral process:

Freedom of speech is a central and fundamental principal, important for realizing the goals of law.  This freedom touches all expression.  It has special significance regarding political expression in general, and especially regarding political expression during elections….One of the principal justifications of the freedom of speech relates to democracy.  The spirit of democracy is lost without freedom of speech… Freedom of speech ensures the exchange of ideas between members of the public, and allows them to form opinions regarding issues on the national agenda…. Only in this way will a person be able to form his own independent opinions with regard to critical issues—both social and national—whose resolution are ultimately in his hands by virtue of his right to choose the state’s institutions.

 

HCJ 869/92 Zweely v. Chairman of the Central Elections Committee for the Thirteenth Knesset, [17] at 706-07 (Barak, J.).

 

In a democratic regime, the freedom of speech during elections requires both the freedom to express ideas and the freedom to receive messages that shape public opinion.  This freedom, at the heart of the constitutional right to vote and be voted for, demands the uninterrupted flow of opinions and ideas. The claim that one's freedom of speech was violated—be it the freedom of the voter or the freedom of the candidate, be it the right to express or the right to hear, see and know—entitles the petitioner to standing, and the doors of this Court will open for him.  For a discussion of foreign countries who broadly interpret a voter’s standing regarding elections, even where the matter does not especially concern him, see Z. Segel, Standing in the High Court of Justice 44 (1993) [20].

 

Petitioner raises a significant constitutional claim concerning the freedom of expression of the parties in the election, a claim that bears on the public interest. Petitioner also represents interests beyond the interests of the two parties here.  It also represents the interests of the voting public, of which its members form a part. As such, the standing of the petitioner should be recognized, and the merits of the petition should be addressed.

 

14.  Though unnecessary to the specific issue at hand, it should be mentioned that Balad was present at oral arguments and expressed its full support of the petition.  It explained that it did not actually submit its own petition for pragmatic and administrative reasons. Such a position demonstrates a mutuality of interest between the positions of the petitioner and one of the parties who has a direct interest in the matter. This greatly diminishes the force of the state’s motion for summary dismissal.

 

Needless to say, the petitioner cannot force Balad and Raam to televise the broadcasts in full, even if the petition is granted.  It may only bring about the judicial invalidation of the limitations imposed upon those parties.

 

For the above reasons, it is appropriate that the petitioner’s standing should be recognized.

 

Respondent’s Decisions—Weighing the Conflicting Interests

 

15.  In HCJ 212/03 Herut—The National Jewish Movement v. Chairman of the Central Elections Committee for the Sixteenth Knesset  [18], this Court set out the limits of the discretion of the Chairman of the Central Elections Committee regarding permitting or disqualifying election propaganda broadcasts.  First, according to Herut, the authority of the Chairman of the Central Elections Committee extends farther than the literal language of section 2B of the Elections Law (Propaganda Methods)-1959. Second, two conflicting goals should also be taken into account by the Chairman—the realization of freedom of speech in political discourse as well as the realization of public peace, in its broad sense.  Freedom of speech is the fundamental principle of the democratic electoral process. On the other hand, there is the public interest in security, peace and public order, including protecting the feelings of members of the public.  A proper balance must be struck between these interests.  In balancing these interests, freedom of speech has the status of a constitutional value. Restrictions on the freedom of speech will only be justified if the expression at issue has the potential to injure another protected value.

 

The Scope of Intervention in the Chairman of the Central Elections Committee’s Discretion

 

16. It is well known that, in deciding whether to ratify or disqualify an election broadcast under section 15A(d) of the Propaganda Methods Law, the Chairman of the Central Elections Committee has broad discretion in balancing conflicting values. A spectrum of possible decisions may fall within the within the zone of reasonableness. This is acceptable provided that a decision of the Chairman does not fall outside the zone of reasonableness, and that the Chairman attributes the proper weight to each of the relevant considerations.  Zweely [17] at 703; Herut [18] at para. 21. 

 

From the General to the Specific

 

17.  We viewed the broadcasts of Raam and Balad, and meticulously examined their contents and the details of the segments that were disqualified.  This examination led us to the conclusion that the petition should be granted.  We have no choice but to intervene in the respondent’s decision to disqualify the broadcast segments and allow the broadcasting of the election broadcasts in full. 

 

In examining the respondent’s decision, we focus on the reasons he gave for his decisions in his response to the petition.  His principal reason was that the disqualification of the segments was intended to prevent injury to the feelings of thousands of families harmed by terrorism, victims of the activities of Palestinian terrorist organizations.

 

The Palestinian flag is indeed a symbol of the national identity of the Palestinians.  As it is the flag of the Palestinian Authority and the PLO, it may possibly be identified with hostile groups involved in terrorist activities against Israeli civilians.  Nevertheless, in order to disqualify the display of the Palestinian flag from election propaganda broadcasts, the contents of the display must have the potential to cause substantial, deep and severe injury to the feelings of members of the Israeli public who may view the broadcasts, especially to those who have been harmed by terrorist activities.  Under the proper balance, only such an injury can justify the restriction of freedom of speech in election propaganda. 

 

After viewing the broadcasts, we hold that no such injury arises from their contents.  Balad’s broadcast lasts a few minutes, during which Knesset Member Bishara speaks before an audience and is seen appearing at various events and meeting with various people.  At the end of the broadcast, the Palestinian flag appears in the background for a split-second, and vanishes immediately.   The display of the flag at the end of the broadcast, the short interval during which it is displayed, and the lack of accompanying words which are aggressive or hostile, greatly reduces the potential injury to the public. 

 

We analyze Raam’s broadcast similarly.  The broadcast is dedicated to the issues of the Bedouin in the Negev.  It presents their troubles while comparing their situation to that of the Jewish population in the area.  At the end of the broadcast, the Palestinian flag is displayed for a few short seconds during a demonstration in which the demonstrators make a "V" sign with their fingers. Here too, this display of the flag for a short time constitutes a marginal part of the broadcast—marginal with respect to the main contents of the broadcast—and is not accompanied by hostile words. As such, the impact of the flag is diluted over the duration of the broadcast.

 

In both of the broadcasts, the display of the Palestinian flag is not central.  It is only peripheral.  It is displayed at the end of the broadcasts and is seen for a split-second. The flag does seize the viewer’s attention.  Under these circumstances, the display of the flag does not have the potential to cause injury that would justify disqualification of the pictures of the flag, the limitation of candidates’ freedom of election propaganda and the limitation of voters’ freedom to absorb the full spectrum of political messages.

 

18.  It should be emphasized that the decision to disqualify should not only be measured by the extent of the injury to the party that wishes to televise the propaganda broadcast. The decision should also be measured by the public interest in televising the decision without any part of it being disqualified. Freedom of speech is the standard here. Any injury to it must stand up to the proper balancing tests. 

 

19.  Though unnecessary to resolution of the issue here, it should be mentioned that there is no factual similarity between this case and the case of Herut [18], where, against the dissenting opinion of the President, we approved the disqualification of Herut’s broadcast.  In that case, the party wished to broadcast a jingle with Arabic words to the tune of  “Hatikva.”  The jingle bordered on contempt towards the national anthem, included praise of Arafat and terrorist organizations, called for the banishment of Jews from Jaffa, Acre, Ramleh and Lod, and associated the greatness of Allah with Jerusalem and “Holy Palestine.” In the first five seconds of the broadcast, the Israeli flag was seen waving above the Knesset as it gradually changed into the Palestinian flag.  A majority of this Court found that such use of the anthem and the flag exceeded appropriate levels of tolerance and held that the decision of the Chairman of the Elections Committee to disqualify the jingle fell within the zone of reasonableness.  The extent of the expected injury to the feelings of the public from the broadcast in Herut [18] cannot be compared to the case here.  In Herut [18], the desecration of the flag and national anthem and all they represent led the majority to conclude that the broadcast could cause severe injury and could even lead to the provocation and incitement.  The presentation of the PLO flag in the broadcasts of Raam and Balad—considering the spatial and temporal placement of the flag, the length of time it is displayed and its relationship to the broadcasts in general—is not at all similar to Herut’s broadcast.  No analogy should be drawn between the two.

 

As such, we are of the opinion that Raam’s and Balad’s broadcasts should be allowed to be televised in full, without the disqualification of any segments.

 

Conclusion

 

20.  In light of the above, we are of the opinion that the order nisi should be made absolute. The election propaganda broadcasts of respondents nos. 2 and 3 should be allowed to be broadcast in full, without the disqualification of any of their segments. 

 

Justice I. Englard

I agree.

 

Justice T. Strasberg-Cohen

I concur with the opinion of my colleague, Justice A. Procaccia, both with regard to the question of the petitioner’s standing in this petition and with regard to the question of the principles and norms which we adopt to guide us in the issue at hand.  The question in any given case is the application of those norms to the facts of each case.

 

The major difference between the facts in HCJ 212/03 Herut—The National Jewish Movement v. Chairman of the Central Elections Committee for the Sixteenth Knesset [18] and the facts in the matter at hand has been clarified and explained by my colleague, and I see no reason to add to her opinion.  The same principles that guided me in both of the cases have brought me to a different conclusion in each of them.

 

Petition granted.

January 23, 2003

 

 

 

 

Translated by:   Leora Dahan

Edited by:             Eli Greenbaum

 

Comments, questions and suggestions are all welcomed, and may be directed towards  elig@supreme.court.gov.il

 

 

 

Almandi v. Minister of Defense

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 3451/02
Date Decided: 
Thursday, May 2, 2002
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

Facts: This petition was submitted during IDF operations against the terrorist infrastructure in the areas of the Palestinian Authority. (“Operation Defensive Wall.”) It concerns the situation in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, in which armed Palestinians had fortified themselves. In the church compound there were also unarmed Palestinians civilians, as well as clergymen. The clergymen, who were not in the same part of the compound as the Palestinians, received food, though the Palestinians did not. Petitioners requested that food be allowed into the compound. They asserted that preventing food from entering the compound was a violation of international law. Respondents reply that they are not preventing the civilians from exiting the compound—indeed, they are encouraging them to do so—and assuring them that no harm shall befall them. In response, petitioners asserted that the armed Palestinians were preventing the civilians from exiting the compound, and that they only way to ensure that food reached the civilians was to allow food into the compound for all inside.

 

Held: The Supreme Court held that Israel, finding itself in the middle of difficult battle against a furious wave of terrorism, is exercising its right of self defense under the Charter of the United Nations. This combat is being carried out according to the rules of international law, which provide principles and rules for combat activity. The Court found that, regarding the treatment of the armed Palestinians, the State had not violated international law. The problem was with the unarmed civilians inside the Church compound, those that were not connected to terror. The Court held that, in view of the reality in the compound, in which there was a well providing a certain amount of water, and food, even if it was only basic, and in view of the willingness of the respondents to provide extra food to the civilians even if they do not leave the compound, the respondents had fulfilled their obligation under international law.

 

 

 

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
Author
concurrence
Full text of the opinion: 

HCJ 3451/02

1.  Mohammed Almandi

2.  MK Ahmed Tibi

3.  MK Mohammed Barakeh

v.

1.  The Minister of Defense, Mr. Benjamin Ben-Eliezer

2.  The Chief Of Staff

3.  The Commander of the Central Command of the Israeli Defense Forces

 

The Supreme Court Sitting as the High Court of Justice

[April 25, 2002]

Before President A. Barak, Justices D. Beinisch, I. Englard

 

Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice.

 

Facts: This petition was submitted during IDF operations against the terrorist infrastructure in the areas of the Palestinian Authority. (“Operation Defensive Wall.”) It concerns the situation in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, in which armed Palestinians had fortified themselves. In the church compound there were also unarmed Palestinians civilians, as well as clergymen. The clergymen, who were not in the same part of the compound as the Palestinians, received food, though the Palestinians did not. Petitioners requested that food be allowed into the compound. They asserted that preventing food from entering the compound was a violation of international law. Respondents reply that they are not preventing the civilians from exiting the compound—indeed, they are encouraging them to do so—and assuring them that no harm shall befall them. In response, petitioners asserted that the armed Palestinians were preventing the civilians from exiting the compound, and that they only way to ensure that food reached the civilians was to allow food into the compound for all inside.

 

Held: The Supreme Court held that Israel, finding itself in the middle of difficult battle against a furious wave of terrorism, is exercising its right of self defense under the Charter of the United Nations. This combat is being carried out according to the rules of international law, which provide principles and rules for combat activity. The Court found that, regarding the treatment of the armed Palestinians, the State had not violated international law. The problem was with the unarmed civilians inside the Church compound, those that were not connected to terror. The Court held that, in view of the reality in the compound, in which there was a well providing a certain amount of water, and food, even if it was only basic, and in view of the willingness of the respondents to provide extra food to the civilians even if they do not leave the compound, the respondents had fulfilled their obligation under international law.

 

Treaties Cited:

The Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of August 12, 1949

 

Israeli Supreme Court Cases Cited:

[1]HCJ 3436/02 La Custodia Internazionale di Terra Santa v. Government of Israel (unreported decision)

[2]HCJ 168/91 Marcus v. The Minister of Defense IsrSC 45 (1) 467

[3]HCJ 3114/02 Barake  v. The Minister of Defense IsrSC 56(3) 11

[4]HCJ 320/80 Kawasma v. The Minister of Defense IsrSC 35 (3) 113

 

Israeli Books Cited:

[5]Y. Dinstein, The Laws of War (1983)

 

For the petitioners—Saadi Usama

For the respondent—Yochi Jensin

 

 

Judgment

President A. Barak

 

1. On March 29, 2002, the government decided to carry out a military operation—“Operation Defensive Wall”—against the Palestinian terror infrastructure in Judea and Samaria. The goal of the operation was to prevent the recurrence of the terror attacks which have plagued Israel. In the context of this operation, IDF forces entered Bethlehem on April 14, 2002. As IDF forces entered Bethlehem, approximately thirty to forty wanted Palestinians terrorists list broke into the Church of the Nativity, shooting as they entered. According to information in the hands of the security services, these men are responsible for the murder of Israeli civilians. Scores of armed Palestinian security services personnel also burst into the church compound. In addition, a number of civilians, unarmed and unconnected to the others, also entered the church.  In total, approximately two hundred Palestinians entered the compound. The armed Palestinians positioned themselves in the Basilica of the church.

 

2. The IDF surrounded the church compound. Several times, the IDF requested of all Palestinians, especially of the ill requiring medical care, to exit the compound. The message was conveyed to those in the compound that those who were not involved in terror activity, and who were not wanted by Israel, could leave the compound and go free. Those who were wanted—and these constituted a minority of the armed persons in the compound—were given the options of either standing trial in Israel or leaving Israel and the areas of the Palestinian Authority.

 

3. Many of those who entered the compound of the Church of the Nativity have since left. Those who left the compound included the wounded and the ill. These were examined by a medical team which had been set up adjacent to the church compound, and were evacuated to hospitals when necessary. Two bodies of armed persons were taken out for burial.  In addition, a number of civilians, including nine youths, took advantage of the opportunity they were given and left the compound. 

 

4. Initially, there were approximately forty eight clergymen in the Church of the Nativity. They congregated outside the basilica, in several compounds. The IDF, of course, allowed all clergymen the opportunity to leave the compound. Seventeen of them left the church. Water and food is being inserted into the compound for the clergymen, as per their needs. See HCJ 3436/02 La Custodia Internazionale di Terra Santa v. Government of Israel (unreported decision) [1]. 

 

5.  Currently, negotiations toward a resolution of the situation are being conducted between the Palestinians in the compound and the State of Israel.  The negotiations are being conducted by special teams that were established for that purpose.  During these negotiations, the La Custodia [1] petition was filed. That petition contained demands to provide food, water, medicine, and other necessary items to the clergy in the church, to connect the compound to electricity and water and bring a doctor into the compound, and to allow two bodies in the compound to be removed. The petition was filed by the owner and possessor of the compound. 

 

As arguments in the petition were being heard, negotiations were also being conducted on these same issues. As such, the La Custodiai [1] petition was rejected. There, Justice Strasberg-Cohen stated that “at the moment, the sides are in contact for the purpose of arriving at an arrangement. In the middle of a military operation, the Court should not interfere in such developments. In addition, as clarified by respondents, the IDF is doing all that is necessary to care for the clergy in a sensitive and humane manner.” Regarding the substantive issue, this Court noted that the clergymen were already receiving all assistance that they had requested.  We have already noted that seventeen priests, out of the forty eight in the compound, left of their own volition. Water and food are being brought in as necessary. Medication was brought in to the compound, according to prescriptions relayed by the clergymen to the IDF.

 

6.  The petition before us was filed by the Governor of Bethlehem (petitioner 1), who is inside the compound, and by two Israeli Members of Knesset (petitioners 2 and 3). They request that medical teams and representatives of the Red Cross be allowed to enter the compound, in order to provide food and medicine. In addition, they request that medical teams and representatives of the Red Cross be allowed to collect the bodies in the compound, and to provide medical care to the ill. They also request that ill persons requiring medical care be allowed to leave the compound. As noted, the solution to the problem of collection and burial of bodies has already been found. The problem of the ill that required medical treatment has also been solved. The only remaining problem is the issue of water and food for those in the compound. Even this problem has been solved, as far as the clergymen are concerned. As such, the problem reduces to the question of the Palestinians in the basilica.

 

7.  Respondents has notified us that the IDF has disconnected most of the compound from water and electricity. However, to the best of the army’s knowledge, there is a well in the compound, from which water is being pumped.  In addition, in certain areas of the compound, electricity is being provided by a generator. Furthermore, Palestinians who left the compound reported that there are bags of rice and beans inside. It is clear, however, that there is a shortage of food, and the petition here concerns that shortage. 

 

8.  Petitioners, during oral arguments of April 24, 2002, argued that the fact that Palestinians in the compound are being deprived of food is a severe breach of international law. Respondents reply that the petition is not justiciable. They assert that there is no justification for judicial intervention when the parties are in the middle of negotiations. Substantively, respondents argue that they are acting according to international law.

 

9.  Israel finds itself in the middle of difficult battle against a furious wave of terrorism. Israel is exercising its right of self defense. See The Charter of the United Nations, art. 51. This combat is not taking place in a normative void. It is being carried out according to the rules of international law, which provide principles and rules for combat activity.  The saying, “when the cannons roar, the muses are silent,” is incorrect.  Cicero’s aphorism that laws are silent during war does not reflect modern reality. I dealt with this idea in HCJ 168/91 Marcus v. The Minister of Defense [2], at 470-71, noting:

 

When the cannons roar, the muses are silent. But even under the roar of the cannons, the Military Commander must uphold the law. The strength of society in withstanding its enemies is based on its recognition that it is fighting for values that are worth defending. The rule of law is one of those values

 

In HCJ 3114/02 Barake, v. The Minister of Defense [3], decided only a few days ago, during the height of combat activities in “Operation Defensive Wall,” we stated

 

Even in a time of combat, the laws of war must be followed.  Even in a time of combat, all must be done in order to protect the civilian population. 

 

The foundation of this approach is not only the pragmatic consequence of a political and normative reality. Its roots lie much deeper. It is an expression of the difference between a democratic state fighting for its life and the aggression of terrorists rising up against it.  The state fights in the name of the law and in the name of upholding the law. The terrorists fight against the law and exploit its violation. The war against terror is also the law’s war against those who rise up against it. See HCJ 320/80 Kawasma v. The Minister of Defense [4], at 132.  Moreover, the State of Israel is founded on Jewish and democratic values. We established a state that upholds the law—it fulfills its national goals, long the vision of its generations, while upholding human rights and ensuring human dignity. Between these—the vision and the law— there lies only harmony, not conflict.

 

10.  Indeed, the State argues that it is acting according to the rules of international law. These are humanitarian laws, which Israel honors. Respondent asserts that “the means used by the IDF towards the Palestinians in the Church of the Nativity are not forbidden by international law. These means are proportionate—we have refrained from the use of military force in order to enter the compound, and allow armed Palestinians to leave the compound at any time that they wish to do so and, if they do so without their weapons, they will not be hurt, but rather arrested.” See para. 32 of respondents’ brief. On this issue we were referred to Articles 17 and 23 of the Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, Aug. 12, 1949 [hereinafter - the Fourth Geneva Convention].

 

11. We examined the arguments of the parties regarding international law. We are convinced that as far as the armed Palestinians are concerned, there is no breach of these rules. The majority of our attention was directed towards the Palestinian civilians in the compound.  These civilians are not armed, they are not government authorities, and there is no charge that they are connected with terrorism.  How can their rights be ensured? Respondents’ answer is that they are not preventing Palestinian civilians from exiting the compound, and are encouraging them to exit, while promising them that no harm shall befall them. Petitioners respond that, according to their information—information from Israeli sources, they claim—the armed Palestinians are preventing these civilians from exiting the compound, and the only way to ensure the provision of food to the civilians is by providing enough food for all who are in the compound.  To this the State replies that there is enough food inside the compound now and that, in any case, there is no possibility to ensure that additional food brought into the compound will be consumed by the civilians only, and that, clearly, additional food will also be consumed by the armed persons.

 

This situation troubled us. On April 30, 2002, we held a special session in order to be updated on this issue. We asked how it can be ensured that extra food—beyond the essentials—be provided to the civilians who remain in the compound.  We asked whether respondents would be willing to allow civilians to leave the compound, receive extra food, and return to the compound.  We received a positive answer.  Like the clergy, who exit the church to tend to religious matters and then return, so unarmed civilians will be allowed to leave the compound, receive extra food according to their needs outside of the compound, and then return to the church. It appears to us that, in view of the reality in the compound, in which there is a well providing a certain amount of water, and food, even if it is only basic, and in view of the willingness of the respondents to provide extra food to the civilians even if they do not leave the compound, the respondents have fulfilled their obligation under international law. See Article 23(a) of the Fourth Geneva Convention; see also A. Rogers, Law on the Battlefield 62 (1996); Y. Dinstein, The Law of War 140 (1983).

 

12.  Like many others, we hope that the events in the compound of the Church of the Nativity will come to an end quickly.  It is difficult to describe the gravity of the taking of a holy place by armed Palestinians, the desecration of its sanctity and the holding of civilians hostage. Negotiations between the two sides are taking place in order to find a solution to the difficult situation which has been created.  A solution to the problem must be found in the framework of these negotiations. Clearly, just as “this Court will take no position regarding the manner in which combat is being conducted,” see HCJ 3114/02 [3], we will not conduct the negotiations, and will not guide them. Responsibility for this issue rests on the shoulders of the executive branch and those acting on its behalf.

 

The petition is rejected.

 

Justice D. Beinisch

 

I agree.

 

Justice I. Englard

 

I agree with the opinion of my colleague, President A. Barak, and with his reasons. I would only like to add a few comments regarding the causes of this intolerable situation of the desecration of a Christian holy place—and not just any holy place, but one of the most ancient and significant holy places to the Christian communities.  Who is responsible for the fact that thugs burst in, by force, to the ancient basilica and did “things that ought not to be done?” Cf. Genesis 34:7. Who had the obligation to protect this holy place and prevent its invasion by armed men?  Who is responsible for the breach of the international law, which requires the protection of religious and cultural treasures from combat activities, and forbids their use for the purposes of war? See the provisions regarding holy places and cultural treasures in Geneva Protocol I, Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts, 1977; and Geneva Protocol II, Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts, 1977.  Does this responsibility not rest on the shoulders of the Palestinian Authority which obligated itself to protect the holy places in areas under its control?  Did the Palestinian Authority take substantial steps to prevent this desecration, and did it make an effort to end it immediately?  We all deserve answers to these questions!

 

Decided according to the opinion of President  Barak. 

May 2, 2002

Alamarin v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 2722/92
Date Decided: 
Sunday, June 14, 1992
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

Facts: The son of the petitioner was arrested by the police after the murder of fifteen-year-old Helena Rapp. He confessed to the murder, and in his statement to the police he said that he decided to kill the girl because he did not have work.

 

Following the murder, the respondent decided to exercise his authority under the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, under which he is authorized to destroy a building inhabited by a person who committed an offence involving violence, and he ordered the destruction of the house where the murderer lived, namely the house of the petitioner.

 

In the petition, the petitioner challenged the authority of the respondent to make an order to destroy the whole house, since the house was inhabited by himself and other members of his family.

 

Held: (Majority opinion — Justices G. Bach and D. Levin): The respondent’s decision to destroy the house in this case was not unreasonable, in view of the very serious nature of the crime and the fact that the building was not divided into separate units.

 

(Minority opinion — Justice M. Cheshin) A show cause order should be issued to ascertain what part of the building was used by the petitioner’s son, and only that part of the building should be destroyed.

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
Author
dissent
Full text of the opinion: 

HCJ 2722/92

Mohammed Alamarin

v.

IDF Commander in Gaza Strip

 

The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

[14 June 1992]

Before Justices D. Levin, G. Bach and M. Cheshin

 

Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice.

 

Facts: The son of the petitioner was arrested by the police after the murder of fifteen-year-old Helena Rapp. He confessed to the murder, and in his statement to the police he said that he decided to kill the girl because he did not have work.

Following the murder, the respondent decided to exercise his authority under the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, under which he is authorized to destroy a building inhabited by a person who committed an offence involving violence, and he ordered the destruction of the house where the murderer lived, namely the house of the petitioner.

In the petition, the petitioner challenged the authority of the respondent to make an order to destroy the whole house, since the house was inhabited by himself and other members of his family.

 

Held: (Majority opinion — Justices G. Bach and D. Levin): The respondent’s decision to destroy the house in this case was not unreasonable, in view of the very serious nature of the crime and the fact that the building was not divided into separate units.

(Minority opinion — Justice M. Cheshin) A show cause order should be issued to ascertain what part of the building was used by the petitioner’s son, and only that part of the building should be destroyed.

 

Petition denied, by majority opinion.

 

Legislation cited:

Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, 5752-1992, ss. 3, 8.

Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, rr. 59(b), 119.

Penal Measures (Gaza Strip Area) Order, 5729-1969, s. 5B.

 

Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

[1]      HCJ 4772/91 Hizran v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [1992] IsrSC 46(2) 150.

[2]      CA 800/89 Biton v. Russell [1992] IsrSC 46(2) 651.

[3]      HCJ 4644/90 — unreported.

[4]      HCJ 680/88 Schnitzer v. Chief Military Censor [1988] IsrSC 42(4) 617; IsrSJ 9 77.

 

Jewish Law sources cited:

[5]      Ezekiel 37, 7-8; 37, 14.

[6]      Deuteronomy 24, 16.

[7]      II Kings 12, 21-22; 14, 5-6.

[8]      Jeremiah 31, 28-29.

 

For the first petitioner — A. Rosenthal.

For the second petitioner — Y. Gnessin, Senior Assistant to the State Attorney.

 

 

JUDGMENT

 

 

Justice G. Bach

            1.         The petitioner lives, together with his family, in Nuzirath in the Gaza Strip, in a house registered in his name (hereafter — ‘the building’). The building has two storeys, and it contains five rooms, a kitchen, a shower and a toilet on the first floor, and another room and chicken coops on the second floor. One of the sons of the petitioner who lives in the building is Fuad Alamarin (hereafter — ‘Fuad’), who was arrested on 24 May 1992 on a suspicion of having committed the murder of a fifteen-year-old Israeli school pupil called Helena Rapp in Bat-Yam.

            The petition is directed against the decision of the IDF Commander in the Gaza Strip (hereafter — ‘the respondent’) to order the confiscation of the land on which the building stands and the destruction of the building, by exercising his power under r. 119 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945 (hereafter — ‘the Regulations’). The decision of the respondent was made on account of the fact that the aforesaid Fuad was one of the persons living in the building.

            2.         The following is a synopsis of the facts about the act that Fuad is alleged to have committed, as they arise from the evidence attached to the court file:

            On the morning of 24 May 1992, Fuad, who was born in 1973, left the building, taking with him two knives that he took from the kitchen at home. Fuad went by taxi to Bat-Yam, carrying the knives on his person. When he reached Bat-Yam, Fuad noticed three girls waiting at a bus stop. In the statement which he gave to the police interrogators, Fuad said that he decided then to kill one of the girls. To the question of the interrogator ‘Did you decide about the murder at home in Nuzirath?’ Fuad replied: ‘I thought at home, already then, that I would hurt someone. It didn’t matter who came, I would hurt him… I wanted to hurt only Jews or an Israeli Arab…’

            Later in his statement Fuad said:

‘… I took hold of the knife, I went to the bus stop. I saw the small girl and the girl who stood on the other side and then I stabbed the girl with the knife. The big girl. I stabbed her in the shoulder, all over the body… I stabbed her 3-4 times, I continued stabbing her even when she fell… and then I began to run away in the same direction from which I came…’

            Following a chase made by citizens after the person who did the stabbing, Fuad was caught by the police and was arrested for interrogation.

            3.         After Fuad was arrested, and after he confessed to committing the murder, the respondent gave notice to the family of the petitioner of his intention to make the order which is the subject of the petition. The respondent also ordered the house to be sealed, and this order was carried out immediately.

            On 26 May 1992 the family of the petitioner submitted an objection to the respondent’s notice, and on 27 May 1992 the legal adviser for the area of the Gaza Strip notified the petitioner’s attorney that the objection had been rejected.

            On 31 May 1992 the petitioner filed his petition to this court, and on that day an interim order was made, to the effect that carrying out the destruction order was barred until a final decision of a full panel of the court with regard to the actual petition.

4.    In his petition, counsel for the petitioner concentrated mainly on the following arguments:

a.     The respondent’s authority to order the confiscation, sealing and destruction of the building under r. 119 of the Regulations, is limited to the territorial area of the Gaza Strip. It follows that the respondent is not permitted to order the destruction of a house in the Gaza Strip because of any act that was perpetrated in Israeli territory by someone who lived in that house.

The learned counsel of the petitioner does not, of course, ignore the provisions of s. 5B of the Penal Measures (Gaza Strip Area) Order (no. 277), 5729-1969 (hereafter — ‘the Order’), which states:

‘The military commander may exercise his powers under regulation 119 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations), 1945, with regard to a house, structure or land situated in the area, even on account of an act that was committed outside the area and which if committed in the area would have allowed him to exercise his powers under the said regulation.’

However, according to the argument of Advocate Rosenthal, the aforesaid section ‘is absolutely unreasonable’, and in enacting it the respondent overstepped his authority.

            b.         Alternatively, counsel for the petitioner argues that the respondent was permitted to order the confiscation and destruction only of Fuad’s room in the building, and not of the whole building, in which there live many members of the petitioner’s family who took no part in the offence attributed to Fuad. In making this argument, Advocate Rosenthal relies on a minority opinion given by my colleague, Justice Cheshin, in HCJ 4772/91 Hizran v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [1], and he asked us to adopt the opinion stated there.

            We will consider these arguments in order.

            5.         The argument about the territoriality of the respondent’s authority under r. 119 of the Regulations and about the consequent illegality of the aforesaid s. 5B of the Order does not seem to me prima facie to have any weight, particularly when we are speaking of exercising the authority on account of a terrorist act carried out in the territory of the State of Israel. The approach that regards a violent act committed in Israel as if it were an act carried out ‘abroad’ in relation to the Gaza Strip seems to me to be artificial with respect to the issue under discussion. Cf. in this respect our judgment given recently in CA 800/89 Biton v. Russell [2], where we decided to apply the Israeli law of torts and the provisions about the exemptions from liability for the purpose of actions in torts extraterritorially to an act carried out in the area held by the IDF forces in Lebanon, in a case where an IDF soldier was wounded by another IDF soldier.

            However, in the present case we do not really need this argument, for it arises from the undisputed facts that Fuad committed an offence under the Regulations also in the area of the Gaza Strip.

            I am referring to the offence under r. 59(b) of the Regulations, which, in the parts relevant to this case, provides the following:

‘No person shall —

………………

(b) have in his possession any weapon, instrument or article or thing designed or adapted for causing death or serious injury…’

            It seems to me that at the moment when Fuad, the son of the petitioner, took with him from the kitchen in the building the two knives, of which one was a particularly long knife, with the intention of using them for the purpose of carrying out murder or causing serious injury to a person, then he ‘had in his possession weapons, instruments or articles or things designed or adapted for causing death or serious injury,’ within the meaning of the aforesaid r. 59(b).

            It follows that in any event there is no obstacle to the respondent exercising his authority under r. 119 with regard to the incident under consideration. It should be pointed out that this court reached an identical conclusion also in HCJ 4644/90 [3] and Hizran v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [1].

            6.         We are left with the alternative argument, that Fuad lived in a separate unit within the building, and therefore the respondent is authorized to destroy at most the room of that Fuad.

            In order to examine this argument, the exact text of the relevant legislation ought to be before us. The following are the parts of r. 119 of the Regulations that are relevant to this petition:

‘119. (I) A Military Commander may by order direct the forfeiture to the Government of Palestine [read: the Government of Israel] … of any house, structure or land situated in any area, town, village, quarter or street the inhabitants or some of the inhabitants of which he is satisfied have committed, or attempted to commit, or abetted the commission of, or been accessories after the fact to the commission of, any offence against these Regulations involving violence or intimidation or any Military Court offence; and when any house, structure or land is forfeited as aforesaid, the Military Commander may destroy the house or the structure or anything in or on the house, the structure or the land…’

            In view of this wording, it is not possible to accept the narrow construction of counsel for the petitioner with regard to the respondent’s authority, when it is expressly stated here that the military commander may destroy any house —

‘… the inhabitants or some of the inhabitants of which he is satisfied have committed…’ (emphasis added).

            From this it can be clearly seen that the authority of the commander extends also to those parts of an apartment or house that are owned or used by the members of the family of the suspect or by others, with regard to whom it has not been proved that they took part in the criminal activity of the suspect or that they encouraged it or even that they were aware of it.

            It is therefore difficult not to agree with the majority view in the judgment in Hizran v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [1], in which Justice Netanyahu said the following on page 154:

‘The authority of the respondent under r. 119 is broad. It is not limited to the residential unit of the perpetrator himself. It extends beyond this, to the whole building (and even to the land), the inhabitants or some of the inhabitants of which have committed an offence.’

            In practice, even my esteemed colleague, Justice Cheshin, did not question, in his minority opinion in the aforesaid judgment, the broad authority of the commander from a legal viewpoint. He merely discussed the need to use this power in practice narrowly, and he expressed, inter alia, his opinion that when a number of persons or several family units live in separate rooms in the building — and even if they live in this way with joint use of a kitchen, bath and toilet and by using one common entrance for that building — the commander must limit the use of his authority to make a destruction order under r. 119 merely to the residential unit of the person suspected of criminal activity, and he must not destroy the other units nor even the shared utility rooms.

            It would appear that there is no basis in the said regulation, either in the literal text or in the spirit of what is stated there, for a construction that imposes such a far-reaching duty of restriction on the military commander. The contrary is true: the construction that make the authority broader has been adopted and applied by the various panels of this court with a significant number of similar petitions that have been brought before us in recent years (as Justice Cheshin also states in his aforesaid opinion).

            7.         Nonetheless, I would like to point out that the above does not mean that the military commanders, who have the authority, are not required to use reasonable discretion and a sense of proportion in each case, nor that this court is not able or bound to intervene in the decision of the military authority, whenever the latter intends to exercise its authority in a way and manner that are unthinkable. Thus, for example, it is inconceivable that the military commander should decide to destroy a complete multi-storey house, which contains many apartments belonging to different families, merely for the reason that a person suspected of a terrorist act lives in a room in one of the apartments, and if nonetheless he should want to do this, this court could have its say and intervene in the matter.

            8.         I would also like to point out in this connection that the use of a destruction order under the said r. 119 undoubtedly constitutes a severe sanction, and we must be aware that as a result of using this method of deterrent, suffering and misery may be caused to persons who did not themselves commit any crime. I am convinced that the use of this sanction affords no pleasure to the persons who have this authority, and certainly no-one will be sad, if an improvement in the security of the State and the normalization of safety in the region will induce the legislator one day to regard this measure as redundant.

            However, as long as this authority exists under the law, we are obliged to construe the provisions relating to this matter in accordance with its wording and its spirit, but we will try as stated to ensure that this measure is used only after exercising objective discretion which is not clearly tainted by manifest unreasonableness.

            9.         It is not possible in this matter to lay down broad and comprehensive criteria, and each case should be considered according to its circumstances. But as a rule I would include the following considerations among the relevant factors for the decision of the military commander:

            a.         What is the seriousness of the acts attributed to one or more of those living in the building concerned, with regard to whom there is definite evidence that they committed them? The importance of this factor as a basis for the severity of the decision that the commander may make has been emphasized in the past more than once in the decisions of this court (see, for example, HCJ 4644/90 [3], where it was said: ‘The respondent ought to consider each case on its merits, taking account of the seriousness of the acts and the consequences’).

            b.         To what extent can it be concluded that the other residents, or some of them, were aware of the activity of the suspect or the suspects, or that they had reason to suspect the commission of this activity? It should be stated once more, to make matters clear, that such ignorance or uncertainty on this issue do not in themselves prevent the sanction being imposed, but the factual position in this regard may influence the scope of the commander’s decision.

            c.         Can the residential unit of the suspect be separated in practice from the other parts of the building? Does it, in fact, already constitute a separate unit?

            d.         Is it possible to destroy the residential unit of the suspect without harming the other parts of the building or adjoining buildings? If it is not possible, perhaps the possibility that sealing the relevant unit is sufficient should be considered.

            e.         What is the severity of the result arising from the planned destruction of the building for persons who have not been shown to have had any direct or indirect involvement in the terrorist activity. What is the number of such persons and how closely are they related to the resident who is the suspect?

            10. Let us turn from the aforesaid general principles to the specific case before us:

a.     It is hard to imagine more serious circumstances that those relating to the act attributed to the aforesaid Fuad. Attacking a young and innocent girl, unknown to the attacker, and brutally stabbing her to death is an abominable act which reflects unfathomable baseness and which should arouse universal disgust. This aspect may influence the choice of a more severe sanction when the commander attempts to exercise a fitting measure of deterrent.

b.     The building is admittedly a two-storey house, but almost all the living rooms and bedrooms in it are on the ground floor. Fuad’s room is also on this floor. All the persons living in the building share utilities (the entrance to the house, kitchen, bath, toilet), and a living room for common use, and they are all related.

c.     The murder suspect, Fuad, lives in the building, and nothing separates his room on the ground floor from the other parts of the house. I would point out in this respect that even my esteemed colleague, Justice Cheshin, points out in his opinion in Hizran v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [1], at p. 158, that:

‘We do not dispute that where a young man lives in his parents’ home — and he uses the whole apartment as if it were his — the whole house is “his”, and consequently the whole house can be expected to be destroyed on account of the acts of that son.’

It is difficult to make any real distinction between that hypothetical situation and the present case.

11. In view of all the aforesaid facts, I am satisfied that the decision of the respondent which is the subject of this petition does not show that he overstepped his authority, and that there is no justifiable cause for us to intervene in it.

Therefore I would propose to my esteemed colleagues that the petition should be denied and the interim order issued in this case should be revoked, without making an order for costs.

 

 

Justice D. Levin: I agree.

 

 

Justice M. Cheshin

            This is what Fuad Alamarin said to the police interrogator on 24 May 1992:

‘I slept at home. In the morning [of 23 May 1992] I got up. I ate bread with a cup of tea. I sat at home on the bed. I read the Koran. I said the morning prayer. I prepared something. I took with me a shirt and blue trousers — the shirt was black — and a loaf of bread. I took a knife with me, a small knife… (also points to the second knife found at the scene…). I left home at 5:00… I left alone. I took a taxi to Gaza… I got out at Sejaia in Gaza. I arrived at approximately 5:30. After that I got into a taxi, a Mercedes. I don’t remember the colour. The taxi wasn’t new or old. The taxi went to the Erez roadblock. There were six passengers with me in the taxi. At the Erez roadblock we waited half an hour. At 6:15 we left the Erez roadblock. We went in the direction of Bat-Yam. One of the passengers got off by the bridge — I don’t know where the bridge is. We came to Bat-Yam. There were five passengers with me. I don’t know the taxi driver but if I see him again I’ll be able to say that I went with him. The driver appeared about 30-40 years old. Medium build, short. I don’t remember hair colour, I don’t remember clothes. After the first person got out, the second person got out. After a kilometre, I reached Bat-Yam. I told the driver to stop at the bus stop and I got out alone. The small knife was in a black bag with the black shirt and the trousers. I correct myself and say that the large knife was in the bag, the second small knife was in my pocket in the jeans trousers that I am wearing. The time was approximately 7:15. I saw girls at the bus stop, three girls at the bus stop. One was 25-27 years old, the second was 19-20 years old, and the third was 10 years old. Two were inside the bus stop. The oldest one was outside the bus stop. After I got out of the taxi, I thought to myself that I must hurt one of them.

Q —       Why did you want to hurt one of them?

A — I didn’t have work and I had to get married and I got angry and decided to kill one of them.

Q —       Did you decide about the murder at home in Nuzirath?

A — I thought at home, already then, that I would hurt someone. It didn’t matter what came, I would hurt it.

Q — By ‘hurt’ do you mean hurt anyone, or one or more persons who are Jews?

A — I wanted to hurt only Jews or an Israeli Arab.

Q — Why?

A — Because they are in charge of the work, that’s why.

The small knife fell down in my trousers. When the knife fell down I had already reached the bus stop. I went behind the bus stop. When I turned round I reached the knife with my hand, I took hold of the knife, I went into the bus stop.

I saw the small girl and the girl who stood on the other side and then I stabbed the girl with the knife. The big girl. I stabbed her in the shoulder, all over the body. While I was stabbing I shouted Allah akbar. I stabbed her 3-4 times, I continued stabbing her even when she fell. I saw her falling, and then I began to run away in the same direction from which I came…’ (square parentheses added)

And so Helena Rapp’s soul returned to its Maker.

2.    When reading this statement, the heart beats wildly and horror seizes us. The person who admitted murder did not have work to make a living and so he decided to murder a Jewish girl. Two girls came his way, and for some reason he decided to kill the older one. Was he in God’s stead to decide as he decided? The girl, Helena Rapp of blessed memory, went to heaven in the prime of her life merely because she was a Jewish girl, a Jewess in the land of the Jews. For the death of little Helena there is no atonement, nor will there ever be:

‘And cursed be he who says: Revenge!

Such revenge, revenge for the blood of a small boy,

The Satan has not yet created —

Let the blood pierce the abyss!

Let the blood pierce through to dark abysses,

And decay in the dark and there destroy

All the rotting foundations of the earth.’

Thus lamented our national poet (H.N. Bialik) in 1903 — after the Kishinev pogroms — the murder of a small Jewish boy in the Diaspora. Ninety years have since passed, and we now lament a small girl in the land of the Jews, and the girl is Helena Rapp.

3.    The petitioners before us are the father and family members of the person who admitted the murder. The respondent in the petition — the IDF commander in the Gaza Strip — has ordered the destruction of the house belonging to the petitioner (and the members of his family). This is the house where his son, who admitted the murder of Helena Rapp, lived. The petitioner argues that the respondent should not order the destruction of the whole house, for not only does his son, who admitted the murder, live in it, but also he and the other members of his family, who are in no way involved in the terrible act of murder. The respondent submitted to us a plan of the structure of the house which is to be destroyed. The house has two storeys and it is surrounded by a wall. On the ground floor there are five rooms (of various sizes), an open area between these rooms, and next to all of these are a kitchen, toilets and a shower room. One of these five rooms is described as ‘the room in which the suspect slept’. The plan of the second floor shows us that it has one bedroom and next to it two chicken coops. In this two-storey building, the petitioner argues, he and his wife live with their two adult sons and their wives. His minor sons also live in the building and there are (apparently) four of these. Their living quarters are in the room of the suspect, who has admitted the murder. So it transpires that in the two-storey building which is to be destroyed there live three families: the petitioner, his wife and his children who are not married (and including the one who has admitted the murder), and in addition his two sons and their wives. The petitioner argues that the destruction may only be ordered with regard to that part of the house which was used by the son who is the suspect, and it is not fitting nor is it right to order the destruction of the other parts of the house. He argues that we are dealing with separate families — even if they are related — and it is not proper that the home of those who have committed no crime should be destroyed.

4.    In a minority judgment that I wrote in Hizran v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [1], I said that in applying r. 119 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations the army commander does not have the authority to inflict collective punishment, and if we agree that a residential unit belonging to one person should be destroyed, it is not proper to destroy residential units belonging to others as well.

This is what I said in that case, on p. 160:

‘… If we are talking of a building that is physically divided — in practice — between different families, and even between related families, what normative significance is there, or should there be, to the fact that they have one roof or share toilets? The concept of a ‘residential unit’ is not imposed on us: it is a product of our thinking, we created it with a certain thought pattern and for a specific purpose, and therefore the relevant question is merely what use is made, in practice, of a particular apartment or a particular house.

15. We are not concerned with architecture or engineering or interior design — separate structures and combined structures and the like — but with determining proper norms within the framework of the existing law, with regard to the question, what ought to be destroyed and what ought not to be destroyed. It is evident that the distinction in our society between residential units — ‘apartments’ — is both vertical (and in this case there is not ‘one roof’) and also horizontal, and our standard of living allows us ‘residential units’ that are completely separate even if alongside them there is common property. But I do not know why a merely horizontal division (‘under one roof’) into independent residential units — units allocated to families each living its own life alongside common property — should not create separate residential units. It may indeed be assumed that originally the apartment was one residential unit with a certain number of rooms, and only at a later date did it become, in practice, several residential units such that in each of those units a family lives on its own. But is it right for us to continue to regard it as one residential unit, merely because it was originally built that way? The same applies to the shared kitchen and toilets. Are these capable of making separate residential units into one residential unit? We know that all we are talking about is the standard of living of the population. Just as a shared storage room in a cooperative house cannot make separate residential units into one residential unit, neither can a shared laundry room, a shared roof, a shared courtyard and shared toilets. The same is true in this case. Indeed, it is hard to escape the impression that the concept of the ‘separate residential unit’ — originally a tool and our servant — has become, as if of itself, a major principle and a master to rule us. We created a tool — a separate residential unit — out of a desire and intention to identify a building that should be harmed, as distinct from a building that should not be harmed, and now, against out will, it is being put before us as if it were a creature with a life of its own. If we consider the matter in this way — and this is how, in my opinion, it should be understood — then those shared toilets and kitchen cannot make any difference.

Among a certain population and in certain places a kitchen and toilets shared by several families is not a rare phenomenon, and therefore these cannot prove whether a certain residential unit is, or is not, ‘separate’ from another. This is definitely so with regard to a shared roof. The case is one where the opposite logic applies: if toilets are shared both by a person whose home is to be destroyed and also by others, we can conclude from this precisely the fact that they should not be destroyed and that they should not be harmed in any other way, simply for the reason that others also make use of them.’

Where someone is suspected of an act as a result of which a destruction order is made with regard to his home, I did not agree then, nor do I agree now, that someone else’s home may be destroyed merely because he lives next to that person.

5.    Were we dealing in this case with a five-storey building, and the persons suspected of the act of murder and his family lived on the ground floor, and on the four floors above it there lived families unrelated to the family of the murder suspect, we may surely assume that the military commander would not have ordered the demolition of the whole house, namely the destruction of the four storeys inhabited by families totally unrelated to the family of the murder suspect. This, I believe, would be the law, were we dealing with a house with only two storeys, and on the second storey there lived a family unrelated to the family of the murder suspect. The difference between these two examples and our case is this, that in the building under discussion there live three related families. I do not know what difference there is between this case and those other cases, seeing that the other family members were not partners in the wicked deed, either directly or indirectly, and no-one even suggests that they were in any way involved in the terrible deed.

6.    My colleague, Justice Bach, says (in paragraph 6 of his opinion) about what I said in Hizran v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [1]: ‘There is no basis in the said regulation [119 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations], either in the literal text or in the spirit of what is stated there, for a construction that imposes such a far-reaching duty of restriction on the military commander’ (square parentheses added). I agree that in the language of the regulation — in its literal text, in the words of my colleague — there is no basis for the restrictive construction, the construction which is acceptable to me. Indeed, the military commander has the authority, according to the text of the regulation, to order a wide-scale destruction such as the destruction of that five-storey building in the example I gave, and even far more than this, as I said in Hizran v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [1]. But I believe that no-one would even think of exercising authority in that way. I also agree with my colleague that ‘in the spirit of what is stated there’, in the regulation, there is no basis for limiting its construction, if by this he means the ‘spirit’ when the regulation was enacted in 1945, and the spirit which a court made up of English judges during the British Mandate would have read into the regulation. But that ‘spirit’ of the regulation vanished and became as if it had never existed, when there arose a greater spirit, in 1948, when the State was founded. Legislation that originated during the British Mandate — including the Defence (Emergency) Regulations — was given one construction during the Mandate period and another construction after the State was founded, for the values of the State of Israel — a Jewish, free and democratic State — are utterly different from the fundamental values that the mandatory power imposed in Israel. Our fundamental values — even in our times — are the fundamental values of a State that is governed by law, is democratic and cherishes freedom and justice, and it is these values that provide the spirit in constructing this and other legislation. See for example, by way of comparison: HCJ 680/88 Schnitzer v. Chief Military Censor [4], at pp. 625 {86} et seq. (per Justice Barak).

This has been so since the founding of the State, and certainly after the enactment of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, which is based on the values of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic State. These values are general human values, and they include the value that ‘One may not harm a person’s property’ (s. 3 of the law) and ‘The rights under this Basic Law may only be violated by a law that befits the values of the State of Israel, is intended for a proper purpose, and to an extent that is not excessive’ (s. 8 of the law).

7.    A piece of legislation on its own is like the dry bones of the prophet Ezekiel:

‘… and bones came towards one another. And I looked, and behold, there were sinews on them and flesh arose and skin formed over them, but there was no spirit in them’ (Ezekiel 37, 7-8 [5]).

Only when the spirit comes — the spirit of God, the spirit of man — will we know which way we should go and what construction we should give to the law:

‘And I shall put my spirit into you and you shall live…’ (ibid., 37, 14 [5]).

This is the human spirit, the Jewish spirit, which has carried us on its wings throughout the generations, and on which we have suckled with our mother’s milk:

‘Fathers shall not be put to death because of their sons, and sons shall not be put to death because of their fathers; a person shall be put to death for his own wrongdoing.’

So we are taught in the Book of Deuteronomy (24, 16 [6]) and we learn also in the second Book of Kings that this is the law of Moses: in the reign of Joash, king of Judah, his servants Jozachar the son of Shimeath and Jehozabad the son of Shomer rose up against him and killed him (II Kings 12, 21-22). Amaziah ruled after him in Judah, and Scripture tells us the following (ibid., 14, 5-6) [7]):

‘And it came to pass when the kingdom was firmly in his control that he slew his servants who killed the king his father, but he did not put the sons of the killers to death, in accordance with what is written in the book of the law of Moses that God commanded him as follows: fathers shall not be put to death because of their sons, and sons shall not be put to death because of their fathers, but a man shall die (read: be put to death) for his own sin.’

This is the spirit and this is what we should do:

‘In those days people shall no longer say: fathers ate unripe fruit and their sons’ teeth shall be blunted, but a person shall die because of his own sin; any person who eats unripe fruit shall have his teeth blunted’ (Jeremiah 31, 28-29 [8]).

No longer do fathers eat unripe fruit and their sons’ teeth are blunted, and no longer do sons eat unripe fruit and their fathers’ teeth are blunted, but a man shall be put to death for his own sin.

8.    Admittedly, we are not talking of the application of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations inside the borders of the State of Israel but in the Gaza Strip, which is not Israel. But it seems to me that the difference is not great and is even insignificant. The connection between Israel and the Gaza Strip — and the same applies to Judea and Samaria — is so close in everyday life that it would be artificial to talk of exercising powers in Gaza as if it were somewhere beyond the seas. The respondent did not seek to base his decision on this distinction in exercising his powers — and rightly so — and I too will not do so.

9.    Were my opinion accepted, we would issue a show cause order in order to ascertain what part of the building should be destroyed, or sealed, and the destruction order would apply only to the home of the murder suspect. But since I find myself in the minority, the case will be decided in accordance with the opinion of my colleagues.

 

 

14 June 1992.

Petition denied, by majority opinion (Justices G. Bach and D. Levin), Justice M. Cheshin dissenting.

 

 

 

Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 7015/02
Date Decided: 
Tuesday, September 3, 2002
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

Facts: The IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria made orders requiring three residents of Judaea and Samaria to live, for the next two years, in the Gaza Strip. The orders were approved by the Appeals Board. The three residents of Judaea and Samaria petitioned the High Court of Justice against the orders.

 

The petitioners argued that the orders were contrary to international law. In particular the petitioners argued that Judaea and Samaria should be regarded as a different belligerent occupation from the one in the Gaza Strip, and therefore the orders amounted to a deportation from one territory to another, which is forbidden under international law (art. 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention).

 

The respondents, in reply, argued that the orders complied with international law. The respondents argued that the belligerent occupation of Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip should be considered as one territory, and therefore the orders amounted merely to assigned residence, which is permitted under international law (art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention).

 

A further question that arose was whether the IDF commander could consider the factor of deterring others when making an order of assigned residence against any person.

 

Held: Article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention empowers an occupying power to assign the place of residence of an individual for imperative reasons of security. Assigned residence is a harsh measure only to be used in extreme cases. However, the current security situation in which hundreds of civilians have been killed by suicide bombers justifies the use of the measure in appropriate cases.

 

Judaea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip are effectively one territory subject to one belligerent occupation by one occupying power, and they are regarded as one entity by all concerned, as can be seen, inter alia, from the Israeli-Palestinian interim agreements. Consequently, ordering a resident of Judaea and Samaria to live in the Gaza Strip amounts to assigned residence permitted under art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, and not to a deportation forbidden under art. 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

 

An order of assigned residence can be made against a person only if there is a reasonable possibility that the person himself presents a real danger to the security of the area. If he does not, considerations of deterring others are insufficient for making an order of assigned residence. But if such a danger does exist, the IDF commander is authorized to make an order of assigned residence, and he may consider the deterrent factor in deciding whether actually to make the order or not.

 

The Appeals Board found that the petitioner in HCJ 7019/02 had sewn explosive belts. The Appeals Board found that the first petitioner in HCJ 7015/02 had acted as a lookout for a terrorist group when they moved explosive charges. In both these cases, the Supreme Court held that the deeds of the petitioners justified assigned residence, and it upheld the orders. However, with regard to the second petitioner in HCJ 7015/02, the Appeals Board found only that he had given his brother, a wanted terrorist, food and clothes, and had driven him in his car and lent him his car, without knowing for what purpose his brother needed to be driven or to borrow his car. The Supreme Court held that the activities of the second petitioner were insufficient to justify the measure of assigned residence, and it set aside the order of assigned residence against him.

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
Full text of the opinion: 

 

 

HCJ 7015/02

1.       Kipah Mahmad Ahmed Ajuri

2.       Abed Alnasser Mustafa Ahmed Asida

3.       Centre for the Defence of the Individual                                                       

v.

1.       IDF Commander in West Bank

2.       IDF Commander in Gaza Strip

3.       Bridget Kessler

 

HCJ 7019/02

1.       Amtassar Muhammed Ahmed Ajuri

2.       Centre for the Defence of the Individual

3.       Association for Civil Rights in Israel

v.

1.       IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria

2.       IDF Commander in Gaza Strip

3.       Bridget Kessler

 

  

The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

[3 September 2002]

Before President A. Barak, Vice-President S. Levin, Justices T. Or, E. Mazza, M. Cheshin, T. Strasberg-Cohen, D. Dorner, Y. Türkel, D. Beinisch

 

Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice.

 

Facts: The IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria made orders requiring three residents of Judaea and Samaria to live, for the next two years, in the Gaza Strip. The orders were approved by the Appeals Board. The three residents of Judaea and Samaria petitioned the High Court of Justice against the orders.

The petitioners argued that the orders were contrary to international law. In particular the petitioners argued that Judaea and Samaria should be regarded as a different belligerent occupation from the one in the Gaza Strip, and therefore the orders amounted to a deportation from one territory to another, which is forbidden under international law (art. 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention).

The respondents, in reply, argued that the orders complied with international law. The respondents argued that the belligerent occupation of Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip should be considered as one territory, and therefore the orders amounted merely to assigned residence, which is permitted under international law (art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention).

A further question that arose was whether the IDF commander could consider the factor of deterring others when making an order of assigned residence against any person.

 

Held: Article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention empowers an occupying power to assign the place of residence of an individual for imperative reasons of security. Assigned residence is a harsh measure only to be used in extreme cases. However, the current security situation in which hundreds of civilians have been killed by suicide bombers justifies the use of the measure in appropriate cases.

Judaea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip are effectively one territory subject to one belligerent occupation by one occupying power, and they are regarded as one entity by all concerned, as can be seen, inter alia, from the Israeli-Palestinian interim agreements. Consequently, ordering a resident of Judaea and Samaria to live in the Gaza Strip amounts to assigned residence permitted under art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, and not to a deportation forbidden under art. 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

An order of assigned residence can be made against a person only if there is a reasonable possibility that the person himself presents a real danger to the security of the area. If he does not, considerations of deterring others are insufficient for making an order of assigned residence. But if such a danger does exist, the IDF commander is authorized to make an order of assigned residence, and he may consider the deterrent factor in deciding whether actually to make the order or not.

The Appeals Board found that the petitioner in HCJ 7019/02 had sewn explosive belts. The Appeals Board found that the first petitioner in HCJ 7015/02 had acted as a lookout for a terrorist group when they moved explosive charges. In both these cases, the Supreme Court held that the deeds of the petitioners justified assigned residence, and it upheld the orders. However, with regard to the second petitioner in HCJ 7015/02, the Appeals Board found only that he had given his brother, a wanted terrorist, food and clothes, and had driven him in his car and lent him his car, without knowing for what purpose his brother needed to be driven or to borrow his car. The Supreme Court held that the activities of the second petitioner were insufficient to justify the measure of assigned residence, and it set aside the order of assigned residence against him.

 

HCJ 7019/02 — petition denied.

HCJ 7015/02 — petition of the first petitioner denied; petition of the second petitioner granted.

 

Legislation cited:

Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, r. 119.

Security Provisions (Judaea and Samaria) Order (no. 378), 5730-1970, ss. 84(a), 84A, 86, 86(b)(1), 86(e), 86(f).

Security Provisions (Judaea and Samaria) (Amendment no. 84) Order (no. 510), 5762-2002.

Security Provisions (Gaza Strip) (Amendment no. 87) Order (no. 1155), 5762-2002.

 

International conventions cited:

Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949, arts. 49, 78.

Fourth Hague Convention respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land, 1907.

 

Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

[1]      HCJ 2936/02 Doctors for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in West Bank IsrSC 56(3) 3.

[2]      HCJ 2117/02 Doctors for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in West Bank IsrSC 56(3) 28.

[3]      HCJ 3451/02 Almadani v. Minister of Defence IsrSC 56(3) 30.

[4]      HCJ 393/82 Almashulia v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria IsrSC 37(4) 785.

[5]      HCJ 102/82 Zemel v. Minister of Defence IsrSC 37(3) 365.

[6]      HCJ 574/82 El Nawar v. Minister of Defence (unreported).

[7]      HCJ 615/85 Abu Satiha v. IDF Commander (unreported).

[8]      HCJ 785/87 Abed El-Apu v. IDF Commander in West Bank IsrSC 42(2) 4.

[9]      HCJ 7709/95 Sitrin v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria (not reported).

[10]    HCJ 1361/91 Mesalem v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip IsrSC 45(3) 444.

[11]    HCJ 554/81 Beransa v. Central Commander IsrSC 36(4) 247.

[12]    HCJ 814/88 Nasralla v. IDF Commander in West Bank IsrSC 43(2) 265.

[13]    HCJ 2006/97 Janimat v. Central Commander IsrSC 51(2) 651.

[14]    CrimApp 4920/02 Federman v. State of Israel (unreported).

[15]    CrimFH 7048/97 A v. Minister of Defence IsrSC 54(1) 721.

[16]    HCJ 159/94 Shahin v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip IsrSC 39(1) 309.

[17]    HCJ 8259/96 Association for Protection of Jewish Civil Rights v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria (unreported).

[18]    HCJ 253/88 Sejadia v. Minister of Defence IsrSC 43(3) 801.

[19]    HCJ 5667/91 Jabrin v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria IsrSC 46(1) 858.

[20]    HCJ 5510/92 Turkeman v. Minister of Defence IsrSC 42(1) 217.

[21]    HCJ 1730/96 Sabiah v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria IsrSC 50(1) 353.

[22]    HCJ 3477/95 Ben-Atiya v. Minister of Education, Culture and Sport IsrSC 49(5) 1.

[23]    HCJ 3643/97 Stamka v. Minister of Interior IsrSC 53(2) 730.

[24]    HCJ 4644/00 Jaffora Tavori v. Second Television and Radio Authority IsrSC 54(4) 178.

[25]    HCJ 4915/00 Communications and Productions Co. Network (1988) v. Government of Israel IsrSC 54(5) 451.

[26]    HCJ 1030/99 Oron v. Knesset Speaker (not yet reported).

[27]    HCJ 3114/02 Barake v. Minister of Defence IsrSC 56(3) 11.

[28]    HCJ 680/88 Schnitzer v. Chief Military Censor IsrSC 42(4) 617; IsrSJ 9 77.

[29]    HCJ 619/78 ‘Altaliya’ Weekly v. Minister of Defence IsrSC 33(3) 505.

[30]    HCJ 4541/94 Miller v. Minister of Defence IsrSC 49(4) 94.

[31]    HCJ 1005/89 Agga v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip IsrSC 44(1) 536.

[32]    HCJ 24/91 Rahman v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip IsrSC 45(2) 325.

[33]    HCJ 2630/90 Sarachra v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria (unreported).

[34]    HCJ 168/91 Morcos v. Minister of Defence IsrSC 45(1) 467.

[35]    HCJ 2161/96 Sharif v. Home Guard Commander IsrSC 50(4) 485.

[36]    HCJ 390/79 Dawikat v. Government of Israel IsrSC 34(1) 1.

 

English cases cited:

[37]    Liversidge v. Anderson [1941] 3 All ER 338.

 

Jewish Law sources cited:

[38]    Deuteronomy 24, 16.

 

For the petitioners in HCJ 7015/02 — L. Zemel, Y. Wolfson.

For the petitioners in HCJ 7019/02 — D. Yakir, M. Hazan.

For respondents 1-2 in both petitions — A. Helman, S. Nitzan

 

 

JUDGMENT

 

 

President A. Barak

The military commander of the Israel Defence Forces in Judaea and Samaria made an ‘order assigning place of residence’. According to the provisions of the order, the petitioners, who are residents of Judaea and Samaria, were required to live for the next two years in the Gaza Strip. Was the military commander authorized to make the order assigning place of residence? Did the commander exercise his discretion lawfully? These are the main questions that arise in the petitions before us.

Background

1.    Since the end of September 2000, fierce fighting has been taking place in Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip. This is not police activity. It is an armed struggle. Within this framework, approximately 14,000 attacks have been made against the life, person and property of innocent Israeli citizens and residents, the elderly, children, men and women. More than six hundred citizens and residents of the State of Israel have been killed. More than 4,500 have been wounded, some most seriously. The Palestinians have also experienced death and injury. Many of them have been killed and wounded since September 2000. Moreover, in one month alone — March 2002 — 120 Israelis were killed in attacks and hundreds were wounded. Since March 2002, as of the time of writing this judgment, 318 Israelis have been killed and more than 1,500 have been wounded. Bereavement and pain overwhelm us.

2.    Israel’s fight is complex. The Palestinians use, inter alia, guided human bombs. These suicide bombers reach every place where Israelis are to be found (within the boundaries of the State of Israel and in the Jewish villages in Judaea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip). They sew destruction and spill blood in the cities and towns. Indeed, the forces fighting against Israel are terrorists; they are not members of a regular army; they do not wear uniforms; they hide among the civilian Palestinian population in the territories, including in holy sites; they are supported by part of the civilian population, and by their families and relatives. The State of Israel faces a new and difficult reality, as it fights for its security and the security of its citizens. This reality has found its way to this court on several occasions (see HCJ 2936/02 Doctors for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in West Bank [1]; HCJ 2117/02 Doctors for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in West Bank [2]; HCJ 3451/02 Almadani v. Minister of Defence [3], at p. 36).

3.    In its struggle against terrorism, Israel has undertaken — by virtue of its right of self-defence — special military operations (Operation ‘Protective Wall’ which began in March 2002 and Operation ‘Determined Path’ which began in June 2002 and has not yet ended). The purpose of the operations was to destroy the Palestinian terrorism infrastructure and to prevent further terrorist attacks. In these operations, IDF forces entered many areas that were in the past under its control by virtue of belligerent occupation and which were transferred pursuant to agreements to the (full or partial) control of the Palestinian Authority. The army imposed curfews and closures on various areas. Weapons and explosives were rounded up. Suspects were arrested. Within the framework of these operations, many reserve forces were mobilized; heavy weapons, including tanks, armoured personnel carriers, assault helicopters and aeroplanes, were used.

4.    The special military operations did not provide an adequate response to the immediate need to stop the grave terrorist acts. The Ministerial Committee for National Security sought to adopt several other measures that were intended to prevent further terrorist acts from being perpetrated, and to deter potential attackers from carrying out their acts. The opinion of the Attorney-General was sought; in his opinion of 19 July 2002, the Attorney-General determined the legal parameters for the actions of the security forces. Consequently, the Ministerial Committee for National Security met on 31 July 2002 and decided to adopt additional measures, in accordance with the criteria laid down by the Attorney-General.

5.    One of the measures upon which the Ministerial Committee for National Security decided — all of which within the framework of the Attorney-General’s opinion — was assigning the place of residence of family members of suicide bombers or the perpetrators of serious attacks and those sending them from Judaea and Samaria to the Gaza Strip, provided that these family members were themselves involved in the terrorist activity. This measure was adopted because, according to the evaluation of the professionals involved (the army, the General Security Service, the Institute for Intelligence and Special Tasks (the Mossad), and the police), these additional measures might make a significant contribution to the struggle against the wave of terror, resulting in the saving of human life. This contribution is two-fold: first, it can prevent a family member involved in terrorist activity from perpetrating his scheme (the preventative effect); second, it may deter other terrorists — who are instructed to act as human bombs or to carry out other terror attacks — from perpetrating their schemes (the deterrent effect).

The Amending Order assigning place of residence

6.    In order to give effect to the new policy, on 1 August 2002 the military commander of the IDF forces in Judaea and Samaria amended the Security Provisions (Judaea and Samaria) Order (no. 378), 5730-1970 (hereafter — the Original Order). This Order determined provisions, inter alia, with regard to special supervision (s. 86). These allow instructions to be given that a person should be placed under special supervision. According to the provisions of the Original Order, no authority should be exercised thereunder unless the military commander is of the opinion ‘that it is imperative for decisive security reasons’ (s. 84(a)). An order of special supervision may be appealed before the Appeals Board (s. 86(e)). The Appeals Board is appointed by the local commander. The chairman of the Appeals Board is a judge who is a jurist. The Board’s role is to consider the order made under this section and to make recommendations to the military commander. If a person appeals an order and the order is upheld, the Appeals Board will consider his case at least once every six months whether that person submitted a further appeal or not (s. 86(f)). The application of the Original Order was limited to Judaea and Samaria. The amendment that was made extended its application to the Gaza Strip as well (the Security Provisions (Judaea and Samaria) (Amendment no. 84) Order (no. 510), 5762-2002 (hereafter — the Amending Order)). The provisions of the Amending Order (s. 86(b)(1) after the amendment) provide:

‘Special supervision and assigning a place of residence’

a.            A military commander may direct in an order that a person shall be subject to special supervision.

b.            A person subject to special supervision under this section shall be subject to all or some of the following restrictions, as the military commander shall direct:

(1) He shall be required to live within the bounds of a certain place in Judaea and Samaria or in the Gaza Strip, as specified by the military commander in the order.’

In the introduction to the Amending Order it is stated that is was made ‘in view of the extraordinary security conditions currently prevailing in Judaea and Samaria, and because reasons of security in Judaea and Samaria and public security so require, and because of the need to contend with acts of terror and their perpetrators’. It was also stated in the introduction that the order was made ‘after I obtained the consent of the IDF military commander in the Gaza Strip’. Indeed, in conjunction with the Amending Order, the IDF commander in the Gaza Strip issued the Security Provisions (Gaza Strip) (Amendment no. 87) Order (no. 1155), 5762-2002. Section 86(g) of this order provided that:

‘Someone with regard to whom an order has been made by the military commander in Judaea and Samaria under section 86(b)(1) of the Security Provisions (Judaea and Samaria) Order (no. 378), 5730-1970, within the framework of which it was provided that he will be required to live in a specific place in the Gaza Strip, shall not be entitled to leave that place as long as the order is in force, unless the military commander in Judaea and Samaria or the military commander in the Gaza Strip so allow.’

Under the Amending Order, orders were made assigning the place of residence of the three petitioners before us. Let us now turn to these orders and the circumstances in which they were made.

            The proceedings before the military commander and the Appeals Board

7.    On 1 August 2002, the IDF commander in Judaea and Samaria (hereafter — the Respondent) signed orders assigning the place of residence of each of the petitioners. These orders state that they were made under the Amending Order and after obtaining the consent of the IDF commander in the Gaza Strip. They also state that they were made because the Respondent is of the opinion that ‘they are essential for decisive security reasons, and because of the need to contend with acts of terror and their perpetrators’. These orders require each of the petitioners to live in the Gaza Strip. The orders state that they will remain valid for a period of two years. The orders further state that they may be appealed to the Appeals Board. Underlying each of the orders are facts — which we will consider below — according to which each of the petitioners was involved in assisting terrorist activity that resulted in human casualties. In the opinion of the Respondent, assigning the place of residence of the petitioners to the Gaza Strip will avert any danger from them and deter others from committing serious acts of terror. The petitioners appealed the orders before the Appeals Board. A separate hearing was held with regard to the case of each of the petitioners, before two Appeals Boards. Each of the Boards held several days of hearings. The Boards decided on 12 August 2002 to recommend to the Respondent that he approve the validity of the orders. The Respondent studied the decision of the Boards and decided on the same day that the orders would remain valid. On 13 August 2002, the petitions before us were submitted against the Respondent’s decision.

The proceedings before us

8.    When the petitions were submitted before us, a show-cause order was issued on the same day in both petitions. An interim order was also issued, which prevented the forcible assignment of the place of residence of the petitioners to the Gaza Strip until further decision. When the State’s response was received, a hearing was held on 19 August 2002 before a panel of three justices. The panel decided to hear the two petitions together. It also decided to grant the petitioners’ application to submit two opinions by international law experts on the subject of the petitions, one by Prof. Schabas and the other by Ms Doswald-Beck and Dr Seiderman. Finally it decided to expand the panel. The panel was indeed expanded in accordance with that decision, and on 26 August 2002 a hearing was held at which arguments were heard from the parties.

9.    Counsel for the petitioners argued before us that the Amending Order, the individual orders issued thereunder and the decisions of the Appeals Boards should be set aside, for several reasons. First, there were defects in the proceedings that took place before the Respondent and the Appeals Board (in HCJ 7015/02). Second, there was an inadequate factual basis for the decisions of the respondents and there was no justification for the harsh measure ordered against them — especially when its purpose was merely deterrence. Third, the Amending Order was made without authority, because the Respondent was not competent to make an order concerning the Gaza Strip. Finally — and this argument was the focus of the hearing before us — the Amending Order is void because it is contrary to international law. Counsel for the Respondent argued before us that the petitions should be denied. According to him, the Amending Order, and the individual orders made thereunder, are proper and they and the proceeding in which they were made are untainted by any defect. The respondent was competent to make the Amending Order, and the individual orders are lawful, since they are intended to prevent the petitioners from realizing the danger that they present, and they contain a deterrent to others. The orders are proportionate. They are lawfully based on the factual basis that was presented to the commander and the Appeals Boards. According to counsel for the Respondent, the Amending Order and the orders made thereunder conform to international law, since they fall within the scope of article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 (Geneva Convention IV relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949; hereafter — the Fourth Geneva Convention).

10. Before the hearing began, Mrs Bridget Kessler made an application to be joined as a respondent to the petitions. We granted the application. Mrs Bridget Kessler is the mother of Gila Sara Kessler, of blessed memory, who was murdered in the terrorist attack on 19 June 2002 at the French Hill crossroads in Jerusalem. The attack was perpetrated by a suicide bomber who blew himself up near a bus stop. The explosion killed seven Jews including Mrs Kessler’s nineteen-year-old daughter, who merely wanted to go home from work. Mrs Kessler spoke before us quietly and evocatively. She regarded herself as the representative of all those who were harmed by the terrorist attacks that have befallen us. She emphasized the moral aspect in assigning the residence of the petitioners to the Gaza Strip, and supported the position of counsel for the Respondent. Another applicant asked to be joined as a respondent, but he did not trouble to come on the date fixed, and his application was denied without any consideration of it on the merits.

11. In the course of their arguments, counsel for the petitioners applied to submit before us affidavits of the petitioners. These affidavits were unsigned. The purpose of submitting them was to declare their position with regard to their personal circumstances. We dismissed this application both because of the procedural defects in the affidavits and also because they contained nothing that added anything to the actual arguments of the petitioners. At the end of the arguments of counsel for the Respondent, he asked us to hear General Ashkenazi, the Deputy Chief-of-Staff, with regard to the security background that was the basis for the Respondent’s decision. We denied this application. Our position is that the security position was presented in full before the Appeals Boards that gave expression to it, and there was no reason for an extension of this framework.

12. As we have seen, the arguments before us concern various aspects of the decision of the Respondent and the Appeals Board. We should state at the outset that we found no basis to the arguments about procedural defects in the decision of the Respondent or in the decisions of the Appeals Boards. We do not think that in the proceedings that took place before the Boards (mainly in the case of the petitioners in HCJ 7015/02) there were defects that justify setting aside the proceeding or its conclusions. The same is true of the arguments regarding prejudice on the part of the Board; not being given a full opportunity to be heard; prima facie ignoring factual and legal arguments and the Board hearing the Respondent’s witnesses; this is also the case with regard to not hearing certain witnesses or cross-examining them and allowing the Respondent to submit material. We have studied these arguments, the decisions of the Board and the material before us. We are satisfied — for the reasons stated in the State’s reply — that the proceeding that took place was duly held and it does not justify our intervention in this framework, and that the defects that occurred — according to the petitioners — do not justify in themselves setting aside the decisions that were made, either by the Boards or by the commander. Indeed, the main matters on which the parties concentrated their arguments — and on which we too will focus — concern the following three questions: first, was the military commander competent, under the provisions of international law, to make the Amending Order? This question concerns the authority of a military commander under international law to make arrangements with regard to assigning a place of residence. Second, if the answer to the first question is yes, what are the conditions required by international law for assigning a place of residence? This question concerns the scope of the military commander’s discretion under international law in so far as assigning a place of residence is concerned. Third, do the conditions required by international law for making the orders to assign a place of residence exist in the case of the petitioners before us? This question concerns the consideration of the specific case of the petitioners before us in accordance with the laws that govern their case. Let us now turn to consider these questions in their proper order.

The authority of the military commander to assign a place of residence

13. Is the military commander of a territory under belligerent occupation competent to determine that a resident of the territory shall be removed from his place of residence and assigned to another place of residence in that territory? It was argued before us that the military commander does not have that authority, if only for the reason that this is a forcible transfer and deportation that are prohibited under international law (article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention). Our premise is that in order to answer the question of the military commander’s authority, it is insufficient to determine merely that the Amending Order (or any other order of the commander of the territory) gives the military commander the authority to assign the place of residence of a resident of the territory. The reason for this is that the authority of the military commander to enact the Amending Order derives from the laws of belligerent occupation. They are the source of his authority, and his power will be determined accordingly. I discussed this in one case, where I said:

‘From a legal viewpoint the source for the authority and the power of the military commander in a territory subject to belligerent occupation is in the rules of public international law relating to belligerent occupation (occupatio bellica), and which constitute a part of the laws of war’ (HCJ 393/82 Almashulia v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [4], at p. 793).

In this respect, I would like to make the following two remarks: first, all the parties before us assumed that in the circumstances currently prevailing in the territory under the control of the IDF, the laws of international law concerning belligerent occupation apply (see, in this regard, HCJ 102/82 Zemel v. Minister of Defence [5], at p. 373; HCJ 574/82 El Nawar v. Minister of Defence [6]; HCJ 615/85 Abu Satiha v. IDF Commander [7]); second, the rules of international law that apply in the territory are the customary laws (such as the appendix to the (Fourth) Hague Convention respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land of 1907, which is commonly regarded as customary law; hereafter — the Fourth Hague Convention). With regard to the Fourth Geneva Convention, counsel for the Respondent reargued before us the position of the State of Israel that this convention — which in his opinion does not reflect customary law — does not apply to Judaea and Samaria. Notwithstanding, Mr Nitzan told us — in accordance with the long-established practice of the Government of Israel (see M. Shamgar, ‘The Observance of International Law in the Administered Territories’, 1 Isr. Y. H. R. 1971, 262) — that the Government of Israel decided to act in accordance with the humanitarian parts of the Fourth Geneva Convention. In view of this declaration, we do not need to examine the legal arguments concerning this matter, which are not simple, and we may leave these to be decided at a later date. It follows that for the purpose of the petitions before us we are assuming that humanitarian international law — as reflected in the Fourth Geneva Convention (including article 78) and certainly the Fourth Hague Convention — applies in our case. We should add that alongside the rules of international law that apply in our case, the fundamental principles of Israeli administrative law, such as the rules of natural justice, also apply. Indeed, every Israeli soldier carries in his pack both the rules of international law and also the basic principles of Israeli administrative law that are relevant to the issue. Therefore the question remains: is the military commander competent under the rules of belligerent occupation to determine provisions regarding the forcible assigned residence of a person from his place of residence to another place in the territory under his control?

14. The fundamental premise is that the displacement of a person from his place of residence and his forcible assignment to another place seriously harms his dignity, his liberty and his property. A person’s home is not merely a roof over his head, but it is also a means for the physical and social location of a person, his private life and his social relationships (see M. Stavropoulou, ‘The Right not to be Displaced’, 9 Am. U. J. Int’l L. & Pol’y, 1994, at pp. 689, 717). Several basic human rights are harmed as a result of an involuntary displacement of a person from his home and his residence being assigned to another place, even if this assigned residence does not involve him crossing an international border (see F. M. Deng, Internally Displaced Persons: Compilation and Analysis of Legal Norms, 1998, 14). These human rights derive in part from the internal law of the various countries, and are in part enshrined in the norms of international law.

15. The rights of a person to his dignity, his liberty and his property are not absolute rights. They are relative rights. They may be restricted in order to uphold the rights of others, or the goals of society. Indeed, human rights are not the rights of a person on a desert island. They are the rights of a person as a part of society. Therefore they may be restricted in order to uphold similar rights of other members of society. They may be restricted in order to further proper social goals which will in turn further human rights themselves. Indeed, human rights and the restriction thereof derive from a common source, which concerns the right of a person in a democracy.

16. The extent of the restriction on human rights as a result of the forcible assignment of a person’s residence from one place to another varies in accordance with the reasons that underlie the assigned residence. Assigned residence caused by combat activities (whether because of an international dispute or because of a civil war) cannot be compared to assigned residence caused by a disaster (whether natural or of human origin) (see R. Cohen and F. M. Deng, Masses in Flight: the Global Crisis of Internal Displacement, 1998). In the case before us, we are concerned with the assigned residence of a person from his place of residence to another place in the same territory for security reasons in an area subject to belligerent occupation. The extent of the permitted restriction on human rights is determined, therefore, by the humanitarian laws contained in the laws concerning armed conflict (see D. Fleck ed., The Handbook of Humanitarian Law in Armed Conflict, 1995). These laws are mainly enshrined in the Fourth Hague Convention and the Fourth Geneva Convention. We will now turn to these laws.

17. We were referred to various provisions in the Fourth Hague Convention (mainly article 43) and in the Fourth Geneva Convention (mainly articles 49 and 78). In our opinion, the case before us is governed entirely by the provisions of article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention:

‘Article 78

If the Occupying Power considers it necessary, for imperative reasons of security, to take safety measures concerning protected persons, it may, at the most, subject them to assigned residence or to internment.

Decisions regarding such assigned residence or internment shall be made according to a regular procedure to be prescribed by the Occupying Power in accordance with the provisions of the present Convention. This procedure shall include the right of appeal for the parties concerned. Appeals shall be decided with the least possible delay. In the event of the decision being upheld, it shall be subject to periodical review, if possible every six months, by a competent body set up by the said Power.

Protected persons made subject to assigned residence and thus required to leave their homes shall enjoy the full benefit of Article 39 of the present Convention.’

This provision concerns assigned residence. It constitutes a special provision of law (lex specialis) to which we must refer and on the basis of which we must determine the legal problems before us. Whatever is prohibited thereunder is forbidden even if a general provision may prima facie be interpreted as allowing it, and what is permitted thereunder is allowed even if a general provision may prima facie be interpreted as prohibiting it (see J. Stone, No Place, No Law in the Middle East 1969, at p. 17). Indeed, a study of the Amending Order itself and the individual orders made thereunder shows that the maker of the Order took account of the provisions of article 78 of the Convention, and acted accordingly when he made the Amending Order and the individual orders. The Respondent did not seek, therefore, to make a forcible transfer or to deport any of the residents of the territory. The Respondent acted within the framework of ‘assigned residence’ (according to the provisions of article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention). Therefore we did not see any reason to examine the scope of application of article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which prohibits a forcible transfer or a deportation. In any event, we see no need to consider the criticism that the petitioners raised with regard to the ruling of this court, as reflected in several decisions, the main one being HCJ 785/87 Abed El-Apu v. IDF Commander in West Bank [8], with regard to the interpretation of article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. We can leave this matter to be decided at a later date.

18. Article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention does not deal with a forcible transfer or deportation. It provides a comprehensive and full arrangement with regard to all aspects of assigned residence and internment of protected persons. This provision integrates with several other provisions in the Fourth Geneva Convention (arts. 41, 42 and 43) that also discuss internment and assigned residence. When the place of residence of a protected person is assigned from one place to another under the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, it is a lawful act of the military commander, and it does not constitute a violation of human rights protected by humanitarian international law. Indeed, art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention constitutes both a source for the protection of the right of a person whose residence is being assigned and also a source for the possibility of restricting this right. This can be seen, inter alia, in the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention that determines that the measures stipulated therein are the measures that the occupying power (i.e., the military commander) may ‘at most’ carry out.

The conditions for exercising the authority of the military commander with regard to assigned residence

19. Article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention stipulates several (objective and subjective) conditions with which the military commander must comply, if he wishes to assign the place of residence of a person who is protected by the Convention. We do not need, for the purposes of the petitions before us, to consider all of these conditions. Thus, for example, art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention stipulates an objective condition that a regular procedure for exercising the authority must be prescribed; this procedure shall include a right of appeal; decisions regarding assigned residence shall be subject to periodic review, if possible every six months. These provisions were upheld in the case before us, and they are not the subject of our consideration. We should add that under the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, someone whose place of residence was assigned ‘shall enjoy the full benefit of article 39 of the present convention’. We have been informed by counsel for the Respondent, in the course of oral argument, that if in the circumstances of the case before us the Respondent is subject to duties imposed under the provisions of art. 39 of the Convention, he will fulfil these duties. Two main arguments were raised before us with regard to the conditions stipulated in art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. Let us consider these. The first argument raised before us is that art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention refers to assigned residence within the territory subject to belligerent occupation. This article does not apply when the assigned residence is in a place outside the territory. The petitioners argue that assigning their residence from Judaea and Samaria to the Gaza Strip is removing them from the territory. Consequently, the precondition for the application of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention does not apply. The petitioners further argue that in such circumstances the provisions of art. 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention apply, according to which the deportation of the petitioners is prohibited. The second argument raised before us concerns the factors that the military commander may take into account in exercising his authority under the provisions of art. 78. According to this argument, the military commander may take into account considerations that concern the danger posed by the resident and the prevention of that danger by assigning his place of residence (preventative factors). The military commander may not take into account considerations of deterring others (deterrent factors). Let us consider each of these arguments.

Assigned residence within the territory subject to belligerent occupation

20. It is accepted by all concerned that art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention allows assigned residence, provided that the new place of residence is in the territory subject to belligerent occupation that contains the place of residence from which the person was removed. The provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention do not apply, therefore, to the transfer of protected persons outside the territory held under belligerent occupation. This is discussed by J. S. Pictet in his commentary to the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention:

‘… the protected persons concerned… can therefore only be interned, or placed in assigned residence, within the frontiers of the occupied country itself’ (J. S. Pictet, Commentary: Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1958, at p. 368).

It was argued before us that the Gaza Strip — to which the military commander of Judaea and Samaria wishes to assign the place of residence of the petitioners — is situated outside the territory.

            21. This argument is interesting. According to it, Judaea and Samaria were conquered from Jordan that annexed them — contrary to international law — to the Hashemite Kingdom, and ruled them until the Six Day War. By contrast, the Gaza Strip was conquered from Egypt, which held it until the Six Day War without annexing the territory to Egypt. We therefore have two separate areas subject to separate belligerent occupations by two different military commanders in such a way that neither can make an order with regard to the other territory. According to this argument, these two military commanders act admittedly on behalf of one occupying power, but this does not make them into one territory.

22. This argument must be rejected. The two areas are part of mandatory Palestine. They are subject to a belligerent occupation by the State of Israel. From a social and political viewpoint, the two areas are conceived by all concerned as one territorial unit, and the legislation of the military commander in them is identical in content. Thus, for example, our attention was drawn by counsel for the Respondent to the provisions of clause 11 of the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, which says:

‘The two sides view the West Bank and the Gaza Strip as a single territorial unit, the integrity and status of which shall be preserved during the interim agreement.’

This provision is repeated also in clause 31(8) of the agreement, according to which the ‘safe passage’ mechanisms between the area of Judaea and Samaria and the area of the Gaza Strip were determined. Similarly, although this agreement is not decisive on the issue under discussion, it does indicate that the two areas are considered as one territory held by the State of Israel under belligerent occupation. Moreover, counsel for the Respondent pointed out to us that ‘not only does the State of Israel administer the two areas in a coordinated fashion, but the Palestinian side also regards the two areas as one entity, and the leadership of these two areas is a combined one’. Indeed, the purpose underlying the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and which restricts the validity of assigned residence to one territory lies in the societal, linguistic, cultural, social and political unity of the territory, out of a desire to restrict the harm caused by assigning residence to a foreign place. In view of this purpose, the area of Judaea and Samaria and the area of the Gaza Strip should not be regarded as territories foreign to one another, but they should be regarded as one territory. In this territory there are two military commanders who act on behalf of a single occupying power. Consequently, one military commander is competent to assign the place of residence of a protected person outside his area, and the other military commander is competent to agree to receive that protected person into the area under his jurisdiction. The result is, therefore, that the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention does apply in our case. Therefore there is no reason to consider the provisions of art. 49 of that Convention.

            The considerations of the area commander

23. The main question that arose in this case — and to which most of the arguments were devoted — concerns the scope of the discretion that may be exercised by the occupying power under the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. This discretion must be considered on two levels: one level — which we shall consider immediately — concerns the factual considerations that the military commander should take into account in exercising his authority under the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. The other level — which we shall consider later — concerns the applicability of the considerations that the military commander must take into account to the circumstances of the cases of each of the petitioners before us.

24. With regard to the first level, it is accepted by all the parties before us — and this is also our opinion — that an essential condition for being able to assign the place of residence of a person under art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention is that the person himself constitutes a danger, and that assigning his place of residence will aid in averting that danger. It follows that the basis for exercising the discretion for assigning residence is the consideration of preventing a danger presented by a person whose place of residence is being assigned. The place of residence of an innocent person who does not himself present a danger may not be assigned, merely because assigning his place of residence will deter others. Likewise, one may not assign the place of residence of a person who is not innocent and did carry out acts that harmed security, when in the circumstances of the case he no longer presents any danger. Therefore, if someone carried out terrorist acts, and assigning his residence will reduce the danger that he presents, it is possible to assign his place of residence. One may not assign the place of residence of an innocent family member who did not collaborate with anyone, or of a family member who is not innocent but does not present a danger to the area. This is the case even if assigning the place of residence of a family member may deter other terrorists from carrying out acts of terror. This conclusion is required by the outlook of the Fourth Geneva Convention that regards the measures of internment and assigned residence as the most severe and serious measures that an occupying power may adopt against protected residents (see Pictet, ibid., at p. 257). Therefore these measures may be adopted only in extreme and exceptional cases. Pictet rightly says that:

‘In occupied territories the internment of protected persons should be even more exceptional than it is inside the territory of the Parties to the conflict; for in the former case the question of nationality does not arise. That is why Article 78 speaks of imperative reasons of security; there can be no question of taking collective measures: each case must be decided separately… their exceptional character must be preserved’ (ibid., at pp. 367, 368).

He adds that it is permitted to adopt a measure of assigned residence only towards persons whom the occupying power ‘considers dangerous to its security’ (ibid., at p. 368). This approach — which derives from the provisions of the Convention — was adopted by this court in the past. We have held repeatedly that the measures of administrative internment — which is the measure considered by art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention together with assigned residence — may be adopted only in the case of a ‘danger presented by the acts of the petitioner to the security of the area’ (HCJ 7709/95 Sitrin v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [9]; see also HCJ 1361/91 Mesalem v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [10] at p. 456; HCJ 554/81 Beransa v. Central Commander [11] at p. 250). In one case Justice Bach said:

‘The respondent may not use this sanction of making deportation orders merely for the purpose of deterring others. Such an order is legitimate only if the person making the order is convinced that the person designated for deportation constitutes a danger to the security of the area, and that this measure seems to him essential for the purpose of neutralizing this danger’ (HCJ 814/88 Nasralla v. IDF Commander in West Bank [12], at p. 271).

This conclusion is implied also by the construction of the Amending Order itself, from which it can be seen that one may only adopt a measure of assigned residence on account of a danger presented by the person himself. But beyond all this, this conclusion is required by our Jewish and democratic values. From our Jewish heritage we have learned that ‘Fathers shall not be put to death because of their sons, and sons shall not be put to death because of their fathers; a person shall be put to death for his own wrongdoing’ (Deuteronomy 24, 16 [38]). ‘Each person shall be liable for his own crime and each person shall be put to death for his own wrongdoing’ (per Justice M. Cheshin in HCJ 2006/97 Janimat v. Central Commander [13], at p. 654); ‘each person shall be arrested for his own wrongdoing — and not for the wrongdoing of others’ (per Justice Y. Türkel in CrimApp 4920/02 Federman v. State of Israel [14]). The character of the State of Israel as a democratic, freedom-seeking and liberty-seeking State implies that one may not assign the place of residence of a person unless that person himself, by his own deeds, constitutes a danger to the security of the State (cf. CrimFH 7048/97 A v. Minister of Defence [15], at p. 741). It should be noted that the purpose of assigned residence is not penal. Its purpose is prevention. It is not designed to punish the person whose place of residence is assigned. It is designed to prevent him from continuing to constitute a security danger. This was discussed by President Shamgar, who said:

‘The authority is preventative, i.e., it is prospective and may not be exercised unless it is necessary to prevent an anticipated danger… The authority may not be exercised… unless the evidence brought before the military commander indicates a danger that is anticipated from the petitioner in the future, unless the measures designed to restrict his activity and prevent a substantial part of the harm anticipated from him are adopted’ (Beransa v. Central Commander [11], at p. 249; see also Abu Satiha v. IDF Commander [7]).

Of course, we are aware that assigning the residence of a person who constitutes a danger to the security of the State is likely to harm his family members who are innocent of any crime. That is not the purpose of assigned residence, although it may be its consequence. This is inevitable, if we wish to maintain the effectiveness of this measure (cf. Janimat v. Central Commander [13], at p. 653).

            25. What is the level of danger that justifies assigning a person’s place of residence, and what is the likelihood thereof? The answer is that any degree of danger is insufficient. In view of the special nature of this measure, it may usually only be exercised if there exists administrative evidence that — even if inadmissible in a court of law — shows clearly and convincingly that if the measure of assigned residence is not adopted, there is a reasonable possibility that he will present a real danger of harm to the security of the territory (see Pictet, at p. 258, and the examples given by him, and also HCJ 159/94 Shahin v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [16]; Sitrin v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [9]; HCJ 8259/96 Association for Protection of Jewish Civil Rights v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [17]; HCJ 253/88 Sejadia v. Minister of Defence [18], at p. 821). Moreover, just as with any other measure, the measure of assigned residence must be exercised proportionately. ‘There must be an objective relationship — a proper relativity or proportionality — between the forbidden act of the individual and the measures adopted by the Government’ (HCJ 5667/91 Jabrin v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [19], at p. 860; see also HCJ 5510/92 Turkeman v. Minister of Defence [20], at p. 219). An appropriate relationship must exist between the purpose of preventing danger from the person whose place of residence is being assigned and the danger that he would present if this measure were not exercised against him (see HCJ 1730/96 Sabiah v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [21], 364); the measure adopted must be the one that causes less harm; and it is usually necessary that the measure of assigned residence is proportionate to the benefit deriving from it in ensuring the security of the territory (cf. HCJ 3477/95 Ben-Atiya v. Minister of Education, Culture and Sport [22]; HCJ 3643/97 Stamka v. Minister of Interior [23]; HCJ 4644/00 Jaffora Tavori v. Second Television and Radio Authority [24]; HCJ 4915/00 Communications and Productions Co. Network (1988) v. Government of Israel IsrSC 54(5) 451 [25]; HCJ 1030/99 Oron v. Knesset Speaker (not yet reported) [26]).

            26. Within the framework of proportionality we should consider two further matters that were discussed by President Shamgar in a case that concerned the administrative internment of residents from Judaea and Samaria, where he said:

‘The internment is designed to prevent and frustrate a security danger that arises from the acts that the internee may perpetrate and which may not reasonably be prevented by adopting regular legal measures (a criminal proceeding) or by an administrative measure that is less severe from the viewpoint of its consequences (for the purpose of reaching conclusions from past acts with regard to future danger)’ (Sejadia v. Minister of Defence [18], at p. 821).

These remarks are also relevant to the issue of assigned residence. Therefore each case must be examined to see whether filing a criminal indictment will not prevent the danger that the assigned residence is designed to prevent. Moreover, the measure of assigned residence — as discussed in art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention — is generally a less serious measure than the measure of internment. This matter must be considered in each case on its merits, in the spirit of Pictet’s remarks that:

‘Internment is the more severe… as it generally implies an obligation to live in a camp with other internees. It must not be forgotten, however, that the terms “assigned residence” and “internment” may be differently interpreted in the law of different countries. As a general rule, assigned residence is a less serious measure than internment’ (ibid., at p. 256).

            27. May the military commander, when making a decision about assigned residence, take into account considerations of deterring others? As we have seen, what underlies the measure of assigned residence is the danger presented by the person himself if his place of residence is not assigned, and deterring that person himself by assigning his place of residence. The military commander may not, therefore, adopt a measure of assigned residence merely as a deterrent to others. Notwithstanding, when assigning a place of residence is justified because a person is dangerous, and the question is merely whether to exercise this authority, there is no defect in the military commander taking into account considerations of deterring others. Thus, for example, this consideration may be taken into account in choosing between internment and assigned residence. This approach strikes a proper balance between the essential condition that the person himself presents a danger — which assigned residence is designed to prevent — and the essential need to protect the security of the territory. It is entirely consistent with the approach of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which regards assigned residence as a legitimate mechanism for protecting the security of the territory. It is required by the harsh reality in which the State of Israel and the territory are situated, in that they are exposed to an inhuman phenomenon of ‘human bombs’ that is engulfing the area.

            28. Before we conclude the examination in principle as to the conditions prescribed by art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, we ought to point out once again that the occupying power may make use of the measure of assigned residence if it ‘considers it necessary, for imperative reasons of security’. A similar test appears in the Amending Order — which, without doubt, sought to comply with the requirements of the Fourth Geneva Convention and the Fourth Hague Convention — according to which the military commander may adopt the measure of assigned residence ‘if he is of the opinion that it is essential for decisive security reasons’ (s. 84A of the Amending Order). These provisions give the military commander broad discretion. He must decide whether decisive security reasons — or imperative reasons of security — justify assigned residence. In discussing this, Pictet said:

‘It did not seem possible to define the expression “security of the State” in a more concrete fashion. It is thus left very largely to Governments to decide the measure of activity prejudicial to the internal or external security of the State which justifies internment or assigned residence’ (ibid., at p. 257).

Note that the considerations that the military commander may take into account are not merely ‘military’ reasons (see, for example, arts. 5, 16, 18, 53, 55, 83 and 143 of the Fourth Geneva Convention). Article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention extends the kind of reasons to ‘reasons of security’ (see, for example, arts. 9, 42, 62, 63, 64 and 74 of the Fourth Geneva Convention). Indeed, the Fourth Geneva Convention clearly distinguishes between ‘imperative reasons of security’ and ‘imperative military reasons’. The concept of reasons of security is broader than the concept of military reasons.

            29. The discretion of the military commander to order assigned residence is broad. But it is not absolute discretion. The military commander must exercise his discretion within the framework of the conditions that we have established in this judgment and as prescribed in art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and the Amending Order. The military commander may not, for example, order assigned residence for an innocent person who is not involved in any activity that harms the security of the State and who does not present any danger, even if the military commander is of the opinion that this is essential for decisive reasons of security. He also may not do so for a person involved in activity that harms the security of the State, if that person no longer presents any danger that assigned residence is designed to prevent. Indeed, the military commander who wishes to make use of the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention must act within the framework of the parameters set out in that article. These parameters create a ‘zone’ of situations — a kind of ‘zone of reasonableness’ — within which the military commander may act. He may not deviate from them.

            30. The Supreme Court, when sitting as the High Court of Justice, exercises judicial review over the legality of the discretion exercised by the military commander. In doing so, the premise guiding this court is that the military commander and those carrying out his orders are public officials carrying out a public office according to law (Almashulia v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [4], at p. 809). In exercising this judicial review, we do not appoint ourselves as experts in security matters. We do not replace the security considerations of the military commander with our own security considerations. We do not adopt any position with regard to the manner in which security matters are conducted (cf. HCJ 3114/02 Barake v. Minister of Defence [27], at p. 16). Our role is to ensure that boundaries are not crossed and that the conditions that restrict the discretion of the military commander are upheld (see HCJ 680/88 Schnitzer v. Chief Military Censor IsrSC 42(4) 617 [28], at p. 640). This was well expressed by Justice Shamgar in one case that considered the extent of judicial review of the considerations of the military commander in Judaea and Samaria:

‘The respondents’ exercising of their powers will be examined according to criteria applied by this court when it exercises judicial review of an act or omission of any other branch of the executive, but this of course while taking into account the duties of the respondents as required by the nature of their function’ (HCJ 619/78 ‘Altaliya’ Weekly v. Minister of Defence [29], at p. 512).

Admittedly, ‘security of the State’ is not a ‘magic word’ that prevents judicial review (see the remarks of Justice Strasberg-Cohen in HCJ 4541/94 Miller v. Minister of Defence [30], at p. 124). Nonetheless, ‘an act of State and an act of war do not change their nature even if they are subject to judicial review, and the character of the acts, in the nature of things sets its seal on the means of intervention’ (per Justice M. Cheshin in Sabiah v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [21], at p. 369). Therefore we will not be deterred from exercising review of the decisions of the military commander under art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and the Amending Order merely because of the important security aspects on which the commander’s decision is based. Notwithstanding, we will not replace the discretion of the military commander with our discretion. We will consider the legality of the military commander’s discretion and whether his decisions fall into the ‘zone of reasonableness’ determined by the relevant legal norms that apply to the case. This was discussed — in the context of exercising r. 119 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, in the Gaza Strip — by President Shamgar, who said:

‘But it should be understood that the court does not put itself in the shoes of the military authority making the decision… in order to replace the discretion of the commander with the discretion of the court. It considers the question whether, in view of all the facts, the use of the said measure lies within the scope of the measures that may be regarded, in the circumstances of the case, as reasonable, taking into account the acts of those involved in the activity that harms the security of the area whose case is being considered by the court’ (HCJ 1005/89 Agga v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [31], at p. 539).

Thus, for example, we are not prepared to intervene in the decision of the Respondent that assigned residence constitutes an important mechanism for ensuring security in the territory. In this matter the petitioners argued before us that this measure is ineffective. This argument was considered in detail by the Appeals Boards, and they rejected it. Before us the Respondent presented the general picture in its entirety, and he gave examples of cases in which serious terrorist activity was prevented by taking account of considerations such as that of assigned residence. In such circumstances, we will not replace the discretion of the Respondent with our own discretion (see HCJ 24/91 Rahman v. IDF Commander in Gaza Strip [32], at p. 335; Janimat v. Central Commander [13], at p. 655). Against this background, we will now turn to consider the specific cases that are before us. The Respondent assigned the place of residence of the three petitioners before us. Let us therefore consider the case of each petitioner.

            From the general to the specific

Amtassar Muhammed Ahmed Ajuri (HCJ 7019/02)

31. Amtassar Muhammed Ahmed Ajuri (an unmarried woman aged 34) is the sister of the terrorist Ahmed Ali Ajuri. Much terrorist activity is attributed to the brother, Ahmed Ali Ajuri, including sending suicide bombers with explosive belts, and responsibility, inter alia, for the terrorist attack at the Central Bus Station in Tel-Aviv in which five people were killed and many others were injured. The Appeals Board (chaired by Col. Gordon), in its decision of 12 August 2002, held — on the basis of privileged material presented to it and on the basis of testimonies of members of the General Security Service — that the petitioner directly and substantially aided the unlawful activity of her brother, which was intended to harm innocent citizens. The Board determined that there was more than a basis for the conclusion that the petitioner knew about the forbidden activity of her brother — including his being wanted by the Israeli security forces — and that she knew that her brother was wounded when he was engaged in preparing explosives, and prima facie she also knew that her brother was armed and had hidden in the family apartment an assault rifle. It was also held that the petitioner aided her brother by sewing an explosive belt. The Board pointed out that, on the basis of privileged evidence, which it found ‘reliable and up-to-date’, it transpired that the petitioner indeed aided her brother in his unlawful activity. It held that this was a case of ‘direct and material aid in the preparation of an explosive belt, and the grave significance and implications of this aid were without doubt clear and known [to the petitioner]’. Admittedly, the petitioner testified before the Board that she was not involved in anything and did not aid her brother, but the Board rejected this testimony as unreliable. It pointed out that ‘we found her disingenuous and evasive story totally unreasonable throughout her testimony before us, and it was clear that she wished to distance herself in any way possible from the activity of her brother… her disingenuous story left us with a clear impression of someone who has something to hide and this impression combines with the clear and unambiguous information that arises from the privileged material about her involvement in preparing an explosive belt.’ For these reasons, the appeal of the petitioner to the Appeals Board was denied. It should also be pointed out that in the Respondent’s reply in the proceeding before us — which was supported by an affidavit — it was stated that ‘the petitioner aided her brother in the terrorist activity and, inter alia, sewed for his purposes explosive belts’ — explosive belts, and not merely one explosive belt.

32. It seems to us that in the case of the petitioner, the decision of the Respondent is properly based on the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and the provisions of the Amending Order. Very grave behaviour is attributed to the petitioner, and the danger deriving therefrom to the security of the State is very real. Thus, for example, the petitioner prepared more than one explosive belt. It was argued before us that the petitioner did not know about her brother’s activity. This story was rejected by the Appeals Board, and we will not intervene in this finding of the Appeals Board. The behaviour of the petitioner is very grave. It creates a significant danger to the security of the area, and it goes well beyond the minimum level required by the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and the Amending Order. Indeed, assigning the place of residence of the petitioner is a rational measure — within the framework of the required proportionality — to reduce the danger she presents in the future. We asked counsel for the State why the petitioner is not indicted in a criminal trial. The answer was that there is no admissible evidence against her that can be presented in a criminal trial, for the evidence against her is privileged and cannot be presented in a criminal trial. We regard this as a satisfactory answer. Admittedly, the petitioner is subject to administrative internment (which will end in October 2002). However the possibility of extending this is being considered. It seems to us that the choice between administrative internment and assigned residence, in the special case before us, is for the Respondent to make, and if he decided to terminate the administrative internment and determine instead assigned residence, there is no basis for our intervention in his decision. This is the case even if his decision was dictated, inter alia, by considerations of a general deterrent, which the Respondent was entitled to take into account.

Kipah Mahmad Ahmed Ajuri (the first petitioner in HCJ 7015/02)

            33. Kipah Mahmad Ahmed Ajuri (hereafter — the first petitioner) (aged 38) is married and is the father of three children. He is the brother of the petitioner. His brother is, as stated, the terrorist Ahmed Ali Ajuri, to whom very grave terrorist activity is attributed (as we have seen). The petitioner before us admitted in his police interrogation (on 23 July 2002) that he knew that his brother Ali Ajuri was wanted by the Israeli security forces ‘about matters of explosions’ and was even injured in the course of preparing an explosive charge. The first petitioner said in his interrogation that his brother stopped visiting his home because he was wanted, and also that he carried a pistol and had in his possession two assault rifles. Later on during his interrogation (on 31 July 2002) he admitted that he knew that his brother was a member of a military group that was involved ‘in matters of explosions’. He also said that he saw his brother hide a weapon in the family home under the floor, and that he had a key to the apartment in which the group stayed and prepared the explosive charges. He even took from that apartment a mattress and on that occasion he saw two bags of explosives and from one of these electric wires were protruding. On another occasion, the first petitioner said in his police interrogation that he acted as look-out when his brother and members of his group moved two explosive charges from the apartment to a car that was in their possession. On another occasion — so the first petitioner told his interrogators — he saw his brother and another person in a room in the apartment, when they were making a video recording of a person who was about to commit a suicide bombing, and on the table in front of him was a Koran. The first petitioner said in his interrogation that he brought food for his brother’s group.

            34. In his testimony before the Appeals Board, the first petitioner confirmed that he knew that his brother was wanted and that he knew his friends. He testified that he did indeed have a key to his brother’s apartment and he removed from it a mattress, although he did not know that the apartment was a hide-out. He confirmed in his testimony that he went to the apartment and saw two bags there. He confirmed that he saw his brother make a video recording of someone when a Koran was on the table, and that on another occasion he saw his brother finish hiding an assault rifle in the floor of the house. The first petitioner confirmed in his testimony that he saw his brother and his friends remove from the residential house two bags and that he was told that they contained explosives, although he said that he was not asked to be a look-out or warn those present.

            35. The Appeals Board examined the statements of the first petitioner and also the evidence presented to it and the testimony that it heard. It held in its decision (on 12 August 2002) that the first petitioner was indeed involved in the activity of his brother Ali Ajuri. The Appeals Board held, as findings of fact for the purpose of its decision, that the first petitioner did indeed act as stated in his statements during the interrogation, and not merely as he said in his testimony. In this respect, the Board pointed out the fact that the first petitioner was aware of his brother’s deeds, his brother’s possession of the weapon and hiding it. The Board also held that the first petitioner knew of the hide-out apartment, had a key to it and removed a mattress from it. The Board held that the first petitioner knew about the explosive charges in the apartment and did indeed act as a look-out when the charges were moved. The Board further pointed to the occasion when the first petitioner brought food to the members of the group, after he saw them make a video recording of a youth who was about to perpetrate a suicide bombing. The Board said that ‘the gravity of the deeds and the extensive terrorist activity of [the first petitioner’s] brother is very grave. The involvement of [the first petitioner] with his brother is also grave, and it is particularly grave in view of the fact that [the petitioner] does not claim that his wanted brother forced him to help him, from which it follows that he had the option not to help the brother and collaborate with him.’

            36. We think that also in the case of the first petitioner there was no defect in the decision of the Respondent. The first petitioner helped his brother, and he is deeply involved in the grave terrorist activity of that brother, as the Appeals Board determined, and we will not intervene in its findings. Particularly serious in our opinion is the behaviour of the first petitioner who acted as a look-out who was supposed to warn his brother when he was involved at that time in moving explosive charges from the apartment where he was staying — and from which the first petitioner took a mattress in order to help his brother — to a car which they used. By this behaviour the first petitioner became deeply involved in the grave terrorist activity of his brother and there is a reasonable possibility that he presents a real danger to the security of the area. Here too we asked counsel for the Respondent why the first petitioner is not indicted in a criminal trial, and we were told by him that this possibility is not practical. The measure of assigning the place of residence of the first petitioner is indeed a proportionate measure to prevent the danger he presents, since the acts of this petitioner go far beyond the minimum level required under the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. Since this is so, the respondent was entitled to take into account the considerations of a general deterrent, and so to prefer the assigned residence of this petitioner over his administrative internment. There is no basis for our intervention in this decision of the Respondent.

Abed Alnasser Mustafa Ahmed Asida (the second petitioner in HCJ 7015/02)

            37. Abed Alnasser Mustafa Ahmed Asida (hereafter — the second petitioner) (aged 35) is married and a father of five children. He is the brother of the terrorist Nasser A-Din Asida. His brother is wanted by the security forces for extensive terrorist activity including, inter alia, responsibility for the murder of two Israelis in the town of Yitzhar in 1998 and also responsibility for two terrorist attacks at the entrance to the town of Immanuel, in which 19 Israelis were killed and many dozens were injured. The second petitioner was interrogated by the police. He admitted in his interrogation (on 28 July 2002) that he knew that his brother was wanted by the Israeli security forces for carrying out the attack on Yitzhar. The second petitioner said that he gave his brother food and clean clothes when he came to his home, but he did not allow him to sleep in the house. He even said that he gave his private car on several occasions to his brother, although he did not know for what purpose or use his brother wanted the car. He further said that he stopped giving his brother the car because he was afraid that the Israeli security forces would assassinate his brother inside his car. On another occasion, he drove his wanted brother to Shechem (Nablus), although on this occasion too the second petitioner did not know the purpose of the trip. The second petitioner also said that he saw his brother carrying an assault rifle. On another occasion he helped another wanted person, his brother-in-law, by giving him clean clothes, food and drink when he visited him in his home, and even lent him his car and drove him to Shechem several times. While the second petitioner claimed that he did not know for what purpose the car was used and what was the purpose of the trips to Shechem, the second petitioner told the police that he drove his brother to the hospital when he was injured in the course of preparing an explosive charge and he lent his car — on another occasion — in order to take another person who was also injured while handling an explosive charge; at the same time, the second petitioner claimed in his interrogation that he did not know the exact circumstances of the injury to either of those injured.

            38. In his evidence before the Appeals Board, the second petitioner confirmed that he knew that his brother was wanted. He testified that he did indeed drive his brother but he did not give him the car. He testified that he saw his brother with a weapon and that he wanted to give him food during the brief visits to him, but he did not have time. The Appeals Board, in its decision (on 12 August 2002), held that the second petitioner did indeed know of the deeds of his brother and that he possessed a weapon and that he was in close contact with him, including on the occasions when he gave him — at his home — clean clothes and food. The Board held that the second petitioner did not only drive his wanted brother in his car but also lent the car to his brother and to another wanted person. The Board pointed out that ‘we are not dealing with minor offences’, but it added that ‘the contact between the [second petitioner] and his brother and his material help to him… are significantly less grave than those of [the first petitioner]’. The Board added, against this background, that ‘we direct the attention of the area commander to the fact that his personal acts are less grave than those of [the first petitioner], for the purpose of the proportionality of the period’.

            39. We are of the opinion that there was no basis for assigning the place of residence of the second petitioner. Admittedly, this petitioner was aware of the grave terrorist activity of his brother. But this is insufficient for assigning his place of residence. The active deeds that he carried out, in helping his brother, fall below the level of danger required under the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and the provisions of the Amending Order. His behaviour does not contain such a degree of involvement that creates a real danger to the security of the area, thereby allowing his place of residence to be assigned. This petitioner claimed — and the Appeals Board did not reject this — that he did not know what use his brother made of the car that the second petitioner made available to him, and that he did not know, when he drove his brother, what was the brother’s purpose. It should be noted that we think that the behaviour of the second petitioner — even though it derived from close family ties — was improper. It is precisely that help that family members give to terrorists that allows them to escape from the security forces and perpetrate their schemes. Nonetheless, the mechanism of assigned residence is a harsh measure that should be used only in special cases in which real danger to security of the area is foreseen if this measure is not adopted (cf. HCJ 2630/90 Sarachra v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [33]). We do not think that the case of the second petitioner falls into this category. It seems to us that the danger presented to the security of the area by the actions of the second petitioner does not reach the level required for adopting the measure of assigned residence. It appears that the Appeals Board was also aware of this, when it considered the possibility of reducing the period of the assigned residence. In our opinion, the case of the second petitioner does not fall within the ‘zone of reasonableness’ prescribed by art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and the Amending Order, and there is no possibility of assigning the residence of this petitioner. Admittedly, we are prepared to accept that assigning the place of residence of the second petitioner may deter others. Nonetheless, this consideration — which may be taken into account when the case goes beyond the level for adopting the mechanism of assigned residence — cannot be used when the conditions for exercising art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and the Amending Order do not exist.

            Conclusion

            40. Before we conclude, we would like to make two closing remarks. First, we have interpreted to the best of our ability the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. According to all the accepted interpretive approaches, we have sought to give them a meaning that can contend with the new reality that the State of Israel is facing. We doubt whether the drafters of the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention anticipated protected persons who collaborated with terrorists and ‘living bombs’. This new reality requires a dynamic interpretive approach to the provisions of art. 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, so that it can deal with the new reality.

            41. Second, the State of Israel is undergoing a difficult period. Terror is hurting its residents. Human life is trampled upon. Hundred have been killed. Thousands have been injured. The Arab population in Judaea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip is also suffering unbearably. All of this is because of acts or murder, killing and destruction perpetrated by terrorists. Our heart goes out to Mrs Kessler who lost her daughter in a depraved terrorist act and to all the other Israelis who have lost their beloved ones or have been themselves severely injured by terrorist attacks. The State is doing all that it can in order to protect its citizens and ensure the security of the region. These measures are limited. The restrictions are, first and foremost, military-operational ones. It is difficult to fight against persons who are prepared to turn themselves into living bombs. These restrictions are also normative. The State of Israel is a freedom-seeking democracy. It is a defensive democracy acting within the framework of its right to self-defence — a right recognized by the charter of the United Nations. The State seeks to act within the framework of the lawful possibilities available to it under the international law to which it is subject and in accordance with its internal law. As a result, not every effective measure is also a lawful measure. Indeed, the State of Israel is fighting a difficult war against terror. It is a war carried out within the law and with the tools that the law makes available. The well-known saying that ‘In battle laws are silent’ (inter arma silent leges — Cicero, pro Milone 11; see also W. Rehnquist, All the Laws but One, 1998, at p. 218) does not reflect the law as it is, nor as it should be. This was well-expressed by Lord Atkin in Liversidge v. Anderson [37], at p. 361, when he said:

‘In England amidst the clash of arms the laws are not silent. They may be changed, but they speak the same language in war as in peace. It has always been one of the pillars of freedom, one of the principles of liberty for which… we are now fighting, that the judges… stand between the subject and any attempted encroachments on his liberty by the executive, alert to see that any coercive action is justified in law.’

Indeed, ‘… even when the cannons speak, the military commander must uphold the law. The power of society to stand against its enemies is based on its recognition that it is fighting for values that deserve protection. The rule of law is one of these values’ (HCJ 168/91 Morcos v. Minister of Defence [34], at p. 470). ‘We have established here a law-abiding State, that realizes its national goals and the vision of generations, and does so while recognizing and realizing human rights in general, and human dignity in particular’ (HCJ 3451/02 Almadani v. Minister of Defence [3], at p. 35). This was well expressed by my colleague, Justice M. Cheshin, when he said:

‘We will not falter in our efforts on behalf of the rule of law. We committed ourselves by our oath to dispense justice, to be the servants of the law, and to be faithful to our oath and to ourselves. Even when the trumpets of war sound, the rule of law makes its voice heard’ (Sabiah v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [21], at p. 369).

Indeed, the position of the State of Israel is a difficult one. Also our role as judges is not easy. We are doing all we can to balance properly between human rights and the security of the area. In this balance, human rights cannot receive complete protection, as if there were no terror, and State security cannot receive complete protection, as if there were no human rights. A delicate and sensitive balance is required. This is the price of democracy. It is expensive, but worthwhile. It strengthens the State. It provides a reason for its struggle. Our work, as judges, is hard. But we cannot escape this difficulty, nor do we wish to do so. I discussed this in one case, where I said:

‘The decision has been placed at our door, and we must rise to the challenge. It is our duty to protect the legality of executive acts even in difficult decisions. Even when the cannons speak and the Muses are silent, law exists and operates, determining what is permitted and what forbidden, what is lawful and what unlawful. And where there is law, there are also courts that determine what is permitted and what forbidden, what is lawful and what unlawful. Part of the public will be happy with our decision; another part will oppose it. It is possible that neither the former nor the latter will read the reasoning. But we shall do our work. “This is our duty and this is our obligation as judges”.’ (HCJ 2161/96 Sharif v. Home Guard Commander IsrSC [35], at p. 491, citing the remarks of then-Vice-President Justice Landau in HCJ 390/79 Dawikat v. Government of Israel [36], at p. 4).

 

            The result is that we are denying the petition in HCJ 7019/02, and the petition in HCJ 7015/02, in so far as it concerns the first petitioner. We are making the show-cause order absolute with regard to the second petitioner in HCJ 7015/02.

 

Vice-President S. Levin

I agree.

 

 

Justice T. Or

I agree.

 

 

Justice E. Mazza

I agree.

 

 

Justice M. Cheshin

I agree.

 

 

Justice T. Strasberg-Cohen

I agree.

 

 

Justice D. Dorner

I agree.

 

 

Justice Y. Türkel

I agree.

 

 

Justice D. Beinisch

I agree.

 

3 September 2002.

HCJ 7019/02 — petition denied.

HCJ 7015/02 — petition of the first petitioner denied; petition of the second petitioner granted.

 

Louzon v. Government of Israel

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 3071/05
Date Decided: 
Monday, July 28, 2008
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

This Petition challenges the exclusion of the medication “Erbitux” among the state provided health services, which are publically funded. The medication Erbitux is a new drug for the treatment of colon cancer.

 

The Supreme Court, sitting as a High Court of Justice, held as following:

 

It is doubtful whether the demand for public funding of new medications may find a hold in the hard core of the constitutional rights detailed in the Basic Law. Even under a broad interpretive approach with expand the constitutional scope of the right to dignity beyond the necessary minimum in the context of welfare and social security, it seems that only in extreme and unique circumstances there would be a constitutional duty for state authorities to fund a particular, specific drug. It seems that in this case, the Petitioners have not demonstrated a violation of a constitutional right.

 

The right to public health services stands independently as a constitutional right. The entirety of the arrangements established in the Patient’s Rights Act and the National Health Insurance Act lead to two primary conclusions: First, that the range of state provided health services does not aim to include the entirety of possible medical services, to the optimal extent and level to which the individual may require them. Second, in the current state of the law, or legal system recognized a constitutional right to public medical services at a greater extent from the minimal core of the basic health services necessary for humane existence of a society. At the core of the right are those health services, which the State must finance. At the outer layer are the remainder of the health services that are not included within the basic schedule of said services. The scope of the constitutional right to public health services beyond the basic schedule of services depends on the yearly Budget Act.

 

The Petition’s main arguments target the authority of the Schedule Committee and the way in which it applied its discretion when setting the contents of the schedule of health services within the existing budget. The role of the Schedule Committee is to advise the relevant bodies as to setting priorities between new medical technologies for the purpose of expanding the schedule. This task is difficult. Within this framework, the budgetary consideration is a legitimate and valid consideration for the Schedule Committee to consider. It is important to note that the Schedule Committee is a part of the public administration and in its operation it is bound by the rules of administrative law. In our case, no flaw has been found in the standards that guided the Schedule Committee in setting priorities between the new medical technologies.

 

We cannot even say that the Schedule Committee recommendations as to progressive allocation of the Erbitux drug are unreasonable to an extent that requires intervention. Nor does it constitute prohibited discrimination against other patients whom the drugs they require are included in the health services schedule. Under circumstances where public resources are not sufficient for all the needs and all those who require them, it is necessary to allocate resources according to priorities that by their very nature create differences between people and between groups. These differences do not constitute prohibited discrimination, as long as they are founded upon reasonable and legitimate considerations. 

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
Author
concurrence
Full text of the opinion: 

                                                                                                                                           HCJ 3071/05

      

 

1.         Gila Louzon

2.         Adolf Edri

3.         "Last Border" Amuta for Cancer Patients

v.

1.         Government of Israel

  1. Minister of Health
  2. Minister of Finance
  3. Committee for Expanding the   Medicinal Services Basket appointed by the Council for National Health Insurance

 

 

HCJ 3938/05

1.         Yaakov Bar-On

  1. Uriel Gilon
  2. Zion Halifi
  3. Eliyahu Yitah
  4. Emile Huri
  5. Keren David
  6. Asher Miara
  7. Shlomo Ginosar

v.

1.         Ministry of Health

  1. Minister of Health
  2. Ministry of Finance

4.  Minister of Finance

 

HCJ 4013/05

1.         Yaakov Sheiber

  1. Haim Edelstein
  2. Shlomi Segal
  3. Hayat Yosepov

v.

1.         State of Israel

  1. Minister of Health
  2. Minister of Finance
  3. Industry and Trade Minister
  4. Supervisor of Prices and the Committee under the Price Supervision Law
  5. Committee for Expanding the  Medicinal Services Basket appointed by the Council for National Health Insurance
  6. General Health services
  7. Macabbi Health services
  8. Meuchedet Health Fund
  9. Leumit Health Fund

 

The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

 (8 August 2005)

Before President D. Beinisch and Justices A. Grunis, M. Naor

 

Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of  Justice

 

Legislation Cited

Patient's Rights Law, 5756-1996, s. 3.

Do Not Stand on Your Neighbor's Blood Law, 5758-1998

National Health Insurance Law, 5755-1995   

Value Added Tax Law, 5736-1976

 

Israel Supreme Court cases cited:

[1]     HCJ 6055/95 Tzemach v. Minister of Defense [1999] IsrSC 53(5) 241.

[2]     HCJ 4128/02 Man, Nature and Law - Israeli Society for the Protection of the Environment v. Prime Minister of Israel [2004] IsrSC 58(3) 503.

[3]        HCJ 494/03 Physicians for Human Rights v. Minister of Finance [2004] IsrSC 59(3) 322.

[4]     LCA 4905/08 Gamzo v. Isaiah [2001] IsrSC 58(3) 360.

[5]     HCJ 5578/02 Manor v. Minister of Finance [2004] IsrSC 59(1) 729.

[6]     HCJ 2557/05 Mateh Harov v. Israel Police (2006) (unreported).

[7]     HCJ 4769/95 Menahem v. Minister of Transport [2002] IsrSC 57(1) 235.

[8]     HCJ 366/03 Commitment to Peace and Social Justice Amuta v. Minister of the Interior (2005) (unreported).

[9]     HCJ 2599/00 Yated Association of Children with Down Syndrome v. Ministry of Education [1999] IsrSC 56(5) 834.

[10]   HCJ 7351/03 Rishon Le-Zion Municipal Parents Committee v. Minister of Education, Culture and Sport (2005) (unreported).

[11]   CA 5557/95 Sahar Insurance Company Ltd. v. Alharar [1997] IsrSC 51(2) 724.

[12]   HCJ 2344/98 Macabbi Health Services v. Minister of Finance [2000] IsrSC 54(5) 729.

[13]   HCJ 9163/01 General Health Services v. Minister of Finance [(2002] IsrSC 55(5) 521.

[14]   HCJ 1554/95 Supporters of Gilat Amuta v. Minister of Education, Culture and Sport [1996] IsrSC 50(3) 2.

[15]   HCJ 2725/92 General Health Services v. State of Israel [2004] IsrSC 59(1) 781.

[16]   HCJ 1829/02 General Health Services v. Minister of Health [2003] IsrSC 58(1) 406.

[17]   HCJ 7365/95 Bolous Brothers – Marble and Granite Production Ltd v. Investments Centre [1996] IsrSC 50(2) 89.

[18]   HCJ 3472/92 Brand v. Minister of Communications [1993] IsrSC 47(3) 143.

[19]   HCJ 3627/92 Israel Fruit Growers Organization Ltd. v. Government of Israel [1993] IsrSC 47(3) 387.

[20]   HCJ 2453/06 Israeli Medical Association v. Attorney General (2006) (not yet reported).

[21]   HCJ 4004/07 Turonshvili v. Ministry of Health (2007) (not yet reported).

[23]   HCJ 4613/03 Shaham v. Ministry of Health [2004] IsrSC 56(6) 385.

[24]   HCJ 1113/99 Adallah v. Minister for Religious Affairs (2000) (unreported).

[25]   HCJ 2974/06 Israeli v. Committee for Expanding the Health Services Basket (2006) (not yet reported).

[26]   HCJ 3997/01 Neopharm Ltd. v. Minister of Finance (2001) (unreported). 

[27]   HCJ 7721/96 Israeli Insurance Assessors Association v. Inspector of Insurance ]2001] IsrSC 55(3) 625.

[28]   HCJ 82/02 Kaplan v. State of Israel, Ministry of Finance, Customs Division [2004] IsrSC 58(5) 901.

[29]   CA 8797 Anderman v.Objection Committee of District Committee under the Planning and Construction Law, 5725-1965, Haifa [2001] IsrSC 56(2) 466.  

[30]   HCJ 10/00 Raanana Municipality v. Inspector of Transport, Tel-Aviv and Central Districts [2001] IsrSC 56(1) 739.

[31]   CCT 8/02 Minister of Health v. Treatment Action Campaign [2002] (10) BCLR 1033.

[32]  CCT 32/97 Soobramoney v. Minister of Health [1997] (12) BCLR 1696.

 

JUDGMENT

 

President D. Beinisch

The petitioners in these three petitions suffer from various forms of cancer. The petitioners’ doctors referred them for medicinal treatment, and when these petitions were filed, the petitioners’ required medications were not included in the basket of health services that receives public funding under the provisions of the National Health Insurance Law, 5754-1994 (hereinafter: “National Health Insurance Law” or "the Law"). The petitioners had difficulty in purchasing the medications independently, and this was the basis for their petition to this Court requesting that we instruct the respondents to include their medications in the publicly-funded health services basket (hereinafter: “the basket” or "the health services basket"). The petitioners argue that the decision to omit these medications from the health services basket approved for 2005 violated their constitutional rights, it was unreasonable, and it discriminated against them adversely vis-à-vis other patients whose required medications were included in the basket.

As will be clarified below, Government Decision no. 406 concerning a budgetary supplement to the health services basket was adopted on 27 August 2006. Following the budgetary supplement, the medications constituting the subject of the petitions in HCJ 3071/05 (hereinafter: HCJ Louzon) and HCJ 3938/05 (hereinafter: HCJ Bar-On) were included in the basket. On the other hand, the medication discussed in petition HCJ 4013/03 (hereinafter: HCJ Sheiber) was not included in the basket, and remains for our consideration.  

The factual background preceding the filing of the petitions

1.    The health services basket as defined in s. 7 of the National Health Insurance Law includes the health services that all Israeli residents insured under the Law are entitled to receive from the sick funds, by means of funding sources that are the responsibility of the State. Below we will discuss the arrangements prescribed by the National Health Insurance Law and the means for determining the contents of the health services basket. At this stage we note that in 2005, when the current petitions were filed, the Ministry of Health had received requests for the addition of about 400 new medicines and technologies to the health services basket. These requests, together with the professional literature and the processed data pertaining to each request, were submitted to the Public Committee for the Expansion of the Health Services Basket (hereinafter: the Committee.) The Committee held a number of meetings, following which it prioritized the medications in an order that was influenced, inter alia, by the Committee’s assessment of the urgency of the various medications.  

The Committee’s recommendations were presented to the Government on 21 March 2005 in the framework of a debate on the budget for the addition of new technologies to the health services basket. On 13 April 2005 the Government passed a decision approving the addition to the basket of the medications and technologies listed in a table appended to its decision. This decision also determined that “…the cost of the 2005 health services basket will express the addition of technologies at an annual cost of NIS 350 million in accordance with the prices of the average health cost index of 2004….” The budgetary supplement made possible the addition to the health services basket of some of the medications recommended by the Committee. Nevertheless, certain medications for various forms of cancer were excluded from the health services basket, not having been accorded sufficient priority by the Committee. This was the background to the filing of the three petitions to this Court.

The course of events in the three petitions

2. The petition in HCJ Louzon was filed by patients suffering from cancer of the colon, and by an amuta [non-profit organization] established for the purpose of helping them. According to the petition, doctors who treated the petitioners had referred them for treatment with Avastin, but as this medication was not included in the health services basket, the petitioners were forced to purchase it independently. The medication was particularly expensive, and the petitioners were unable to continue financing it. They therefore petitioned this Court, requesting it to instruct the respondents to include Avastin in the health services basket, in the category of treatment for colon cancer.

The petition in HCJ Bar-On was filed by several petitioners suffering from prostate cancer that had progressed to the metastatic stage, which is resistant to hormonal treatment. Their doctors recommended Taxotere; this medication, too, was excluded from the 2005 health services basket.  Against this background, the petition was filed asking the Court instruct the respondents to include Taxotere in the requested category, along with other remedies.

The four petitioners in HCJ Sheiber were suffering from colon cancer and needed Erbitux, a medication which was similarly excluded from the health services basket of 2005. Owing to the high cost of the medication, this Court was requested to order that Erbitux be included in the health services basket in the category of treatment for colon cancer; the petitioners also sought additional remedies, which we will discuss below.

3.  Soon after the petitions were filed, they were scheduled for an early hearing. On 4 April 2005 the petition in HCJ Louzon was heard by President A. Barak and Justices A. Procaccia and M. Naor. That session concluded with the Court deciding to grant the order nisi sought in the petition.  On 24 May 2005 the petitions in HCJ Bar-On and HCJ Sheiber were heard by Justices E. Rivlin, E. Rubinstein and S. Joubran, and at the end of the hearing the Court decided to grant the request of the petitioners in HCJ Bar-On to file an amended petition. The Court further decided to grant an order nisi regarding some of the remedies sought in HCJ Sheiber.

After the amended petition was filed and responded to in HCJ Bar-On, and after the filing of responding depositions in the other petitions,  all three petitions were scheduled for hearing on 8 August 2005 before this panel (President D. Beinisch, Justices A. Grunis and M. Naor). At that time, the issue of funding the basket surfaced on the public agenda, and a public campaign was waged to increase the budget so as to enable the inclusion of new technologies in the basket. We deemed it appropriate to defer our judgment, pending the possibility of the petitions being resolved without the need for this Court’s intervention.

Indeed, in the State's update to this Court, it stated that on 9 April 2006 the Israeli Government decided to expand the health services basket by including new technologies, thus adding the sum of NIS 165 million to the 2006 basket. At this stage it became clear that the medications forming the subject of these petitions were not included in the budgetary supplement decided upon by the Government.  A second update submitted by the State a few months later stated that the Government had decided upon an additional expansion of the health services basket by including new technologies to the 2007 budget, at an annual yearly cost of NIS 237.28 million, which would be brought forward to the 2006 budget (Government decision No. 406). As a result of this decision, as of 20 September 2006, Avestin was added to the category of first-line treatment for metastatic colon cancer which was the subject of the first petition in HCJ Louzon. In addition, the Taxotere medication was also labeled as a first-line treatment of metastatic prostate cancer which was resistant to hormonal treatment – the subject of the HCJ Bar-On.

As noted earlier, the Erbitux medication constituting the subject of the Sheiber petition was not ranked highly enough by the Committee, and even after the budgetary supplement for the year 2006, it was excluded from the health services basket. The Government subsequently decided to increase the budgetary funding for the 2008 health services basket: initially a supplement of NIS 380 million was approved and finally an overall sum of NIS 450 million was approved. Even after the budgetary supplement, however, the Erbitux medication in the category of colon cancer remained outside the basket.

HCJ Bar-On and HCJ Louzon

4.    As mentioned, following the budgetary supplement that expanded the 2006 health services basket, Avestin and Taxotere were added to the requested categories in the 2006 health services basket. This meant that a practical solution was found for the main remedy requested in HCJ Louzon and HCJ Bar-On, even though unfortunately, this was only after most of the petitioners had already passed away.

On 27 September 2006, counsel for the petitioners in HCJ Bar-On, Adv. Sigal Zeft, informed us that since Taxotere had been included in the health services basket, the petitioners were waiving further hearing of their petition. As for HCJ Louzon, counsel for the petitioners, Advs. Orna Lin and Michal Stein, informed us on 3 October 2006 that despite the inclusion of Avestin in the category of metastatic colon cancer in the 2006 health services basket, they still felt their petition should be heard. In their view, the inclusion of Avestin in the health services basket did not obviate the fundamental arguments raised in the petition against the Committee's mode of operation and the manner in which it exercised its discretion, and a decision should be made on these arguments.  Regarding this assertion, it must be said that in general, this Court will not rule on a petition that previously related to an actual issue but has, in the circumstances, become superfluous. The High Court of Justice has already ruled that “…if the case constituting the subject of a petition is resolved, by itself or by judicial decision, the Court will no longer be prepared to consider the legal question it raises” (HCJ 6055/95 Tzemach v. Minister of Defense [1], per Justice I. Zamir, at para. 3). It is not disputed that as of 2006, there has been a solution for the remedy sought in HCJ Louzon regarding the inclusion of Avestin in the health services basket. This being the case, we see no need to rule on the series of questions raised in that petition. All the same, it is noteworthy that some of the questions raised by counsel for the petitioners in HCJ Louzon concerning the violation of the petitioners’ constitutional rights and concerning the manner in which the Committee exercised its discretion were also raised by the petitioners in HCJ Sheiber. These issues will be discussed below.

Therefore, and in view of the inclusion of Avestin and Taxotere in the requested categories of the 2006 health services basket, the order nisi granted in the Louzon case will be cancelled and the petitions in HCJ Louzon  and HCJ Bar-On will be withdrawn with no order for costs. The petition in HCJ Sheiber therefore remains for our decision.

HCJ Sheiber – the pleadings of the parties

5.       Two main remedies were requested by counsel for the petitioners, Adv. David Sasson, in HCJ Sheiber. First, this Court was requested to order the addition of Erbitux, in the category for treatment of colon cancer, to the list of approved medications in the health services basket. Secondly, the petitioners requested an order that action be taken in one or more of the ways specified in the petition, with the aim of reducing the price that cancer patients are required to pay for medications not included in the health services basket.

In their petition, the petitioners raised several main arguments. First, it was argued that the right to health is part of the right to life and bodily integrity, and the right to human dignity, which are anchored in Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty (hereinafter: "the Basic Law"). The claim is that the non-inclusion of the Erbitux medication unlawfully violated the petitioners’ constitutional rights, contrary to the conditions of the reservations clause. Secondly, the petitioners challenged the way in which the Committee exercised its discretion. In this context, they stressed that they were not challenging the budgetary framework determined by the Government for funding the healthcare basket. Their main argument was that the framework for funding the basket should be based on a format that provided equal funding for all life-saving or life-prolonging drugs, without preferring any particular medication at the expense of another. In this context, it was further asserted that by not including Erbitux in the health services basket, appropriate weight was not assigned to the value of saving human life, and this constituted discrimination against the petitioners in relation to other patients whose required medications were included in the basket.  

A significant part of the petitioners’ claims turned on their proposals for reducing the cost of medications not included in the health services basket, in order to help patients in financing the purchase of these medications independently. In this context, the petitioners proposed a number of solutions, including: cancellation of value added tax and other indirect taxes levied on the sale of life-saving medications; the centralized purchase by the Ministry of Health and/or the Sick Funds of life-saving drugs not included in the health services basket, in a manner that would reduce the prices for those patients who required them.

6.    Counsel for the State, Adv. Dana Briskman and Adv. Einav Golomb, whose responses were comprehensive and erudite, argued that the HCJ Sheiber petition should be denied. Regarding the petitioners’ claim concerning the unlawful violation of their constitutional rights, counsel for the State referred to the responding deposition filed in HCJ Louzon. According to the State, in the matter at hand, this Court should exercise judicial restraint and the utmost caution in the present context, and refrain from deriving a general constitutional right to health and medical care from the framework rights anchored in Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty.

As to the petitioners’ arguments concerning the manner in which the Committee exercised its discretion, the State responded that a decision on ranking new medications and technologies was a complex one, involving a broad spectrum of considerations, and that it was subject to the budgetary restrictions that were set in accordance with the Government’s overall scale of priorities.  Erbitux, it was argued, is a new medication, and it is not yet known whether it improves the symptoms of colon cancer patients or prolongs their lives.  Bearing this in mind, the Committee deemed that it could not be given higher priority than other medications which had been proven to be life-prolonging. The argument is therefore that the recommendation was adopted after a thorough, informed, and in-depth decision-making process, which was conducted in accordance with the law; as such there are no grounds for interfering with it.

With respect to the petitioners’ proposals to reduce the price of medications not included in the health services basket, it was argued that these proposals should be rejected in limine in view of the failure to exhaust all alternative avenues and to apply initially to the relevant authorities. The State addressed the various proposals on their substance, and presented its reasons for rejecting the petition as it related to them.

7.    The four Sick Funds in Israel are also respondents to the petition. In their responses, they argued that they are not relevant respondents to the petitioners’ request to include Erbitux in the health services basket, since under the provisions of the National Health Insurance Law, it is not the Sick Funds that determine the contents of the basket, and their role consists exclusively of the provision of the services included therein. Regarding the petitioners’ proposal for the Sick Funds to carry out a centralized purchase of the medications not included in the health services basket in order to reduce the price for their members – it was argued that the National Health Insurance Law does not obligate the Sick Funds to carry out a centralized purchase. Nevertheless, some of the Sick Funds indicated in their response that they would not oppose a centralized purchase of medications not included in the health services basket, but their consent was contingent upon the prior regulation of all aspects and questions involved in the matter.

8.    The petition in HCJ Sheiber therefore raises various issues pertaining to the health services basket in Israel. Our discussion of these questions will proceed as follows:  first, we will consider the petitioners’ argument that non-inclusion of Erbitux in the health services basket unlawfully violates their constitutional rights. We will then discuss the petitioners’ objections to the manner in which the Committee exercised its discretion in determining the contents of the health services basket. Finally, we will address the petitioners’ various proposals for reducing the prices of the medications not included in the basket.

The constitutional status of the right to health

9.    The petitioners asserted that the Committee ranked the new medications and technologies in a manner that violated their constitutional right to health, thereby contravening the conditions of the reservations clause.  The petitioners conceded that the right to health is not explicitly prescribed in the basic legislation, but claimed that it derives from the right to life and bodily integrity as well as from the right to human dignity, both of which are anchored in Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty.

In addressing these arguments of the petitioners, we will note at the outset the difficulty involved in defining the internal scope of the right to health, since prima facie it covers an exceedingly broad domain. In principle, the right to health can be viewed as a collective term for a cluster of rights related to human health, some of which enjoy constitutional status in our legal system. For example, the right to health includes the right to preservation of the patient’s privacy and protection of his autonomy by disclosure of all medical information concerning him and obtaining his consent to any treatment administered to him. The right to health likewise includes the right not to be discriminated against with respect to access to medical treatment. It also includes additional aspects that affect people’s health, such as public awareness and access to information on health-related matters, access to acceptable food and drinking water in suitable sanitary and environmental conditions that are not harmful to human health, and other matters as well (see: Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment 14, The Right to the Highest Attainable Standard of Health, U.N. Doc. E/C.12/2000/4, at www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(symbol)/E.C.12.2000.4.En (hereinafter: General Comment 14 of the U.N. Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights). Considering the many aspects of the right to health, there would seem to be no basis for examining the constitutional status of the right as one composite whole; rather, the rationales for the various rights and interests protected in its framework should be considered, in accordance with their relative social importance and with the strength of their connection to the constitutional rights enumerated in Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty (see and compare: Justice D. Dorner on the “right to a decent environment" in Man, Nature and Law v. Prime Minister [2], para. 2).  

10.   This petition is concerned with the right to health-care, and more precisely with the right to receive publicly funded medical/medicinal treatment.  Inarguably, the right to medical treatment is not explicitly mentioned in the framework of the basic laws concerning human rights. As is known, the attempts to enact basic legislation that would confer explicit constitutional status on social rights, including the right to health and medical treatment, have thus far failed (see e.g.: Draft Basic Law: Social Rights, HH 5754, 337; see also the proposal of Law and Constitution Committee, “Broadly-Accepted Constitution", ss. 17, 18A - www.knesset.gov.il/HUKA ; see further and cf: "Constitution by Agreement", Proposal of the Israeli Democracy Institute, ss. 32, 34 - www.e-q-m.com/clients/Huka/huka_01.htm. Taking this into consideration, the question of the degree to which the right to medical treatment enjoys constitutional status in our legal system is far from simple. This is especially the case in relation to the “affirmative” aspect of the right, which imposes upon the state a positive duty to act, the essence of which is responsibility for the public funding of health services in Israel.  One of the central dilemmas in this context would appear to lie in the definition of the internal-constitutional scope of the right to medical treatment in general, and the right to publicly-funded health services in particular.

This Court has already ruled that the right to inclusion in the national health insurance system, per se, does not enjoy constitutional meta-legal status (see HCJ 494/03 Society of Physicians for Human Rights v. Minister of Finance [3] (hereinafter: Physicians for Human Rights v. Minister of Finance), para. 18).  Alongside the aforementioned ruling, the view has been expressed in our case-law that “a person without access to elementary medical treatment is a person whose human dignity has been violated” (per President A. Barak in LCA 4905/08 Gumzo v. Isaiah [4], para. 20). It has also been determined that “… the social right to the provision of basic health services can be anchored in the right to bodily integrity under s. 4 of the Basic Law” (per President A. Barak in Physicians for Human Rights v. Minister of Finance [3], paras. 16, 18; emphasis added – D.B.). Furthermore, the view was expressed that the right to medical treatment in a medical emergency involving immediate physical distress, being a right grounded in s. 3(b) of the Patient's Rights Law, 5756-1996, may be included in the category of protected rights in the framework of Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty (ibid, para. 18).

Thus, it emerges from the case-law of this Court that the constitutional rights enumerated in Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty are likely to include various aspects from the areas of welfare and social security, including health care. However, our case-law has yet to consider directly the question of which “basic health services” are included within the parameters of the constitutional rights enumerated in the Basic Law, and whether a constitutional right to health services that extends beyond the basic level required for human existence in society should be read into these constitutional rights.  This dilemma is reflected in the pleadings of the parties in the case before us. On the one hand, the centrality of health to the maintenance of decent human existence, to the welfare of the individual and to his ability to realize all other human rights is undisputed. Where medicinal treatment with any particular potential for saving, prolonging or improving the patient’s quality of life is concerned, significant weight should be assigned to the value of the sanctity of life, the integrity of body and soul, and human dignity, all of which are central values with constitutional standing in our legal system. Regarding the receipt of publicly-funded medical treatment, the legislation of the State of Israel is characterized by a commitment to a public health system grounded in the principle of mutual responsibility and concern for the society’s indigent, as indicated by the provisions of the National Health Insurance Law, which we will address below.

On the other hand, as mentioned above, the right to public health services in the present context means imposing a positive duty on the state, the main substance of which is responsibility for public funding of medical-medicinal treatment. Naturally, the issue of the constitutional scope of that right involves general distributive questions that derive from the nature of the socio-economic regime governing a society and the scope of public resources at the state’s disposal (cf: HCJ 5578/02 Manor v. Minister of Finance [5], para. 9, per President A. Barak). Indeed, the human rights recognized in our system, which are generally referred to as “civil and political rights”, also impose upon the State “positive” duties of protecting the realization of a right, and not just “negative duties” of not violating the right. Quite often the state’s duty to protect the realization of civil and political rights also includes a “positive” duty that involves the allocation of substantial resources (see e.g. in the context of freedom of speech and demonstration: HCJ 2557/05 Mateh Harov v. Israel Police [6], per President A. Barak, at para. 14 ff.). Even so, it seems that the right to publicly funded health services, like other rights connoted as “social-economic rights”, has a dominantly "positive" character that arouses greater concern for questions of policy on social resource distribution, in accordance with the determination of a national scale of  priorities (see Guy Seidman and Erez Shaham, “Introduction: Medicine and the Law and What’s Between Them,” 6 Law and Business  13, at p. 27 (2007) (hereinafter: Seidman and Shaham).

Since its earliest days, the accepted view of this Court has been that the Court should be wary of intervening in the formulation of overall economic policy and in the determination of national priorities; the general rule is that the executive and the legislative branches shoulder the public and national responsibility for the State economy (see my comments in HCJ 4769/95 Menahem v. Minister of Transport [7], para. 13, and references cited there). Bearing this in mind, and in the absence of an explicit anchoring of social rights in basic legislation, the question that arises is to what extent can judicial-interpretative tools be used to construe the rights enumerated in Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty as including a right with a correlative duty to provide public healthcare services on a larger scale than that of the minimum requirements for decent human existence in a society (regarding this matter, cf. the majority opinion, as per President A. Barak, with which I concurred, in HCJ 366/03 Commitment to Peace and Social Justice Amuta v. Minister of the Interior [8], paras. 14-16 - that the constitutional right to human dignity includes the protection of the “minimum” for decent human existence, as opposed to the minority view of Justice E. Levi (ibid,  paras 1- 3), according to whom human dignity includes protection of “appropriate living conditions”; for a view in favor of a  broad interpretation of the  constitutional right to human dignity in the realm of welfare and social security, see e.g. Yoram Rabin, The Right to Education, at p. 370 (2002) and references cited; for other views see: Ruth Gavison, “The Relations between Civil-Political Rights in Israel and Socio-Economic Rights,” Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in Israel, 25, at pp. 34-35 (eds. Yoram Rabin and Yuval Shani, 2004); Rivka Weil, “The Health of the Budget or the Health Budget – Which Takes Preference from a Constitutional Perspective?” Law and Business 6, 157, at p. 169ff (2007) (hereinafter: Weil); Yoav Dotan, “The Supreme Court as the Protector of Social Rights” Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in Israel, at p.69 (eds. Yoram Rabin and Yuval Shani)).

 It will be pointed out below that recognition of a constitutional right to publicly funded health services raises the question of the degree of constitutional protection of that right. In other words, even assuming that the right is included, be what may the scope, in the framework of the constitutional rights enumerated in Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, this does not mean it is absolute; like other rights, the right to publicly funded health services must be balanced against other competing rights and interests. Accordingly, if a constitutional right to public health services is established, the question to be considered is how to interpret and apply the conditions of the reservation clause under circumstances in which it is proved that there was a substantive violation of that right, and what are the appropriate tools for giving effect to those conditions. (On the distinction between the internal scope of a constitutional right and the extent of protection accorded to it, see Aharon Barak, Legal Interpretation, Vol. 3, Constitutional Interpretation (1995), at p. 371ff.

11.  These dilemmas are complex, and they trigger questions relating to various aspects, which I will not discuss here. I will simply mention that the right to health has indeed gained recognition in various international conventions, and it is included in the constitutions of a number of states around the world.  Nevertheless, the delineation of the internal scope of the right and the extent to which it is protected remain vague, and they are characterized by a cautious approach that considers the budgetary capabilities of each state and the principle of the progressive realization of the right. For example, in 1946 the Constitution of the World Health Organization (WHO) recognized the basic right to health, but the scope of this right is defined as “the highest attainable standard of health" [emphasis added – D.B]; (see also: Eyal Gross, “Health in Israel: Right or Commodity?” Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in Israel, 437, 442-443 (Yoram Rabin and Yuval Shani eds, 2004) (hereinafter: Gross).  As for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948: this Convention entrenches a number of social human rights, including the right to a decent standard of living which includes aspects of the right to health and to medical treatment.  At the same time, the Preamble to the Declaration states that these rights are to be realized by “progressive measures”.

One of the central international documents concerning the right to health is the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966, which was ratified by the State of Israel in 1991. Section 12 of the Covenant states that Party States to the covenant “… recognize the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health” [emphasis not in original – D.B], and that the States must take the required steps to ensure, inter alia, “the creation of conditions which would assure to all medical service and medical attention in the event of sickness.” Section 2 of the Covenant adds that each Party State will take steps “…to the maximum of its available resources, with a view to progressively achieving the full realization of the rights” (on other international conventions and documents on the right to health, see: Gross, at pp. 443-445).  Thus we see that the international conventions that recognize the right to health and medical treatment take budgetary constraints into consideration, and are cautious in determining the scope of this right and the degree of protection it is accorded.

On the internal constitutional level, the constitutions of many states, including Canada and the U.S.A, do not confer explicit constitutional status upon the right to health. The constitutional law of these states protects only limited aspects of this right. On the other hand, s. 27 of the South African Constitution confers explicit constitutional status upon the right of access to medical treatment. However, the South African Constitution adds that the state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve the progressive realization of each of these rights (for the text of the South African Constitution, see http://www.info.gov.za/documents/constitution/1996/96cons2.htm#27). It should be noted that the constitutions of India and Holland expressly entrench the right to promote public health, but this right is not enforceable by the judiciary and it is only a type of fundamental principle that is intended to guide the actions of the executive and the legislative authorities (see Gross, at pp. 462-463; Guy Seidman, “Social Rights: A Comparative Perspective on India and South Africa,” (347, at pp. 356, 370) (Yoram Rabin and Yuval Shani eds, 2004)).

A comparative analysis reveals that while the right to health and medical treatment is recognized on the international level and in the constitutions of several states world-wide, the scope of this right, the degree to which it is protected, and the manner of its realization vary from state to state, and are characterized by a cautious approach that is influenced, inter alia, by the availability of public resources and by the economic capabilities of each state (see Aharon Barak, “Introduction,” Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in Israel, 8-9 (Yoram Rabin and Yuval Shani eds, 2004)). In general, the question of the scope of public health services is not exclusive to Israel and it characterizes, in varying degrees, to all states in the world, for no state is capable of funding unlimited health services, which are constantly becoming more sophisticated and more expensive due to medical and technological developments.  The system for funding health services provided to the public also varies from state to state according to different models (private funding, public funding or a combination thereof), in accordance with the economic regime governing that particular state, its social priorities, and its budgetary capabilities (see Seidman and Shaham, at pp 40 - 42; on the system for funding health services in Canada, the U.S.A and England, see Yuval Karniel, “The Basket of Medications – Doctors, Judges and the Media,” Law and Business 6 (2007), at pp. 225, 231 (hereinafter: Karniel)). Our case-law has already held that “[e]ach state has its own problems. Even if the fundamental considerations are similar, the balance between them reflects the particularity of each society and that which characterizes its legal arrangements" (per President A. Barak in HCJ 4128/02 Man, Nature and Law v. Prime Minister [2], at para. 14). Against the background of the above, it can be said, in sum, that the definition of the scope of the constitutional right to public health services, the extent of its constitutional protection, and the provision of measures for its enforcement are complex issues. As such our treatment of the right in case law requires caution and moderation.

12.              The petition in HCJ Sheiber does not require a decision on the entire complex of questions pertaining to the constitutional status of the right to medical treatment in general, and the right to publicly funded health services in particular. This is because the petition is not concerned with the constitutionality of a Knesset statute; rather, it concerns the manner in which the competent authorities exercised their discretion in determining the contents of the health services basket. Bearing that in mind, I will confine myself to a short comment on the constitutional aspect as it relates to the circumstances of this case.

As mentioned, the petition in HCJ Sheiber is directed against the non-inclusion of Erbitux in the publicly funded health services basket. Erbitux is an innovative medicine for the treatment of colon cancer. As will be elucidated below, there is no consensus regarding the effectiveness of this medication in the saving or even the prolonging of life; the research data from studies of this medication are still disputed, and the medication is expensive. I therefore tend to the view that this particular medication, and other similarly experimental innovative medications, would not fall within the rubric of the basic health services required for minimal human existence in society. Indeed, for patients suffering from life-threatening illnesses, any medication that offers some chance to save or at least to prolong their lives, even if only for a short time, is of critical, inestimable value. At the same time, from a broad social perspective and given the limitations of the public resources, I doubt whether the demand for public funding for these innovative medications has a handle in the hard kernel of constitutional rights enumerated in the Basic Law.

Furthermore, even according to an exegetical approach that extends the constitutional scope of the right to human dignity beyond the level of the basic minimum in the area of welfare and social security, it would appear that only in extreme and exceptional circumstances would the state be constitutionally obligated to fund a specific medication, one of many in respect of which applications are submitted for public funding. In this than necessary in national context, it is noteworthy that in view of their reluctance to intervene more -economic scales of priorities, courts the world over refrain from ruling that the lack of public funding for a concrete medical treatment amounts to a violation of the patient’s constitutional right.  (For exceptional circumstances in which it was ruled that a violation of a constitutional right had been proved, see and compare: Minister of Health v. Treatment Action Campaign, CCT 8/02 [31]. In that case, the South African Supreme Court obligated the Government to enable the distribution of medicinal treatment designed to prevent the transmission of the AIDS from mothers to their children, under circumstances in which the medicine was provided free of charge to the Government by the manufacturer).  Considering all the above, it would appear that in the petitioners’ case it has not been proven that a meta-legal constitutional right has been violated, and their rights must be thus be examined in accordance with the normative-legislative framework that will be discussed below.

The legal right to public health services

13.  As noted, HCJ Sheiber is not concerned with the constitutionality of Knesset legislation, and consequently I saw no need to rule on the complex of questions arising with respect to the constitutional status of the right to publicly funded medical treatment.  It should however be stressed that the right to public health services exists in its own right as a legal right, in other words, as a right that stems from Knesset legislation as interpreted in case law and in the spirit of the obligations of the State on the international-conventional level,  with no necessary connection between the aforementioned legal right and the constitutional rights enumerated in Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty (cf. the right to education: HCJ 2599/00 Yated Association of Children with Down Syndrome v. Ministry of Education [9], para. 6, per Justice D. Dorner and references there; HCJ 7351/03 Rishon Le-Zion Municipal Parents Committee v. Minister of Education, Culture and Sport [10],  para. 4 of my judgment). The question therefore arises as to the substance and scope of the legal right to public health services in Israel, and whether this right been unlawfully violated in the circumstances of the petitioners' case.

14.  The scope of the State's responsibility to ensure the access to and provision and funding of health services in Israel is set forth in our legal system in various pieces of legislation.  S. 3(a) of the Patient's Rights Law, 5756-1996 (hereinafter: "Patient's Rights Law"), entitled "The Right to Medical Treatment” prescribes as follows:

3.     (a)  Every person in need of medical care is entitled to receive it in accordance with all laws and regulations and the conditions and arrangements obtaining at any given time in the Israeli health care system.

S. 3(a) of the Patient's Rights Law explicitly provides that the scope of the right to medical treatment in Israel derives, inter alia, from the statutory provisions applying to the matter. It should be mentioned that s. 5 of the Patient's Rights Law, entitled “Proper Medical Care” supplements the provision of s. 3(a) in providing that: “A patient shall be entitled to proper medical care, having regard both to its professionalism and quality, and to the personal relations incorporated in it.”  S. 3(b) of the Patient's Rights Law further provides that –

          (b) In a medical emergency, a person is entitled to receive unconditional urgent medical treatment.

It should be stated immediately that the petitioners avoided basing their claims before us on the provisions of s. 3(b) of the Patient's Rights Law. Indeed, it would appear, prima facie, that under its current categorization, Erbitux could not qualify as urgent medical treatment for a medical emergency under the provisions of s. 3(b); it is a relatively new medication, intended to prolong life under circumstances of grave protracted illness; the research data regarding its categorization is disputed, and it is not included in the basket (see the ruling of the South African Constitutional Court, whereby the right to “emergency medical treatment” under s. 27(3) of the Constitution does not apply to dialysis treatment given for the sake of prolonging life in a chronic medical condition of a protracted illness: Soobramoney v. Minister of Health [32]). It should be mentioned that in the circumstances of the case before us, similar reasons underlie the non-application of the provisions of the Do Not Stand on Your Neighbor's Blood Law, 5758-1998 [Israeli Good Samaritan Law- trans], which the petitioners cited in their pleadings.

       15. Another major piece of legislation with ramifications for the substance and the scope of the legal right to public health services is the National Health Insurance Law. Prior to the enactment of this Law, health insurance in Israel was voluntary. There was no legal obligation to take out medical insurance, and a person not insured as a member of one of the Sick Funds was obligated to pay for all medical treatment that he received (on this matter see CA 5557/95 Sahar Insurance Company Ltd v. Alharar [11],  para. 12 per (former title) Justice Theodor Or). The National Health Insurance Law was designed to change this situation. The purpose of the Law was to create a compulsory health insurance system in order to guarantee health services for the entire Israeli population, while defining the funding sources of the public health system and their allocation. The National Health Insurance Law was based on recognition of the state’s responsibility for funding public health services for the general benefit, to be provided to the public by way of the Sick Funds, deriving from the state’s commitment to “principles of justice, equality and mutual assistance” as stated in s. 1 of the Law.

The substance and the scope of the legal right to public health services are laid down in s. 3 of the National Health Insurance Law, entitled "The Right to Medical Services", which provides as follows:

3. (a) Every resident is entitled to health services under this law, unless he is entitled to them by virtue of another law.

(b)  The State is responsible for the funding of the health services basket from the sources enumerated in section 13.

(c ) The Sick Fund is responsible to  any person registered with it for all of the health services to which he is entitled under this law.

(d) The health services included in the health basket shall be provided in Israel, according to medical discretion, of a reasonable quality, within a reasonable period of time, and within a reasonable distance from the insuree's residence, all within the framework of the funding sources available to the Sick Funds under section 13.

(e) Health services will be provided while preserving human dignity, protection of privacy and preserving medical confidentiality [emphasis not in original – D.B.]

From the provisions of s. 3 and the other provisions of the National Health Insurance Law, it emerges that a special relationship between the insured parties, the Sick Funds, and the State is established in that Law. The Law obligates the insured parties – consisting of all residents of the State – to pay insurance premiums at a progressive rate calculated in accordance with the insured party’s level of income, as specified in s. 14 of the Law. This gives expression to the principle of mutual responsibility, the aspiration being for each insured party to pay according to his ability and receive according to his needs, out of consideration for the weaker members of society (see: Report of the National Committee of Inquiry for Examining the Operation and Effectiveness of the Israeli Health System, vol. 1,  81 – 82 (1990) (hereinafter: Netanyahu Report); Carmel Shalev, Health, Law and Human Rights (2003), 202 (hereinafter: Shalev); on the principle of detaching the receipt of medical treatment from the ability to pay for it, and the gradual erosion of this principle over the years due to amendments introduced into the National Health Insurance Law, see Gross, at  p. 471 ff).

Under the provisions of the National Health Insurance Law, the Sick Funds are responsible for providing all their registered insured members with all of the health services under the Law, apart from a limited number of health services, the provision of which is the responsibility of the Ministry of Health (see s. 3(c) as cited above, and s. 69 of the Law). The health services that insured members are entitled to receive directly from the Sick Funds are mainly those health services included in the "health services basket" as defined in s. 7 of the Law.  It should be noted that prior to the enactment of the National Health Insurance Law, there was no uniform basket of services, and each Sick Fund exercised independent discretion in its determination of the healthcare services to be provided to its members, regarding both the composition and the scope of services. The National Health Insurance Law changed this situation by fixing a single basket that was binding upon all of the Sick Funds.

Whereas the Sick Funds are responsible for the provision of the services included in the public health services basket, the State is responsible for funding the basket. The National Health Insurance Law contains specific provisions relating to the calculation of the cost of the basket, and to the sources from which it is funded.  Section 9(a) of the Law fixes the “basic cost” of the basket; this is updated annually in accordance with an automatic-technical formula that is based on the rate of increase of the health cost index as specified in the Fifth Schedule of the Law. Once the cost of the basket for a particular budgetary year is set, the State is responsible for funding the basket by means of the funding sources listed in s. 13 of the law. Section 13 contains a list of sources for funding the healthcare services provided under the Law, including health insurance dues paid by insured members, sums of money collected by the National Insurance Institute, certain sums from the budget of the Ministry of Health, and others.  The funding sources for the basket include “additional sums from the state budget as determined annually in the Budget Law, and which supplement the funding of the cost of the basket borne by the Sick Funds …”. Thus, the annual Budget Law serves as a central funding source that supplements the other statutory funding sources of the health services basket.

It should be mentioned as an aside that over the years, there has been extensive criticism of the statutory mechanism for adjusting the cost of the basket. The main objection in this context is that the health cost index is inadequate for the purpose of adjusting the funding of the health services basket to the real increase in the cost of the basket which stems, inter alia, from the growth in the national population, the increase in the average age of the Israeli population, and the constant technological progress in the field of medicine (see Shalev, at pp 229 – 232, 269-270; Gross, p. 495 ff; Daphne Barak-Erez, “The Israeli Welfare State – Between Legislation and Bureaucracy,”  9 Labor, Society and Law   175, at p. 181 (2002); see also HCJ 2344/98 Macabbi Health Services v. Minister of Finance [12], per (former title) Justice M. Cheshin)). Over the years, the Finance Ministry rejected recommendations for the establishment of a substantive mechanism to supplement the technical mechanism currently fixed by the Law on grounds of budgetary constraints.  A number of petitions contesting this conduct were submitted to this Court, but ultimately this Court refrained from intervening in the aforementioned policy of the Finance Ministry, for the reasons outlined in the decisions (see HCJ 9163/01 General Health Services v. Minister of Finance [13], per (former title) Justice M. Cheshin; see also Macabbi Health Services v. Minister of Finance [12]). Various draft laws for establishing a substantive mechanism for adjusting the real cost of the health services basket did not evolve into legislation. This being the situation, the Government retains broad discretion in determining the amount of the annual supplement to the cost of the basket, above and beyond the supplement mandated by the health cost index. 

16.  The entire body of arrangements prescribed by the Patient's Rights Law and the National Health Insurance Law leads to two main conclusions regarding the substance and the scope of the legal right to public health services in Israel. First, given that the purpose of the National Health Insurance Law is to grant rights to all residents of Israel by way of a national health insurance, as opposed to private risk insurance; and given that the public health services included in the health services basket are subject to the funding sources listed in s. 13 of the Law, among them the Annual Budget Law - it is clear that the health services basket does not purport to include the entire range of possible medical services, at the optimal scope and level as may be required by an individual. This point was made by (former title) Justice T. Or, writing as follows:

‘…As we saw, the Health Law establishes a basket of services. It does not purport to provide all of the medical services that are or may be required by those insured by the Sick Funds…the existence of a health system is dependent upon its financial balance, and the existing financial sources do not guarantee the provision of all the possible medical services…

It thus emerges that the provision of medical services by the Sick Funds cannot always provide all of the medical services required by a sick or injured person who is insured by the Fund’(CA 5557/95 Sahar [11], para. 19).

Secondly, the purpose of the National Health Insurance Law and the body of arrangements it prescribes, and s. 5 of the Patient's Rights Law which determines the right to ‘proper medical service’ - necessitate the conclusion that at this point in time, our legal system recognizes a legal right to public health services that extends beyond the minimum core of basic health services required for decent life in a society.  Naturally, it is difficult, perhaps even impossible, to define precisely the scope of this legal right.  Nevertheless, we can speak of a right with a core and an outer casing. The core of the legal right to public health services includes all the public health services that the state is obligated to fund.  Section 7(a) of the National Health Insurance Law classifies these as the “basket of basic services” provided by the General Histadrut Sick Fund prior to 1.1.94 (just before the Law came into force); with the addition of the automatic technical adjustment in accordance with the health cost index as specified in s.9(b) of the Law (hereinafter: the basic basket). The public funding of this basic basket constitutes a defined statutory obligation in terms of its scope and quantity, and indisputably, the state is powerless to shake off this obligation by claiming that there is no budgetary coverage for its liability (see and compare: HCJ 1554/95 Supporters of Gilat Amuta v. Minister of Education, Culture and Sport [14], per (former title) Justice T. Or, at para 21; HCJ 2344/98 Macabbi Health Services v. Minister of Finance [12]; HCJ 2725/92  Macabbi Health Services v. Minister of Finance [15], per Justice S. Joubran, at para. 47).

Within the outer casing of the basic right to public healthcare services are all other health services that are not included in the framework of this basic basket. Pursuant to the provisions of the National Health Insurance Law, the right to extend the health services basket beyond the basic basket is a right of the type that (former title) Justice Cheshin dubbed “budget-dependent rights” (Macabbi Health Services v. Minister of Finance [15], paras. 35-40). By their very nature and essence, these rights are a function of the policy that has its source in the Annual Budget Law. Indeed, as explained above, s. 13 of the National Health Insurance Law states that the Annual Budget Law shall serve as a funding source that supplements the other sources of funding of the health services basket. This means that the Budget Law determines the additional funding for the addition of new technologies and medications to the health services basket, such that “without a budget there is no right” to the expansion of the basket (see and compare: Macabbi Health Services v. Minister of Finance [15], at p. 39). This arrangement may indeed be consistent with the conception endorsed by international conventions and in the legal systems of other states, whereby the scope and extent of realization of the right to health and medical treatment is subject to the economic capability of the state and the resources at its disposal (see para. 11 ibid).

17.    Under the current legal position, the scope of the legal right to public health services beyond the basic basket derives from the Annual Budget Law. At the same time, I should mention that the budgetary limitation is not a permanently unsurpassable ceiling.  The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which, as noted, was ratified by Israel in 1991, determined that the State Parties must take steps for the progressive realization of the right to health recognized in s.12 of the Covenant. The meaning of the obligation of progressive realization was discussed in General Comment 14 of the U.N. Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights – which is the authorized interpretation of s.12 of the Covenant. General Comment 14 provides inter alia that in circumstances in which retrogressive measures are taken that impede the progress already achieved in relation to the right to health, the State party has the burden of proving that the measures are necessary in view of the State party's maximum available resources (see para. 32 of General Comment 14 ibid).  This, then, is the position on the level of the conception of the international undertakings. In the spirit of these principles the question that is likely to arise in our legal system is whether a serious reduction in the funding of the health services basket - including by way of significant cumulative erosion of the funding of the basket in the absence of a substantive mechanism for a real adjustment of its cost - transfers the burden to the State to show that this reduction is indeed justified and dictated by reality. The question is one of interpretation: the legal right to the expansion of the health services basket is indeed budget-dependent in accordance with the provisions of the National Health Insurance Law, but the question is whether it is appropriate to interpret its scope taking into consideration the principle of progressive realization, and in the spirit of Israel’s undertakings on the international level? This question is not currently under discussion and I prefer to leave it as pending.

18.    In the circumstances of this case, does the non-inclusion of Erbitux in the Health services basket unlawfully violate the petitioners’ legal right to receive publicly funded health services?  There is no dispute that Erbitux was not included in the basic basket as defined in s. 7 of the Law (see para. 16 supra). Therefore, the demand for public funding for Erbitux is “budget-dependent”. In this context it should be stressed that the petitioners in HCJ Sheiber refrained from challenging the budgetary framework allocated by the Government for the expansion of the health services basket, and rightly so under the circumstances.  In both his oral and written pleadings, counsel for the petitioners stressed that the petition is not aimed at increasing the budget earmarked for the health services basket; it is directed primarily against the authority of the Committee and the manner in which it exercised its discretion in determining the contents of the health services basket in the framework of the existing budget.

I will state right away that we have examined the petitioners’ arguments against the Committee’s authority and its mode of operation, and our conclusion is that there are no legal grounds for our intervention on that count; nor has it been proven, in the circumstances of the case, that the petitioners’ legal right to receive public healthcare services was unlawfully violated.  In order to elucidate our reasons for this conclusion, we will first consider the manner of determining the composition of the health services basket, the nature of the Committee and its subordination to the rules of public law. We will then proceed to discuss the petitioners’ arguments against the authority of the aforementioned Committee and the manner in which it exercised its discretion.

Determining the composition of the health services basket

19.  As mentioned, s.7 of the National Health Insurance Law defines the initial contents of the health services basket (the basic basket), in a manner that reflects the framework of health services that were provided by the General Histadrut immediately prior to the date on which the Law came into force. Naturally, in view of the rapid developments in the world of science, and taking into consideration the accelerated development of new medical technologies in the face of the steadily increasing needs of the Israeli population, it frequently becomes necessary to examine the possibility of adding new medications and technologies to the health services basket. In this context, s. 8(e) of the National Health Insurance Law prohibits the addition of medications and technologies to the health services basket in the absence of a suitable funding source to cover the additional cost involved (on the questions of interpretation raised by this section, see HCJ 1829/02 General Health Services v. Minister of Health [16], per Justice E. Grunis, para. 5). Section 8(b)(1) of the National Health Insurance Law further provides that any addition of new medications and technologies to the health services basket involving additional costs must be by virtue of a decision of the Health Minister, with the agreement of the Minister of Finance and the approval of the Government.

20.    When there has been a decision to allocate a budgetary supplement to fund an expansion of the health services basket, how is it decided which new medications and technologies to include in the framework of the basket? As transpires from the State’s response, the adoption of decisions on this matter is subject to a complex process comprising several stages:

Each year the Ministry of Health sends out a “public appeal” for the submission of requests to include new medications and technologies in the Health services basket. The requests are submitted by a variety of bodies – professional, public, commercial and private. After collecting the requests, the process of gathering data and professional evaluation begins. This process is conducted by the Technologies and Infrastructure Administration in the Ministry of Health, with the assistance of additional professional bodies both inside and outside the Ministry of Health. Upon completion of this process, and after the formulation of the recommendation of the professional bodies in the Ministry of Health, the professional background material is transferred to the Committee.

This Committee conducts its deliberations regarding the requests submitted to it, taking into account all the professional material made available to it. From the State’s response, it emerges that at the initial stages of the Committee’s deliberations, each medication is evaluated and graded numerically in order to serve as an auxiliary tool for the basic classification of the various technologies. At the advanced and final stages of the deliberations, the Committee prioritizes the various technologies and recommends the adoption of a final scale of priorities among the technologies, taking into account the given budgetary framework.

The Committee’s recommendations regarding the ranking of new medications and technologies are presented to the plenum of the Health Council, which is authorized under the Law to advise the Minister of Health on changes in the basket. Following all these stages, and in the event that the recommendations are accepted by the Minister of Health, they require the consent of the Minister of Finance and confirmation of the Government, pursuant to s. 8(b)(1) of the Law, for the purpose of confirming the funding sources for the expansion of the basket.  At the end of the process the recommendations are anchored in an Order issued by the Minister of Health.

The Committee thus plays a central role in ranking the new medical technologies, and its recommendations affect the contents of the basket in the event of a budgetary decision being adopted for its expansion. We will now focus our attention on this Committee.

The nature of the committee and its subordination to the rules of public law

21.    The Committee is appointed by virtue of an administrative decision of the Minister of Health, and it operates on behalf of the Health Council, which is authorized to advise the Minister on matters pertaining to “changes in the health services basket, taking into account, inter alia, new technologies and their costs (s. 52(1)(b) of the National Health Insurance Law). The authority to appoint the Committee is found in s. 48(f) of the National Health Insurance Law, which provides that the Health Council, headed by the Minister of Health, is authorized to appoint committees from amongst its members, and to have recourse to experts who are not members. The appointment of the Committee might also be anchored in the general ancillary competence of the Minister of Health to voluntarily consult with others in the exercise of his authority, and to establish suitable bodies for the purpose of such consultation (see s. 17(b) of the Interpretation Law, 5741-1981; and see Itzhak Zamir, Administrative Authority, vol.1, at pp. 190-191, 246-247 (1996) (hereinafter: Zamir)).

The Committee's role, therefore, is to advise the relevant bodies on the prioritization of new medical technologies for the purpose of expanding the health services basket. Work of this kind undoubtedly requires expertise, experience and broad understanding in order to strike the appropriate balance between all of the relevant considerations, which are multi-disciplinary and complex, as will be specified below. With this in mind, the Minister of Health, in conjunction with the Minister of Finance, decided to include experts from different fields on the Committee: representatives of the doctors, representatives of the Sick Funds, economists, and public representatives. This composition of the Committee was designed to assist it in evaluating new medical technologies and accepting recommendations from a broad social perspective, taking into consideration the professional-medical aspects and the various public considerations involved in the addition of new medications and technologies to the medical services basket, all within the framework of the resources allocated by the Government to the health services basket for the relevant budgetary year.

22. It should be stressed that although the Committee is not a statutory body, and although it includes public representatives who are not personally subordinate to the appointing minister, the Committee is part of the public administration and its actions are governed by the rules of public administration (on the proposal to refer to bodies of this kind as "satellite bodies", see Zamir, at p. 413, 421). It should be mentioned that State counsel did not dispute this, and in their summations they assumed that the Committee was indeed bound by the rules of Administrative law. 

In view of the above, it is agreed that the Committee is obliged to act reasonably and fairly, basing itself on relevant considerations and the principle of equality, and conducting correct administrative proceedings in the spirit of the principles laid down in the National Health Insurance Law. Furthermore, in view of the Committee’s unique composition, its professionalism and its expertise regarding the sensitive and complex questions which it considers, it is given relatively broad leeway in the exercise of its discretion.  As a rule, this Court will not substitute itself for the  Committee, and will not rush to intervene in the Committee’s exercise of its discretion, as long as the latter's recommendations were the product of a correct process and as long as it did not deviate substantively from the framework of relevant considerations that it ought to have considered, or from an appropriate balance of these considerations within the parameters of reasonableness (cf: HCJ 7365/95 Bolous Brothers- Marble and Granite Production Ltd  v. Investments Centre [17], per  Justice I. Zamir, para. 4).

23.    In concluding this part of the hearing, I will say that from the outset, there was no obligation to anchor the actual establishment and operation of the Committee in legislation, in that it is a body established for advisory purposes, as explained above. Over time however, the Committee has become a factor that wields major influence on the updating of the contents of the health services basket, inter alia in view of the general tendency of the Minister of Health to endorse the Committee's recommendations on prioritizing the various medical technologies.  Considering the Committee's influence and the complexity of its work due to the gravity of the matters with which it deals, and in view of the pressures applied by various interested parties, this would seem to be an appropriate time to consider anchoring its activities in an appropriate statutory framework that would determine the manner of the Committee’s appointment, its composition, its powers and its work procedures. Such anchorage is likely to assist in the regulation of the Committee's activities, considering the particular sensitivity of the difficult and important issues with which it deals (see and compare: Guy I. Seidman, "Regulating Life and Death: The Case of Israel's 'Health Basket' Committee", 23 J. Contemp. Health L. & Pol'y 9, 30 (2006); Karniel, at pp. 234-235; regarding other advisory bodies established by force of an administrative decision and subsequently anchored in appropriate legislation, see: Zamir, at pp. 415-416). Those responsible for these matters would therefore do well to consider appropriate statutory regulation of the Committee and its activities.

Discussion of the petitioners’ arguments against the manner in which the Committee exercises its discretion

24.  The petitioners in HCJ Sheiber raised several major arguments against the manner in which the Committee exercises its discretion in general, and against its recommendation not to give Erbitux a high ranking on the scale of priorities in particular.  First,  they argued that the Committee overrated the budgetary consideration and that its recommendations, which translated into a relatively low ranking for life-saving or life-prolonging medications, were made unlawfully, due to the failure to ascribe the requisite importance to the value of saving human life.  Secondly, the petitioners challenged the criteria that guided the Committee in its prioritization of the new medical technologies.  The main argument in this context was that in the framework of the budget allocated for funding the basket, the funding should be based on an equal rate for all life-saving or life-prolonging medications, without preferring one medication over others and without attaching weight to the chances of recuperation offered by the different medications. Thirdly, it was argued that the exclusion of Erbitux from the health services basket amounted to unlawful discrimination because it discriminated against the petitioners vis-à-vis other patients whose essential medications were included in the basket.

25.    Having heard the parties and having examined the material in the file, our conclusion is that the petitioners’ arguments should be rejected. I will preface the discussion by clarifying that under settled case law, and as part of its obligation towards the public, a public authority is permitted, and even obliged, to consider budgetary constraints in exercising its discretion. This is especially the case when the law empowers the authority to determine alone, at its own discretion, the precise scope and limits of the entitlement to a public service, in a manner that requires fixing a scale of priorities in accordance with limited public resources. As stated by Justice S. Netanyahu:

‘No society has unlimited resources. No statutory authority operating in a society is permitted and able to ignore budgetary constraints and to provide services without any kind of accounting, no matter how important and urgent they may be …

Every authority is faced with the need to strike a proper balance between the scope, the manner and the degree to which it discharges its functions-obligations under the law on the one hand, and its obligation to maintain its budgetary framework on the other. It can never fully discharge all of these and fulfill all its functions optimally without taking budgetary restraints into account. It must establish its own scale of preferences and priorities, and guiding rules and criteria for their implementation; these must meet the test of reasonability, and be exercised on the basis of equality’ (HCJ 3472/92 Brand v. Minister of Communications [18], para. 4; see also HCJ 3627/92 Israel Fruit Growers Organization Ltd. v. Government of Israel [19], per Justice E. Mazza, para. 5).

            As clarified above, the National Health Insurance Law expressly prohibits the addition of services to the health services basket in the absence of a suitable source of funding. Consequently, the budgetary consideration is a legitimate and relevant one, which the Committee is entitled to consider in its prioritization of the new medical technologies.  Our case law has already held that "[o]ne cannot ignore the fact that even in a matter as sensitive as health, budgetary factors must be considered," (per Justice A. Grunis in HCJ 2453/06 Israeli Medical Association v. Attorney General [20], para.3; see also Justice M. Naor in HCJ 4004/07 Turonshwili v. Ministry of Health [21], para. 6).  This in no way implies contempt for the sanctity of human life; rather, it constitutes recognition of the inherent constraints of a reality in which budgetary resources are limited and must be divided amongst all of the national and social needs that make prioritization necessary.

26. Further to the above, it should be noted that the National Health Insurance Law is silent on the method of prioritizing the various medical technologies for purposes of expanding the basket.  Nevertheless, it is settled case law that the public body's authority to allocate limited resources may also entail the authority to determine the method of allocation and the scale of priorities (see HCJ 4613/03 Shaham v. Ministry of Health [23], per Justice E. Levy, para. 7).

The Committee's job of advising the Ministry of Health and the Health Committee on the prioritization of the various medical technologies is undoubtedly an exceedingly difficult, complex and sensitive task (on the dilemmas involved, see: Netanyahu Report, at p. 100). The State attached a document to its written pleadings in which it laid out the criteria set by the Committee for ranking the various technologies and medications it considered. These criteria include the following considerations: the effectiveness of the technology in treating the disease; the ability of the technology to prevent the disease; the ability of the technology to save life or prevent death; the prolonging of life and the anticipated quality of life; the existence of an alternative treatment and examination of the effectiveness of that alternative; experience in or outside Israel in the use of the technology; economic cost on the individual and national levels; the number of patients who stand to  benefit from the medication; the anticipated benefit of including the technology in the basket in the short and long terms, and others.

These are general criteria, and they were not ranked by the Committee in order of importance or weight.  The State’s position on the matter was that since the subject is a particularly complex one, the perspective must be broad and comprehensive and it is not possible to adopt rigid and unequivocal rules that would lead to the creation of a type of mechanical formula for resolving the public, economic, value-based and ethical dilemmas involved in determining the scale of priorities.  In this context, the State emphasized that the consideration of saving or prolonging life was accorded great weight by the Committee when ranking the medical technologies under discussion. Nevertheless, like the other above-mentioned criteria, the consideration of saving or prolonging life is neither exclusive nor determinant, due to the need to consider all the other relevant considerations such as the number of people requiring the medication, alternative treatments and their effectiveness, the patient’s quality of life, the overall cost in relation to other medications and others. In this context, the State added that the medications basket is not meant to include only medications that are designed to cure existing illness: it also includes a variety of other medications, such as medications with long term preventative qualities, medications that prevent complications and aggravation of existing illnesses, and medications that very significantly affect the quality of life, such as the prevention of serious disabilities and suffering.  

27.  After considering the matter, we have concluded that the criteria presented could not be faulted in any way that might create grounds for our intervention. In view of the complexity of the questions confronting the Committee and the fact that they involve a variety of aspects – legal, ethical, philosophical, moral, economic and others – it cannot be said that the criteria that served the Committee were irrelevant or unreasonable to a degree that necessitates the intervention of this Court. For example, it cannot be said that the consideration of the effectiveness of the medication and its contribution to the patient’s chances of recovery is an illegitimate one, as argued by the petitioners. In circumstances in which there is a limited budget, and the countless needs must be prioritized, the effectiveness of the medication is a legitimate factor which can and should be considered.  As for the criterion of the economic cost of the medications - as mentioned, the Committee is entitled to consider the budgetary aspect, and this has ramifications for the prioritization of the different medications.  Accordingly, the cost of the medications constitutes a relevant factor which the Committee is permitted to take into consideration.

We would add that in view of the complexity of the relevant considerations, and considering the need for a broad value-based, public perspective in order to find the golden path between the various needs, we felt that the fact that the Committee refrained from a rigid ranking of the criteria it invoked in order of their importance could similarly not be faulted so as to necessitate our intervention. It should be recalled that the Committee’s discretion is not based on minimum-achievement tests, the satisfaction of which creates an entitlement to public funding, but rather on complex and sometimes conflicting criteria by means of which the Committee is supposed to recommend which medications are to be included in the Basket and which rank lower on the scale of priorities. In view of the Committee’s unique composition, its expertise and its professionalism, it would appear that we cannot dismiss the State’s position whereby the Committee should be granted wide discretion that will allow it to assess the weight of the relevant considerations in their entirety from a broad and comprehensive perspective. Nevertheless, further to our recommendation in para. 23 above regarding the regulation of the activities of the Committee by way of an appropriate statutory source, it seems that suitable statutory anchorage of the criteria that should guide the Committee ought to be considered. In that framework, the question of whether it is possible and desirable to determine a hierarchy of the various criteria in order to guide the Committee in the exercise of its discretion should be considered as well.

28. As mentioned, the petitioner proposed adopting a different method of prioritization from the one currently used; this new method would grant equal funding to all life-saving or life-prolonging medications. The petitioners proposed that a certain percentage of the cost of all the medications be funded, without preferring any particular medication over another and without deviating from the existing budgetary framework.

Regarding this proposal, we will comment that no data relating to the feasibility of its implementation from a budgetary perspective has been presented to us. However, even if we assume, for argument's sake, that the petitioners' proposal for equal allocation to all the medications is a viable one - and as stated, no data was provided on this point – it is clear that this proposal too has its disadvantages and difficulties (for example, medications which are currently fully funded would, according to the petitioners' proposal, be only partially funded, thereby increasing the degree of self-participation in relation thereto).  Furthermore, there is substance to the State's claim that the petitioners' proposal is incompatible with government policy whereby priority should be given to certain medications, inter alia, in accordance with their quality and effectiveness. Prima facie, the petitioners' petition is similarly at odds with the basic conception underlying the National Health Insurance Law, i.e. that the medications basket should provide a solution not only for life-saving or life-prolonging medications but also for a broader range of medical technologies required for the health of the population. At all events, the question of how a scale of priorities should be determined in the allocation of public resources in the area of health services is controversial, admitting a variety of views. It is not up to us to recommend the adoption of one system of prioritization over another, as long as the current criteria comply with the provisions of the National Health Insurance Law, and are based on relevant and reasonable considerations, and as long as it has not been proved that the criteria substantively upset the proper balance between the relevant considerations, or that Committee substantively and clearly deviated from the bounds of reasonability.

29. As for the decision adopted in the particular case of the Erbitux medication, forming the subject of HCJ Sheiber, it emerges from the State’s response that this medication was registered in Israel's Drugs Registry on 10 May 2005.  Before that, Erbitux was marketed to metastatic colon cancer patients according to individual permits for use of the medication by virtue of s.47A(c) of the Pharmacists Ordinance (New Version) 5741-1981. The State claims that the scientific evidence relating to this medication is relatively preliminary, and it is not yet known whether the medication relieves the symptoms of patients of metastatic colon cancer or prolongs their lives.  This is reflected in the protocol of the meeting of the Committee from 1 January 2004, which states the following regarding Erbitux:

'The preparation is intended for the treatment of a small group of metastatic colon cancer patients. This is a new medication that was registered in the course of 2004 in the U.S.A and in other Western states.

….

The existing scientific evidence regarding the preparation is not abundant, and it does not prove that treatment with the medication definitely prolongs life, but rather that it generates an increased incidence of response and a reduction of the tumor mass.  It may be presumed that the reduction of the tumor mass would enhance the quality of the patient’s life, but will not necessarily prolong their lives.

Committee members proposed reducing the ranking of the preparation from A9 to A8 due to the absence of sufficient evidence regarding the life-prolonging component. Others claimed, however, that although the existing evidence is limited in scope, and it does not provide proper information concerning the life-prolonging aspect, there is nevertheless evidence of reduced tumor mass and improved response to treatment. Moreover, material regarding the preparation is accumulating. It was therefore suggested to define it as (A9-) which means a lower level of priority for inclusion in the basket than other treatment technologies in which the life-prolonging component is clearer (these were defined as A9)' (Protocol of Committee proceedings, dated 1.12.04, appendix RS/6 of the respondents’ response, 1-6, dated 20 May 2005 in HCJ Sheiber).

The Committee therefore decided to give the Erbitux medication a lower ranking as compared to the other technologies which had clearly been proven to be life-prolonging.  The protocol indicates that the Committee considered relevant factors, which included the effectiveness of the medication in the treatment of sickness and the question of whether there was proven capacity to prolong life. It should be stressed that the protocol subsequently states that “material regarding the preparation [Erbitux] continues to accumulate,” and that if additional significant evidence were to be received regarding, inter alia, its degree of effectiveness, it will be passed on to the Committee, and the medication will be brought up for further discussion. It may thus be presumed that to the extent that new scientific evidence is gathered regarding the effectiveness of Erbitux, renewed consideration will be given to the ranking accorded to this medication.

Considering all the above, it cannot be said that the Committee’s recommendation regarding the ranking of Erbitux is unreasonable to a degree that requires this Court’s intervention. Nor can it be said that the Committee’s recommendation regarding Erbitux constitutes unlawful discrimination against the petitioners vis-à-vis other patients whose required medications are included in the health services basket. Under circumstances in which the public resources are insufficient to satisfy all the needs and all the needy, resources must be allocated according to a scale of priorities, which naturally gives rise to distinctions between various individuals and various groups. These differences do not constitute unlawful discrimination, as long as they are based on relevant, reasonable considerations (see and compare: HCJ 1113/99 Adallah v. Minister for Religious Affairs [24], per Justice I. Zamir, para. 5). Any other approach would preclude any possibility of distributive decisions for purposes of allocation of public resources, even in circumstances in which the decisions were adopted on the basis of lawful considerations.  In the words of Justice E. Rubinstein:

'…[P]rioritization is essential under the circumstances of the health services basket –"The couch will always be too short for stretching out, and a handful will never satiate the lion". In a world of rapidly changing medical and technological scenes, often beyond recognition, but in which the costs of the technology and medications is high, there is no escaping the need to fix scales of priorities. It is hard to say, even in  painful cases such as this, that there is discrimination due to the prioritization' (HCJ 2974/06 Israeli v. Committee for Expanding the Health Services Basket [25]) [emphasis added – D.B.].

One can certainly understand the deep distress of the patients suffering from metastatic colon cancer, whose physicians have prescribed treatment with Erbitux and who cannot afford to purchase this medication. Nor can one be indifferent to the pain and cries of the sick. We are aware that unfortunately, our conclusion denies them what they seek. Nevertheless, at this point in time, and considering the existing data, we have no legal grounds for intervening in the scale of priorities that was fixed by the Committee with respect to this medication. This being the case, and in view of all the reasons discussed above, the petitioners’ request to order the inclusion of the Erbitux medication in the health services basket is denied.

The petitioners’ proposals for reducing the prices of medications not included in the basket

30.  A significant portion of the petitioners’ claims in HCJ Sheiber focused on proposals aimed at reducing the prices of medications not included in the health services basket. In this context, the petitioners applied for two remedies, in respect of which an order nisi was originally issued: the first was to order the cancellation of value added tax and other indirect taxes levied on innovative, life-saving medications that are not included in the health services basket; the second is to order the respondents – the Ministry of Health and/or the Sick Funds – to make centralized purchases of these medications, to help in reducing their prices for the consumers.

As for the petitioners’ request to order the cancellation of value added tax and other indirect taxes levied on medications for the disease of cancer, it emerges from the State’s response that the requested cancellation of V.A.T and other indirect taxes would require a legislative amendment in order to establish a statutory exemption for medications not included in the health services basket. In this context, it should be mentioned that over the past few years, a number of private members’ bills have been tabled for the amendment of s. 31 of the Value Added Tax Law, 5736-1976, with the aim of establishing an exemption from V.A.T for innovative, life-saving medications not included in the basket. These proposals did not reach the legislative stage because the Finance Ministry refused to deviate from the principle of tax uniformity and to subsidize the funding of these medications other than by way of direct support for the health services basket. At all events, the question of whether to grant a statutory exemption from V.A.T. and from other indirect taxes for new medications not included in the health services basket lies within the responsibility of the legislature and not of this Court.

31. The responses of the Sick Funds to the petitioners’ request to obligate the respondents to carry out a centralized purchase of new medications such as Erbitux in order to reduce the price for the consumers, indicate that some of them take a positive view of the idea of a centralized purchase, albeit conditional upon appropriate arrangements, legislative and otherwise, being made which would enable them to make the purchase.  Other Sick Funds felt that the centralized purchase of medications not included in the health services basket should be carried out by a central body unrelated to the Sick Funds. From the parties’ pleadings before us, it emerges that implementing the proposal of centralized purchase of the medications would give rise to legal problems, inter alia from the perspective of creating a restrictive arrangement. Furthermore, the centralized purchase of medications not included in the health services basket would involve a number of implementation-related questions, the answers to which are far from simple. What is the appropriate body to deal with the centralized purchase? How would it decide which medications to include in the purchase? Where would the medications be stored, and how would they be sold to the patients in need of them, and other similar questions.  At all events, it appears that the centralized purchase of new medications such as Erbitux, which are not included in the health services basket, would in certain cases contribute to the reduction of the price of these medications for patients requiring them, and thus ease their plight. Bearing this in mind, all the relevant aspects of this proposal should be examined by the Ministry of Health and the other relevant bodies, in order to consider the issue in depth.

32.  Finally, it should be noted that the petitioners in HCJ Sheiber requested that an order be given to issue a Supervisory Order pursuant to the Services and Commodities (Supervision) Law, 5756-1996, that would establish a ceiling price for Erbitux and for other similarly innovative medications. In the course of these proceedings, it emerged that a supervisory order of this kind had already been issued, and that the order also applies to medications not listed in the Drugs Register (see Supervision Order over the Prices of Commodities and Services (Maximum Prices for Prescription Preparations), 5761-2001; see also HCJ 3997/01 Neopharm Ltd v. Minister of Finance [26], in which a petition against the validity of the Order was dismissed). It was in consideration of this that no order nisi was given in the first place regarding that particular matter. It further bears note that in their pleadings before this Court the petitioners claimed that the Sick Funds should reorganize their funds, and utilize the budgetary balance for the purchase of life-saving medications. This claim was made in rather laconic and general manner, and we therefore did not deem it necessary to discuss it.

33.  I therefore propose to my colleagues to rule as follows:

(a)   In view of the addition of Avastin and Taxotere under the requested classifications to the Health services basket as of 2006, the order nisi given in HCJ Louzon shall be cancelled, and the petitions in HCJ Louzon  and HCJ Bar-On shall be deleted, without any order for costs.

(b)   For the reasons specified above, the order nisi issued in HCJ Shieber shall be cancelled and the petition denied, without an order for costs, bearing in mind the recommendations made in paragraphs 23 and 27 of my comments above regarding the regulation of the Committee’s activities by way of an appropriate legislative framework.

 

Justice A. Grunis

I agree.

 

Justice M. Naor

1.    I agree that the order nisi given in HCJ Louzon should be cancelled and the petitions in HCJ Louzon and HCJ Bar-On struck down, without an order for costs. I also agree to the cancellation of the order nisi issued in HCJ Sheiber, and to the denial of the petition without an order for costs.

2.    As my colleague the President has shown, the task of prioritization is a difficult one, quite often requiring us to turn our backs on the gravely ill, such as in HCJ Sheiber. Indeed, it is hard to face a person fighting for his life and leave him empty-handed. All the same, I see no possibility of intervening in this case.

From time to time petitions are filed in this Court relating to intervention in prioritization decisions (see HCJ 2974/06 Israeli v. Committee for Expanding Health Services Basket [25] and HCJ 4004/07 Turonshwili v. Ministry of Health [21] referred to by my colleague the President). In Israeli v. Committee for Expanding Health Services Basket [25] I concurred with the comments of Justice E. Rubinstein, as cited by the President in her opinion:

'…[P]rioritization is essential under the circumstances of the health services basket –"The couch will always be too short for stretching out, and a handful will never satiate the lion". In a world of rapidly changing medical and technological scenes, often beyond recognition, but in which the costs of the technology and medications is high, there is no escaping the need to fix scales of priorities. It is hard to say, even in painful cases such as this, that there is discrimination due to the prioritization. Indeed, the struggle over the limited cake is the reason for petitions that are filed in this Court, parallel to parliamentary and extra-parliamentary public struggles. '

            I repeated these comments in Turonshwili v. Ministry of Health [21], and I believe they are equally applicable to the case before us. In my view this Court has but a narrow margin for intervention in decisions of this nature. In order to render an appropriate decision on a prioritization matter, those making the decision (or recommendation) must have a broad picture. The prioritization applies to all the medications that are candidates for inclusion in the basket, all within the budgetary framework.  Naturally, a hearing before the High Court of Justice focuses on one individual (or a limited group of people), and on one medication which may have the potential to save his life. Each person is an entire world and the importance of saving human life is deeply ingrained in the values of the State of Israel as a Jewish democratic state – to stand by and not offer help is difficult. On the other hand, those charged with making the decisions (and recommendations) have a broader perspective. I am convinced that decisions regarding the basket and its composition are occasions for sleepless nights for all those who must decide or recommend. But I too, like my colleague the President, see no legal grounds for our intervention.  While the hearing in this case focused on the individual in need of the medication, in the background are many other patients whose voices were not heard, but whose plight is dire. A decision on the matter requires extensive knowledge, the weighing up of different data and a determination of their relative weight.  As such the problem is a “multiple focus problem”, using a term coined by Justice I. Zamir in HCJ 7721/96 Israeli Insurance Assessors Association v. Inspector of Insurance [27] at pp. 644-645:

‘The problems presented for resolution in the framework of judicial review of public administration fall into two main categories. The first category includes problems involving a confrontation between two central factors: norms, interests or methods…. Problems of this nature usually require answers which are yes or no, permitted or forbidden, either/or. As such they can be referred to as dual-focus problems, as if there were two heads to be chosen between. This kind of problem is classically suited to judicial review… a decision in this kind of case is generally an appropriate task for the court.

The second category includes problems consisting of a significant number of factors, norms, interests and paths, each of which merits consideration in the process of reaching a solution, and each of which should receive expression in the solution given…  This kind of problem is multi-focal…. A  problem of this kind does not admit of an answer which is yes or no, permitted or forbidden, either/or.  As such it is exceedingly difficult, perhaps even impossible, to render a decision that relies on a legal rule or a balancing formula…. This task is classically suited for an administrative authority, which has the required expertise and tools to solve the problem; it can act in a flexible manner, in consultation and coordination with the agencies involved in the matter. It is not a task that is suited for the court.

This does not mean that the court will refuse to give any attention to a multi-focus problem. It is competent to deal with these problems… but it will place restrictions on its treatment of these kinds of matters. On the one hand, it is not prepared to place itself in the position of the administrative body and to discharge the task imposed upon it….  On the other hand, in the case of an illegal omission, it is prepared to order the administrative body to exercise its authority….[S]imilarly, after the administrative body has exercised its authority it is prepared to examine the legality of its act, such as the legality of the entire plan, or a part thereof.’

President A. Barak made similar comments in HCJ 82/02 Kaplan v. State of Israel, Ministry of Finance, Customs Division  [28], at pp. 908-910:

‘The role of the court is to determine whether the arrangement devised by the administrative authority is legal or not. The administrative authority may devise several alternatives, all of which will be regarded as legal as long as they do not exceed the boundaries of that which is permitted in the exercise of discretion.’

(And see also CA 8797 Anderman v. Objection Committee of District Committee under the Planning and Construction Law, 5725-1965, Haifa [29] at p. 474; HCJ 10/00 Ra’anana Municipality v. Inspector of Transport, Tel-Aviv and Central Districts [30] at p. 756).

            There is a large number of solutions to the complex task of putting together the basket as explained by my colleague, each of which has its casualties. There is no optimal solution, nor is there a magic formula for weighing up the conflicting interests. The decision not to include the desired medication in the basket, on the basis of the extant information relating to it, does not exceed the bounds of reasonability, and we have no grounds for interfering with it; there is therefore no choice but to deny the petition.

 

Judgment as per the opinion of President D. Beinisch.

 

25th Tammuz 5768

28 July 2008

 

 

 

|National Health Insurance Law

s. 7...................................................................................................................... 5, 24, 27, 29

Arbitrux...................................................................................................................... 19, 22, 29

CA 5557/95 Sahar Insurance Company Ltd v. Alharar............................................ 3, 22

Constitutions

Canada United States...................................................................................................... 18

Constitutions  of the South African

South African Constiution, section 27.......................................................................... 18

Daphne Barak-Erez “Welfare Policy in Israel – Between Legislation to Beaurocracy” Labor, Society and Law 9 2002              25

HCJ  7365/95 Bolous Brothers – Marble and Granite Production Ltd................. 4, 33

HCJ  7365/95 Bolous Brothers – Marble and Granite Production Ltd (1996)........... 4

HCJ 1554/95 Amutat Supporters of Gilat v. Minister of Education, Culture and Sport      3, 27

HCJ 1829/02 General Health services v. Minister of Health................................... 4, 30

HCJ 2344/98 Macabbi......................................................................................... 3, 4, 26, 27

HCJ 2557/05 Mateh Harov v.Israel Police

HCJ 2557/05................................................................................................................. 3, 15

HCJ 2599/00 Yated Association of Children with Downs Syndrome v. Ministry of Education          3, 21

HCJ 2725/92  General Health services v. State of Israel.......................................... 4, 27

HCJ 3472/92 Brand v. Minister of Communications (1993) IsrSC 47 (3) 143............ 4

HCJ 366/03 Commitment to Peace and Social Justice Amuta v. Minister of the Interior

HCJ 366/03.......................................................................................................................... 3

HCJ 4769/95 Menahem v. Minister of Transport

HCJ 4769/95................................................................................................................. 3, 16

HCJ 494/03 Physicians for Human Rights v. Minister of Finance

HCJ 494/03.................................................................................................................... 3, 14

HCJ 5578/02 Manor v. Minister of Finance

HCJ 5578/02................................................................................................................. 3, 15

HCJ 6055/95 Zemach v. Minister of Defense

HCJ 6055/95.................................................................................................................... 3, 9

HCJ 6055/95 Zemach v. Minister of Defense (1999)........................................................ 3

HCJ 9163/01 General Health services v. Minister of Finance  (2002)......................... 3

Interpretation Law, 5741-1981

s. 17 (b)................................................................................................................................ 31

LCA 4905/08 Gamzo v. Isaiah

LCA 4905/08................................................................................................................. 3, 14

Macabbi Health services v. Minister of Finance (2000)

HCJ 2344/98 Macabbi....................................................................................................... 3

National Health Insurance Law.............................................................................. 3, 22, 24

9b......................................................................................................................................... 27

s. 48 (f)................................................................................................................................ 31

s. 52 (1) (b).......................................................................................................................... 31

s. 8 (b)(1)............................................................................................................................. 30

s.8 (e)................................................................................................................................... 30

the Law........................................................................................................................... 5, 15

National Health Insurance Law, 5754-1994

National Health Insurance Law....................................................................................... 5

National Health Insurance Law, 5755-1995...................................................................... 3

National Health Law............................................................................................................ 27

National Health Law, 5744-1948

s. 5........................................................................................................................................ 27

Patient's Rights Law.......................................................................................................... 2, 21

s.7............................................................................................................................ 21, 22, 26

Patient's Rights Law, 5756-1996

s.3........................................................................................................................................... 2

Soobramoney v. Minister of Health

Soobramoney v. Minister of Health.......................................................................... 4, 22

 

 

 

 

"[n]o person can deny, first that we are talking about an orderly decision-making process and second, that prioritization is necessary in the circumstances of the health services basket."

HCJ 7721/96 Union of Insurance Assessors v. the Inspector of Insurance 55(3) PD 625, 650 (2001).

Local Building v. Holzman

Case/docket number: 
CA 5546/97
CA 6417/97
Date Decided: 
Tuesday, June 12, 2001
Decision Type: 
Appellate
Abstract: 

Facts: Two appeals (CA 5546/97 and CA 6417/97) were joined in this case due to the similarity of the legal question they raised.   In both cases the question arose as to the authority to reduce compensation in the expropriation of land for public purposes and in particular the question arose whether a plot of land can be expropriated in its entirety with significant reduction in compensation.

 

Held: The appeal in CA 5546/97 was dismissed and the appeal in CA 6417/97 was partially affirmed.  In that case the Local Planning and Construction Committee in Haifa was ordered to pay the appellants in the entirety for the parcel that was expropriated; other portions of the District Court decision were left as is.

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
Author
concurrence
Author
concurrence
majority opinion
Full text of the opinion: 

CA 5546/97

CA 6417/97

 

1. Local Building and Construction Committee Kiryat Ata

2. Kiryat Ata Municipality

 

v

 

1. Hanna Holzman

2.  Yosef Miber

3.  Anat Gov

4.  Fia Kimchi             (CA 5546/97)

 

1.  David Bchor

2.  Moshe Ben Peretz

3.  Naftali Lifshitz (may his memory be a blessing#)

4.  Keren Yaniv

5.  Roni Mirkin

v.

Local Building and Construction Committee Haifa     (CA 6417/97)

 

The Supreme Court sitting as the Court of Civil Appeals

[12 June 2001]

Before President A. Barak, Vice President S. Levin, and Justices T. Or, E. Mazza, I. Zamir, D. Dorner, I. Englard

 

Appeal on the judgment of the Haifa District Court (Justice B. Gilor) dated 5 August 1997 in CC 57/94; and on the judgment of the Haifa District Court (Justice S. Vaserkrog) dated 27 August 1997 in HP 514/92.  Appeal in CA 5546/97 was dismissed; the appeal in 6417/97 was partially upheld.

 

Facts: Two appeals (CA 5546/97 and CA 6417/97) were joined in this case due to the similarity of the legal question they raised.   In both cases the question arose as to the authority to reduce compensation in the expropriation of land for public purposes and in particular the question arose whether a plot of land can be expropriated in its entirety with significant reduction in compensation.

 

Held: The appeal in CA 5546/97 was dismissed and the appeal in CA 6417/97 was partially affirmed.  In that case the Local Planning and Construction Committee in Haifa was ordered to pay the appellants in the entirety for the parcel that was expropriated; other portions of the District Court decision were left as is.

 

Basic Laws cited:

Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, ss. 3, 8, 10.

 

Legislation cited:

Lands Ordinance (Purchase for Public Purposes), 1943, ss.  , 12(c), 20, 20(1)(b), 20(2), 20(2) (b).

Planning and Construction Law 5725-1965, ss. 190, 190(a) (1), third addendum, s. 4(5).

Law to Amend the Purchase for Public Purposes Laws, 5724-1964, ss. 1 (the terms ‘Parcel’ ‘Original’) 2, 3, 3(1).

Law to Amend the City Construction Ordinance, 5717-1957.

Interest and Indexation Determination Law 5721-1961.

Law to Amend Purchase for Public Purposes Laws, 5729-1969.

 

Draft legislation cited:

Draft Planning and Construction Law 5719-1959.

Draft Planning and Construction Law 5722-1962.

Draft Law to Amend Purchase for Public Purposes Laws, 5724-1964.

 

Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

[1]        CA 377/79 Faiser v. Local Construction and Planning Committee Ramat Gan, IsrSC 35(3) 645.

[2]        CA 143/51 Ramat Gan v. Pardes Yanai IsrSC 11 365.

[3]        CA 676/75 Fred Chait Estate v. Local Construction and Planning Committee Haifa IsrSC 37(3) 243.

[4]        CA 474/83 Local Construction and City Planning Committee v. Rishon L’Zion v. Hamami IsrSC 41(3) 370.

[5]        CrimMA 537/95 Ganimat v. State of Israel IsrSC 39(4) 197.

[6]        LCA 5222/93 Gush v. Binyan Ltd. Corp. Section 168 in Parcel 6181 Ltd.  (unreported).

[7]        HCJFH 4466/94 Nuseiba v. Minister of Finance IsrSC 59(4) 68.

[8]        HCJ 4541/94 Miller v. Minister of Defense IsrSC 34(4) 57.

[9]        HCJ 5016/96 Horev v. Minister of Transportation IsrSC 51(4) 1.

[10]     CA 1188/92 Local Construction and Planning Committee Jerusalem v. Bareli IsrSC 49(1) 463.

[11]     CA 2515/94 Levi v. Haifa Municipality IsrSC 50(1) 723.

[12]     CA 6826/93 Local Construction and Planning Committee K’far Saba v. Chait IsrSC 51(2) 286.

[13]     HCJ 205/94 Nof v. Ministry of Defense IsrSC 50(5) 449.

[14]     CA 336/59 Biderman v. Minister of Transportation IsrSC 15 1681.

[15]     HCJ 2390/96 Karsik v. State of Israel, Israel Lands Authority IsrSC 55(2) 625.

[16]     HCJ 4562/92 Zandberg v. Broadcast Authority IsrSC 50(2) 793.

[17]     CrimFH 2316/95 Ganimat v. State of Israel IsrSC 49(4) 589.

[18]     LCA 6339/97 Roker v. Solomon IsrSC 55(1) 199.

[19]     LCA 7172/96 Kiryat Beit Hakerem Ltd. v. Local Construction and Planning Committee IsrSC 5292) 494.

 

Israeli District Court cases cited:

[20]     CC (TA) 216/48 Pardes Yanai Ltd. v. Ramat Gan Municipality IsrDC 6 380.

 

 

German cases cited:

[21]     BVerfGE 24, 367

 

Israeli books cited:

[22]     D. Lewinsohn, Injuries to Land Caused by Planning Authorities (1995).

[23]     A. Barak, Interpretation in Law, Vol. 3, Constitutional Construction, (1994).

[24]     A. Barak, Interpretation in Law, Vol. 2, Statutory Construction, (1993).

[25]     J. Weisman, Law of Property -General Part (1993).

 

Israeli articles cited:

[26]     R. Alterman ‘Land Expropriation for Public Purposes without Remuneration according to the Planning and Construction Law – Toward a New Preparedness’ Mishpatim 15 (1985-1986) 179.

[27]     H. Dagan ‘Property, Social Responsibility and Distributive Justice’ Distributive Justice in Israel (M. Mautner, ed. 2001) 97.

 

Foreign article cited:

[28]     D. Sorace ‘Compensation for Expropriation’ 1 Italian Studies in Law (1992)

 

For the appellants in CA 5546/97 – Yosef Segel; Michael Betzer.

For the respondents CA 5546/97 – Meir Holtzman; Dr. Yifat Holzman-Gazit

For the appellants in CA 6417/97 – Moshe Lifshitz.

For the respondents CA 6417/97 – Ofra Zayad-Feldman

Zion Iluz, Assistant to the State Attorney for the Attorney General.

 

 

 

JUDGMENT

 

Justice D. Dorner

We have before us two appeals, the hearings for both have been joined.

The Facts, the Processes, and the Claims

1.    In 1987 the Local Planning and Construction Committee in Haifa expropriated two plots in Bat-Galim which were under the same ownership.  One plot was expropriated in its entirety for the purpose of building sport and recreation structures on it. From the second plot a third of the area registered in the property logs after the land arrangement, was expropriated for the purpose of paving roads.  The Committee paid the owners compensation in the amount of 60 percent of the value of the plot that was expropriated in its entirety, while for the partial expropriation it did not pay compensation at all under the claim that the area that was expropriated was not greater than 40 percent—a proportion that can be expropriated without compensation.  This, on the basis of section 20 of the Lands Ordinance (Purchase for Public Purposes), 1943 (hereinafter: ‘the Purchase Ordinance’), and section 190 of the Planning and Construction Law 5725-1965 (hereinafter: ‘the Planning Law’).

The plot owners filed suit for compensation against the Local Planning and Construction Committee in Haifa, relying on the definition of ‘original plot’ in the Law to Amend Purchase for Public Purposes Laws, 5724-1964 (hereinafter: ‘the Law to Amend Purchase Laws’).  They claimed that they are entitled to compensation for the partial expropriation according to the original area of the plot before the land arrangement, part of which in the past was expropriated for the purpose of paving a road.  According to the claim, the expropriation under discussion, when added to the prior expropriation, is greater than 40% of the overall area, and thus they are entitled to compensation for it.  The owners further argued against the amount of compensation for each unit of land and for their right to full compensation for the plot that was expropriated in its entirety, since they would not benefit from the development resulting from the expropriation.

The District Court in Haifa (Justice S. Vaserkrog) dismissed the suit relying as to the amount of compensation on the opinion of an assessor that it had appointed, and as to the proportion of the expropriation, on the definition of ‘plot’ in the Law to Amend Purchase Laws .  The claim against the reduction of compensation for the full expropriation was also dismissed.  As to this matter the District Court relied on the ruling in CA 377/79 Faiser v. Local Construction and Planning Committee Ramat Gan (hereinafter: ‘CA Faiser’[1]).

2.  A suit for full payment for the expropriation of a plot in its entirety was also heard in the District Court in Haifa in another case.  In that case, from 1992, the Local Planning and Construction Committee in Kiryat Ata expropriated a plot in its entirety for the purpose of building sport and recreation structures as well as paving an access road for a neighborhood.  For the expropriation the committee paid the plot owners compensation at a proportion of only 60 percent of its worth, but the owners insisted on their right to full compensation.

In that case the Court entered judgment in favor of the plaintiff.  The District Court in Haifa (Justice B. Gilor) decided to deviate from the case law that was established in CA Faiser [1] in reliance on the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty [hereinafter: ‘the basic law’], and the judgments of this Court that the basic law also impacts the interpretation of statutory provisions that came before it.  The conclusion of the District Court in that case was that the interpretation which lessens the violation of the right to property established in the basic law by the payment of full compensation is to be preferred.

3. The Local Planning and Construction Committee in Kiryat Ata appealed against the judgment in CA 5546/97, while the owners of the plots in Bat-Galim appealed in CA 6417/97 against the dismissal of their complaint, and against the rate of interest and indexation that was awarded to them.

In the two appeals the appellants repeated their arguments in the District Court, while the respondents in each of these two appeals relied on the reasonings of the decisions of the District Court, which, as said, contradicted each other on the question whether in expropriating a plot in its entirety the Committee is authorized to reduce the amount of compensation.

In light of the similarity of the central legal question in the two appeals and its importance, the hearing of the appeals was joined, the panel was expanded for hearing them, and the stance of the attorney general was sought.

The attorney general, in his brief, supported the case law established in CA Faiser [1].  In his opinion, there is not much substance to the distinction, which he sees as artificial, between partial expropriation and full expropriation.  The Attorney General agreed that there may be exceptional cases in which reduction of compensation is not justified.  In these cases it is possible, so he claimed, to turn to the Minister of Finance and ask him to evaluate new legislation in the area of the laws of expropriation of land in its entirety.

The normative framework and the case law

4. In section 20 of the Purchase Ordinance it was established:

‘(1). . .

 (2) Where any land was purchased according to this Ordinance in order to widen any existing road or part thereof or in order to expand any playground or recreation area, or in order to pave any new road or part thereof or in order to install any new playground or recreation area, the compensation paid based on this Ordinance will be subject to the following changes, meaning—

   (a)...

   (b) Where the area of the land taken which is comprised in a plot exceeds one quarter of the total area of the plot, the compensation shall be reduced by a sum which bears the same proportion to the value of the land alone comprised in the portion of the plot taken as one quarter of the total area of the plot bears to the total area of the land comprised in the portion of the plot taken

   (c) Despite the determinations in paragraphs (a) and (b) above, the Minister of Finance may grant—as he sees fit, if it has been determined to his satisfaction, that the reductions imposed in each of those paragraphs will cause suffering—that same compensation or additional compensation, as he shall see fit in consideration of all the circumstances of the case.’

In the early days of the State the District Court in Tel-Aviv-Jaffa justified the reduction of compensation with the fact that owners of the expropriated land benefit from the development of the land that was expropriated, which causes an appreciationn of the value of the lands that are left in their hands.  Therefore the District Court distinguished partial expropriation which enables benefit, from full expropriation, in which the owners are not left with land that appreciates in value.  In light of this it was established that the provision, which permits a reduction of the compensation by a quarter of the value of the area that was expropriated, does not apply to casesin which of the entire plot is expropriated.    See CC (TA) 216/48 Pardes Yanai Ltd. v. Ramat Gan Municipality [20].  It is to be noted, that an appeal that was submitted on this judgment was upheld, but that was for the reason that the plaintiff was not the owner of the land that was expropriated.  The matter of reduction of compensation was not discussed in the appeal at all.  See CA 143/51 Ramat Gan v. Pardes Yanai [2].

In 1965, the Knesset, in section 190 of the Planning Law, raised the permitted rate of reduction in compensation to 40 percent and broadened the purposes for which it is permitted to expropriate, without explicitly distinguishing between lands that were partially expropriated and lands that were expropriated in their entirety.  But the reason for the distinction arises from the explanatory notes to the proposed Planning and Construction Law 5719-1959 and the proposed Planning and Construction Law 5722-1962, in which it was stated:

‘The existing statute establishes that if land was expropriated for roads or open public areas, the expropriating authority will not pay compensation for the expropriation if the expropriated area is not greater than 25% of the total impacted area.  Experience has taught that the benefit that land owners enjoy from implementing a road paving program and setting up public areas and the like is far greater than this 25% that they have to allocate without payment of compensation. Therefore it is proposed to raise the percentage that the land owner must allocate. . .’ (Proposed Planning and Construction Law 5719-1959, at pp. 314-315; Proposed Planning and Construction Law 5722-1962, at p. 56).

The appreciation explanation was also noted in the Knesset deliberations.  See Divrei Knesset 37 (1963) 1843-1844; Divrei Knesset 43 (1965) 2419.  Similarly, when presenting the Draft Law to Amend Purchase for Public Purposes Laws, 5724-1964, the Minister of Finance explained to the Knesset that reduction of the compensation according to the various purchase laws is at the rate of the growth in profit to the land owner due to the development of the area.  See Divrei Knesset 38 (1964) 758.

Similar words were said by the Minister of Interior and the Chairperson of the Knesset Interior Committee in discussions on the Law to Amend the City Construction Ordinance 5717-1957.  See Divrei Knesset 22 (1917) 1970, 2336.

This Court also determined in CA 676/75 Fred Chait Estate v. Local Construction and Planning Committee Haifa [3] at p. 792, by Justice Etzioni, that ‘... the reason for the exemption [from the payment of full compensation]... is that the land appreciates and the former owners, meaning those from whom it was expropriated, benefit from this appreciation, in that the surplus land is left in their possession and they benefit from the general development of the area.’  His conclusion was that where land is expropriated in its entirety and the owners cannot benefit from any appreciation the compensation is not to be reduced.

The Supreme Court’s conclusion was different in CA Faiser [1].  President Landau dismissed the claim of the appellants which was based both on the language of section 20(2)(b) of the Purchase Ordinance, which can be interpreted as permitting reduction in compensation for only partial expropriation, and on the objective of the provision as it arises from the explanatory notes to the Planning Law.  He wrote as follows:

‘... two interpretations of section 20(2) are possible, but to these the claims are added of... [the appellants’ counsel] as to general legal principles which rule out expropriation without fair compensation, and as to the constitutional reason, which is at the foundation of section 20 of the Ordinance and section 190 of the law.  As to this it is to be said, that when the construction of a statute is in doubt, there will certainly be a tendency to prefer the construction which is in keeping with that general principle which embodies a basic right of a citizen with property rights in the land...

As to the constitutional reason, which was mentioned in the judgment... meaning, the appreciation, which accrues to the remainder of the plot as a result of the accomplishment of the public purpose, such as widening a road near the plot, the explanatory notes to the draft law from 1963, are due appropriate respect, and perhaps were useful at the time in order to convince the members of Knesset to approve raising the percentage from 25% to 33.3%, which was proposed there (and they even went further and established 40%).  These explanatory notes have some weight, but they cannot be the deciding factor, when we come to interpret the meaning of the section, as it was produced by the legislator.’

President Landau noted that ‘perhaps it would have been appropriate to give decisive weight to the basic principle that there is no expropriation without fair compensation...’ (ibid, at p. 653).  But in his view, the language of section 3(1) of the Law to Amend the Purchase laws which establishes the date of purchase in expropriation by authority of the Purchase Ordinance of a ‘plot or any portion of it’ is determinative.  From this language President Landau learned that the intention of the legislator in section 20(2) of the Purchase Ordinance was to also permit reduction of compensation when the land is expropriated in its entirety.  His conclusion was that the reduction in compensation is to be seen as a quasi property tax.  However, he commented that even if a plot is expropriated in its entirety, the owner enjoys a certain benefit, as in calculating the compensation for the remainder of the area in the proportion of the remaining 60% the rise in value of the plot as a result of the expropriation and the development around it is taken into account.  See ibid, at p. 652.

Justice Barak, who joined the judgment of President Landau, commented that indeed ‘... logical fairness for denying the compensation for expropriation of a quarter of the plot is rooted in the fact, that with the expropriation of this part, the remainder appreciates in value...’ (ibid, at p. 657).  However, he explained that it is a general assumption, and in many cases the partial expropriation does not result in investment and may even reduce the value of the remaining portion.  His view was that the remedy for the injured land owners is to turn to the Minister of Finance who is authorized to decide as to the payment of additional compensation.  Justice Barak further wrote, that the Purchase Ordinance does not establish a ceiling for the portion that may be expropriated, and it is not logical that it will be possible to reduce the compensation when 90% of the land is expropriated, while granting full compensation for the entirety of the area.

Justice S. Levin added, that even if the payment of full compensation for the expropriation of an entire plot would be justified the language of the law does not enable it.

In a judgment handed down in 1987 President Shamgar qualified the case law determined in CA Faiser [1]. And he wrote as follows:

‘I am willing to accept the assumption, that when it is a matter of the expropriation of a portion of a plot, in the framework of a city construction plan, it is possible that the remainder of the plot that is not expropriated, will go up in value following the development plan and in the expected appreciation of the remainder of the plot there is a moral-substantive quasi justification for the expropriation of part of the assets without payment of compensation.  However, when the whole plot is expropriated, there is no appreciation of the remainder, as there is no remainder, as it is all expropriated.  The assumption, that the rate of compensation for the entire plot will also reflect in its rate the change in the value of the surroundings. . . is not certain, with all due respect; the compensation is calculated according to the value of the land on the day of publication of the notice according to section 5...  there is no certainty that at that stage, in terms of timing, it will be possible to accurately assess such developments and include them in the assessment.  Even if it were possible to bring into account future surrounding appreciation there still is no certainty, that it is equal in value and significance to taking 40% of the expropriation without any compensation.’  (CA 474/83 Local Construction and City Planning Committee v. Rishon L’Zion v. Hamami  hereinafter: ‘CA Hamami‘ [4] at p. 384).

The other judges in the panel refrained from relating to this question, such that the words of President Shamgar remained as obiter dicta.

5.  As to the case law of CA Faiser [1], criticism has been voiced in the legal literature.  Professor Rachel Alterman claimed that the reliance on the provision of section 3(1) of the Law to Amend the Purchase Laws was erroneous.  She pointed to the fact that while in this law ‘plot’ is defined in section 1 as ‘... a unit of registration in the property records...’, the Purchase Ordinance deals with a ‘lot’ which is defined as ‘... the total land under a single ownership which constitutes one area’ (section 20(1)(b)).  A lot may therefore include several plots, and in the first expropriation 40 percent of the area can include an entire plot.  Therefore this law, which deals with repeated expropriations from the same area unit, sought to be stricter with the authority by establishing a unit of land that is smaller for the purpose of calculating the compensation.  In any case, it is a matter of two separate statutes that deal with different situations and measuring units, and the existence of the authority to reduce compensation in a full expropriation according to the Purchase Ordinance is not to be concluded from the Law to Amend the Purchase Laws.

Professor Alterman also rejected the reasoning of Justice Barak that it is not logical to adopt an interpretation which distinguishes between expropriation of 90 percent of the area of the land and expropriation of the entire area.  She explained that in reality it is not possible to expropriate 90 percent of the plot and leave a remainder which enables development.  In these circumstances the ending of section 190(a)(1) of the Planning Law prohibits expropriation—at reduced compensation or even at full compensation—of a portion of the plot.  As indeed, such an expropriation will damage the value of the remainder.  See R. Alterman ‘Land Expropriation for Public Purposes without Remuneration according to the Planning and Construction Law—Toward a New Preparedness’ [26], at pp. 220-227.

Dr. Daphna Lewinsohn-Zamir agreed with this criticism and its reasoning, in her book Injuries to Land Caused by Planning Authorities [22] at pp. 164-165.  The author made the point that benefits to land owners which stem from the provision of public needs is not taxed.  As, unlike the theory of President Landau, due to the rise in value of the land as a result of the development, the owners of expropriated plots are not entitled to increased compensation.  It was thus established in sections 12(b) and 12(c) of the Purchase Ordinance, according to which appreciation which stems from the expropriation is not to be taken into account in calculating the compensation.  See Lewinsohn-Zamir in said book [22] at p. 167.  In the opinion of Dr. Lewinsohn-Zamir, even if the appreciation argument is ruled out, equal distribution of the burden among landowners necessitates that the owners of the expropriated land benefit from the development, at the very least, to some extent.  From here her conclusion is drawn that one is not to reduce the compensation for an area expropriated in its entirety.  See ibid, at p. 199.

6.  In 1992 the basic law was passed in which it was established in section 3:

‘a person’s property is not to be injured’.

Injury to property is permitted today, as said in section 8 of the basic law (the limitations clause) only ‘... in a statute which is in keeping with the values of the State of Israel, that was intended for an appropriate purpose, and to a degree which does not exceed that which is necessary or by law as said by authority of an explicit authorization in it’.

Expropriation of property in and of itself violates the right to property, but expropriation without compensation of equal value violates the right more severely.

And indeed, the rule practiced in democratic states is the payment of full compensation for the expropriation.  See Lewinsohn-Zamir in her book supra [22] at p. 147.  This rule applies in England itself, which bequeathed us the Mandatory Purchase Ordinance that permits expropriation without compensation.  See Alterman in her article supra [26] at p. 181.

7. The Purchase Ordinance as well as the Planning Law preceded the Basic Law, and therefore its provisions cannot infringe on their validity (section 10 of the basic law).  However, the status of a property right as a constitutional right necessitates interpreting these statutes in the spirit of the provisions of the Basic Law.  The Basic Law has the power to grant prior statutory provisions ‘... a new meaning where there is an interpretive possibility of doing so’ (Vice President Barak in CrimMA 537/95 Ganimat v. State of Israel [5], at p. 414).  See also the words of Justice S. Levin in LCA 5222/93 Gush v. Binyan Ltd. Corp. Section 168 in Parcel 6181 Ltd.  [6] at paragraph 5 of his decision; FHHCJ 4466/94 Nuseiba v. Minister of Finance [7], at p. 85; HCJ 4541/94 Miller v. Minister of Defense [8], at p. 138; HCJ 5016/96 Horev v. Minister of Transportation [9].

First and foremost, statutes are to be interpreted as consistent with the limitations clauses.  Therefore, statutes will be interpreted as infringing on a right established in a basic law or authorizing an authority to infringe on it only if the infringement is established in a statute or is by power of an explicit authorization in it; they will be interpreted as in keeping with the values of the State; they will be interpreted as permitting infringement of a right only for an appropriate purpose and will be interpreted as permitting such infringement to a degree that is not beyond that which is necessary.

The passing of the basic law brought about significant changes to the interpretation that courts gave the Purchase Ordinance.  And Justice Zamir wrote as follows:

‘This basic Law establishes (in section 3) the right to property as a basic right, and prohibits the infringement on this right, inter alia, to a degree that is not beyond that which is necessary (section 8).  Indeed, the Basic Law does not infringe on the validity of a law that existed on the eve of the start of the Basic law (section 10), and this includes the Planning and Construction Law.  However, it certainly may impact the interpretation of the law.  The interpretation, today more so than in the past, must operate in the direction of minimizing the infringement on the right to property...  However, the specific public need, which justifies the infringement, still does not rule out compensation for the infringement unless it is clear that the infringement is within the range of the reasonable and there are no considerations of justice, which necessitate compensating the injured person.  Such compensation can serve the purpose of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, meaning, minimizing the infringement on the right to property so that it does not go beyond that which is necessary.’ (CA 1188/92 Local Construction and Planning Committee Jerusalem v. Bareli [10] at p. 483.)

See also the words of Justice Beinisch in CA 2515/94 Levi v. Haifa Municipality [11] at p. 738.

Interpretation of Provisions as to Reduction of Compensation

8.  Injury to property for public purposes generally is in keeping with the values of the State, and is for an appropriate purpose.  Indeed, in order for an injury to property by expropriation of land to be to a degree which does not go beyond that which is necessary, there is a need for compensation that is fair and of fair value.  Without such compensation the expropriation will violate equality.  As, only the owners of lands needed for public use -  which are distinguished from owners of other lands or assets - will need to bear the financing of the public benefit without there being a justification for imposing the financing on these owners only.  Unequal violation of a right is a violation which goes beyond that which is necessary. See: the words of Justice Mazza in CA 6826/93 Local Construction and Planning Committee K’far Saba v. Chait [12] at p. 296; HCJ 205/94 Nof v. Ministry of Defense [13] ; A. Barak, Interpretation in Law, Vol. 3, Constitutional Construction [23], at pp. 545-547.  Payment of compensation in a proportion which is less than the value of the lands that were expropriated would be justified only if as a result of the expropriation the value of the assets remaining in the owner’s possession goes up or they enjoy another benefit of equal value.  As mentioned, the law authorizes the expropriation for public purposes of up to 40 percent of an area that is in a person’s ownership without payment of compensation.  Against this background it can be claimed that the custom that has taken root of reducing the compensation by the maximum proportion without examining the impact of the expropriation on the value of the area that was not expropriated or on the owner’s enjoyment of it, violates equality, and thereby violates the right to property to a degree that goes beyond that which is necessary.  In any event, the injury to property is unequal and therefore goes beyond that which is necessary when the full area of the owners is expropriated, such that it is clear and apparent that no use or benefit results to them from the expropriation.

The explanation that was given in CA Faiser [1] that the expropriation without compensation is in the realm of a tax in a uniform rate of 40 percent, which is imposed on the owners of the land, is not satisfactory.  First, this ‘tax’ is imposed, as said, only on the owners of the expropriated land and discriminates between them and the rest of the public.  Second, the payment does not distinguish between owners who benefit from the expropriation and those whose assets are expropriated in their entirety and they derive no benefit from it, or even those for whom the expropriation causes damage to the value of the remaining property.  Imposing an ‘expropriation tax’ at a uniform rate thus discriminates between the owners of various different expropriated lands and between them and the broad public, which benefits from the expropriation without paying this tax.

And indeed, the legislative history that was described, including the explanatory notes to the proposed laws and things that were said in the Knesset, teach us of the intention to tie between the reduction of compensation and the benefit to the owners consequent to the expropriation.  Justice H. Cohn described this:

‘The intention of the legislator, which arises clearly from all those ordinances, is that for certain purposes—which by nature are not just the needs of the public except the owners of the land at issue, but to a great extent also the needs of the land owners themselves—it is permitted to expropriate one quarter from every land plot without the payment of compensation;...’ (CA 336/59 Biderman v. Minister of Transportation [14] at p. 1690).

9.  President Landau also based his construction in CA Faiser [1] on the assumption that the owners of the land that was expropriated in its entirety will also derive benefit from the expropriation in that the compensation they will receive, at the rate of 60 percent of the land, will be calculated based on the value of the land following the development that the expropriation will bring about.  This assumption, as Dr. Lewinsohn-Zamir has shown in her book supra [22], has no basis.  As the statute establishes that in the calculation of the compensation, the appreciation of the value of the land, which stems from the expropriation, is not to be taken into account.  And see also the words of President Shamgar in CA Hamami [4] that were quoted above.

Against this background it is clear that consequent to the expropriation of the land in its entirety, the owners—who do not benefit from the development that the expropriation is intended to advance nor from compensation which would reflect this development—are not to expect any benefit at all, and there is therefore no justification for reduction of the compensation that is paid to such owners.

The example brought by Justice Barak in CA Faiser [1] of the expropriation of 90 percent of a plot, does not change this result.  First, as was stated in the studies, it is not possible, and in any event, it is very doubtful that it is possible, to expropriate 90 percent of a plot, and even 70 percent, without lowering the value of the remainder, a harm which entirely prevents expropriation, and generally the proportion of an expropriation portion which will not harm the value of the remainder is not greater than 55 percent.  See Professor Alterman in her article supra [26], at p. 225; Dr. Lewinsohn-Zamir in her book supra [22] at p. 165.  Second, expropriation of the absolute majority of a plot, even if it were possible, would not leave in the possession of the owners an area that would benefit to a real extent from the development following the expropriation.

And finally, the appropriateness of the custom of automatic reduction of the maximum proportion of 40 percent of the compensation for a portion—big and small—of a plot without examining each case on its merits and if and to what extent the owners are expected to derive utility from the development of the expropriated area, should be questioned.  It can be argued, that the discretion given to the Minister of Finance to order the payment of additional compensation, to which Justice Barak pointed in CA Faiser [1], is not an appropriate replacement for the interpretation of the expropriation authority to begin with, in a manner which sits well with egalitarian protection of the right to property.  The authority of the Minister of Finance to increase the rate of compensation applies in special cases, in which standard objective criteria for the calculation of compensation do not lead to a just result.  Examples of such special cases may be expropriation of an area that has particular personal worth to specific owners for which the regular formulas for calculation of the value of a plot do not give expression, or when the expected development consequent to the expropriation in fact raises the value of the part of the plot that was not expropriated, but the specific owners do not benefit from this development, and it has been proven that they do not intend to trade the plot in the near future.

However, some will hold that the intensity of the potential injury to the right to property does not justify, in each and every case, legal discussion, based on speculative opinions, which may contradict each other, for the determination of the exact amount of damage.  Either way, it is appropriate that the Knesset revisit the appropriate compensation arrangement where only a portion of the lot is expropriated.

10.  President Landau, as well, was prepared ,when interpreting the statute, ‘... to give determinative weight to the basic principle, that one does not expropriate other than for fair compensation...’ (CA Faiser [1], at p. 653).  However, he saw in section 3(1) of the Law to Amend the Purchase Law, which determines the dates of the expropriation without compensation as to ‘... a plot or a portion thereof’ ‘determinative evidence as to the intention of the legislator’ to permit reduction of compensation even when the parcel is expropriated in its entirety.

But, as explained in the article supra of Professor Alterman [26] the definition of ‘plot’ in the said statute is different from the definition in the Purchase Ordinance, and in any event we should not draw analogies from the law to the Ordinance.

Moreover, as a rule, a law is not to be interpreted as infringing on a right based on what is said in another law, and all the more so a later law which did not exist, and in any event did not stand before the Knesset when the statute that is being interpreted was passed.  The principle of legality requires diligence in ensuring that the violation of a right, and all the more so an unjustified violation, will be clearly anchored in an authorizing statute and will be, as said in the limitations clause, ‘... in a statute... or by statute... by authority of explicit authorization in it.’

Indeed, as was established in CA Faiser [1] the language of the statutes before us enables both interpretations.  In my view, both in light of the intention of the Knesset and in light of constitutional principles which were strengthened with the passing of the Basic Law, and which require that the law be interpreted as violating a right only to a degree that does not go beyond what is necessary, the interpretation that should rightfully be adopted is that the authority to reduce compensation for expropriation of land for public purposes does not apply when the plot is expropriated in its entirety.

It is to be noted, that even according to the interpretation holding that there is discretionary authority to reduce the compensation, use of this discretion where the landowners do no derive any benefit from the expropriation is not proportional, and therefore is not appropriate.

Additional arguments

11.  In my view, the arguments of the plot owners in Bat Galim, which relate to the right to compensation for the partial expropriation, and to the rate of compensation for an unit of land and to the rate of interest and the indexation, are to be dismissed.

Section 2 of the law to Amend the Purchase Laws establishes that the area that can be expropriated without remuneration out of a plot will be calculated based on the overall area of all the expropriations of that plot.  For this purpose, the law defined ‘plot’ in section 1: ‘in an area in which an arrangement of property rights according to the Lands Ordinance (Arrangement of Property Rights) was made—a registered plot which is registered according to that ordinance;’ meaning after the lands arrangement.  While ‘original plot’ has been defined as a ‘plot as it was on the eve of the first purchase...’ meaning as it was registered after the lands arrangement on the eve of the first purchase.  We find that the relevant expropriations are those that were implemented after the lands arrangement.  Given that there is no dispute that since the lands arrangement expropriations from the plot have not taken place, the owner’s claim was properly dismissed.

Beyond that which was necessary the District Court found that the original owners from whom the plot was bought purchased their rights by power of a statute of limitations, on the basis of the cultivation of that same area which was registered as a ‘plot’ after the arrangement and from which, as said, expropriations were not made.

I have also not found grounds to intervene in the determination of the District Court as to the rate of compensation for a unit of land.  This rate is determined by the opinion of an expert assessor, for which this matter is in his range of expertise.  So too it is not proper to intervene in the rate of interest and indexation that the District Court determined on the basis of the Interest and Indexation Law 5721-1961.

12.  Therefore I propose that we dismiss the appeal in CA 5546/97, and affirm the appeal partially in CA 6417/97 and require the Local Planning and Construction Committee in Haifa to pay the appellants for the entirety of the plot that was expropriated (parcel 70) the total of 70,920 dollars as the assessor determined in his opinion as per their value on the date of the handing down of the decision, and leave the other portions of the decision as they are.

I also propose that under the circumstances no order be given for expenses.

 

 

Justice T. Or

I agree.

 

 

Justice E. Mazza

I agree.

 

 

Justice I. Zamir

I agree.

 

 

President A. Barak

I agree with the decision of my colleague Justice Dorner.  Like her, I too am of the view that it is appropriate to deviate from CA 377/79 (hereinafter: ‘the Faiser ruling [1]’)  Since I was part of the Faiser ruling[1] I would like to explain briefly the considerations which are at the basis of my agreement with my colleague’s stance.

1.    At the center of these appeals stands the provision of section 20(2)(b) of the Lands Ordinance (Purchase for Public Purposes) (hereinafter: ‘the Purchase Ordinance’) This provision establishes as follows:

‘(b) Where the area of the land taken which is comprised in a plot exceeds one quarter of the total area of the plot, the compensation shall be reduced by a sum which bears the same proportion to the value of the land alone comprised in the portion of the plot taken as one quarter of the total area of the plot bears to the total area of the land comprised in the portion of the plot taken’.

The interpretive question which arose in the Faiser case [1] and which is before us to be determined, is whether this provision applies only to the case of the expropriation of a part of a parcel or whether this provision also applies to the expropriation of the entire parcel.  President Landau explained that from a textual perspective ‘... the two interpretations of section 20(2) are possible...’ (ibid, at p. 651).  President Landau went on to examine the purpose at the basis of the provision.  He put the right to property at one end of the scales.  He noted that ‘... when the interpretation of the statute is put in question, certainly the tendency will be to prefer the interpretation which fits with that general principle, which embodies the basic property rights of a land owner’  (ibid, at p. 651).  So to the President placed at this side of the scales the special ‘legislative reason’ which justifies reduction of 20 percent from the compensation amount.  This reason is that the expropriation appreciates the value of the portion of the parcel that was not expropriated, and therefore there is justification to reduce the compensation.  This reason does not hold where the entire parcel has been expropriated On the other side of the scales President Landau placed two considerations: first, a line of precedents in which reduction of compensation was recognized for the expropriation of the entire parcel; second, the weakness of the legislative reason, as many are the situations in which expropriation of part of a parcel does not appreciate the value of the portion that was not expropriated. Against the background of these conflicting considerations President Landau was of the view that the scales are balanced.  He noted that ‘this survey that I conducted would ostensibly leave the conclusion at a ‘tie’, and perhaps it would be appropriate to give determinative weight to the basic principle, that one does not expropriate other than for fair compensation...’ (ibid at p. 653).  What tipped the scales in the eyes of President Landau was an additional consideration, which deals with sections 2 and 3 of the Law to Amend the Purchase for Public Purposes Laws (as it was amended in the Law to Amend the Purchase for Public Purposes Laws (amendment) 5729-1969; hereinafter: ‘the Law to Amend the Purchase for Public Purposes Laws).  This provision limits purchase without payment of compensation. (section 2) and establishes – as to date of purchase – a provision according to which in purchase by authority of the Purchase Ordinance the date of purchase is the date in which the notice was published as to the intent to purchase for public purposes ‘... the parcel or any portion of it’ section 3(1).  President Landau saw in this ‘. . . an authorized interpretation from the legislator himself, which lets us know, that taking the percentage, that is permitted to be taken without compensation, is possible even when a parcel is expropriated in its entirety’ (ibid, p. 653).

2.    Since the Faiser case [1] over twenty years have passed.  The considerations which guided President Landau in the Faiser case [1] are still valid today.  The weight of these considerations has changed since then.  I will open with the consideration as to the right to property. Since the Faiser ruling[1] the right to property – along with some additional rights – has changed its status.  It has become a constitutional supra-statutory right.  Its weight in the interpretive balance has grown.  I explained this in one of the cases, when noting:

‘... it is only natural in my eyes that our approach to the purpose of the expropriation Ordinance is different from the approach to it 50 years or 30 years ago.  The central change occurred with the passing of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty.  This law granted constitutional supra-statutory status to the right to property of the original owner.  A change has occurred in the balance between the right to property of the original owners and the needs of the public.  This change does not impact the validity of the Expropriation Ordinance.  The validity of the Expropriation Ordinance is preserved.  But this change leads to a change in the understanding of the Expropriation Ordinance.  It is expressed in our new understanding of the purpose of the Expropriation Ordinance’ (HCJ 2390/96 Karsik v. State of Israel, Israel Lands Authority [15], at p. 713).

3.    Against this consideration President Landau lined up a row of precedents, from which it arises, whether explicitly or implicitly that the payment of the reduced compensation also applies to the expropriation of the entire parcel.  Since then the picture has changed.  In the district courts the opinions are split (after the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty).  The Supreme Court (in the words of President Shamgar) sharply criticised the Faiser ruling[1] (see: CA 474/83, at p. 384).  In academia as well it has been criticized (see Alterman, in her article supra [26]; Lewinsohn-Zamir in her book supra [22], at p. 164).

4.    The reliance of President Shamgar on the Law to Amend the Purchase for Public Purposes Laws has also been the subject of criticism.  It was emphasized that the Purchase Ordinance (that deals with a plot) and the Law to Amend the Purchase for Public Purposes Laws (which deals with a parcel) deal with different situations and with different measuring units, and one cannot learn from one to the other (see Alterman, in her article supra [26] at p. 223), but beyond this, President Landau relies on the provision in the Law to Amend the Purchase for Public Purposes Laws –which deals with the date of purchase for public purposes – according to which the date of purchase is the date of publication of the notice as to the intentions to purchase for public purposes ‘... the parcel or any portion of it’.  Justice Landau saw in this ‘decisive proof for the legislator’s intent’ which is ‘as though the legislator is innocently digressing’, and directs the interpreter to determine that also in expropriating the parcel in its entirety the rate of compensation is to be reduced.  According to the approach of President Landau ‘there is before us an authorized interpretation from the legislator himself...’ (the Faiser ruling [1], at p. 653).  This approach is difficult: first, a later law does not interpret an earlier law.  The legislator deals in legislation and not interpretation.  The task of interpretation is the task of a judge.  He may learn from the later law as to the purpose of the earlier law.   This is not ‘decisive proof’ as to this purpose.  It is one of the ‘proofs’ that are to be used.  Its weight is determined by its substance.  The weight is small in our matter, since as President Landau noted, the legislator was ‘innocently digressing’.  Thought was not given to the question whether reduction of compensation will also apply in the expropriation of the entire parcel.  The assumption must be that the determination of the basic question – whether it is possible to expropriate a parcel in its entirety with significant reduction of the compensation – will not be done in reliance on the digression of the legislator.  Certainly this is so when it is a matter of violation of a basic constitutional right. (See A. Barak, Interpretation in Law, Vol. 2, Statutory Construction [24] at p. 594).

5.    These considerations lead me to the conclusion that the balance that was made in the Faiser case [1] between the right to property and its violation in the expropriation of an entire parcel cannot stand today.  It is possible, of course, that this balance was mistaken already at the time it was done.  Be this as it may, now – following the legislation of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty – we no longer can look upon legislation which violates human rights in the same manner we looked upon it in the past.  I explained this in one of the cases, in noting:

‘... the text of the law has not changed.  But, the purpose of the law has changed.  The change may be minor.  It may reflect a new purpose that can be reached – even if in actuality it was not reached – in the past.  The change may be heavy.  It may reflect a new purpose that could not have been reached in the past.  Indeed, Radbruch’s saying that – the law is always wiser than its maker – is particularly accurate during a time of constitutional changes.  These change the normative expanse in which we continue to think.  It is no longer possible after the legislation of the basic laws as to human rights to think about the general purpose of the legislation, in the same manner in which we thought of it prior to the legislation of the basic laws.  Our normative world has changed.  Our manner of thinking has changed (knowingly or unknowingly)’ (HCJ 2390/96 supra [15], at p. 713).

6.    Moreover, it is an interpretive presumption that the purpose of a statute does not come to oppose the constitutional provision found above it ‘... the aspiration of the interpreter [is A.B] to interpret a statutory provision as fitting with the Constitution...’ (see HCJ 4562/92 Zandberg v. Broadcast Authority [16] at p. 810.  See also: HCJ 5016/96 supra [9] at p. 42; CrimFH 2316/95 Ganimat v. State of Israel [17], at p. 653).  From this we learn that we must interpret the provision as to the rate of compensation which is paid for expropriation in a manner that will be consistent with the provisions of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty.  It is true that the validity of the Purchase Ordinance is not up for discussion before us.  We are dealing with the meaning of the Ordinance.  In giving this meaning, the interpreter must make every interpretive effort, within the limits of the interpretive rules, to reach a result which is consistent with the basic law.

7.    What is the interpretive result – as to the payment of reduced compensation in the case of the expropriation of the entire parcel – which arises from the provisions of Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty?  We must search for the answer to this question in the substance of the right to property on the one hand and the limitations that can be imposed on it on the other.  The right to property is complex and entangled.  Several reasons are at its foundation.  One of the reasons is that property enables liberty (See J. Weisman, Law of Property -General Part [25], at p. 16).  ‘... one of the important social roles of the right to property is to defend the individual from the claims of the public and the power of the regime; to preserve in the hands of the individual an area of negative liberty which constitutes a necessary condition of personal autonomy and self development.’ H. Dagan ‘Property, Social Responsibility and Distributive Justice’ Distributive Justice in Israel [27] at p. 100).  Indeed, ‘property enables the individual to be free and to give expression to his character and liberty’ (LCA 6339/97 Roker v. Solomon [18], at p. 281).  In one of the central decisions of the Constitutional Court in Germany it was decided:

‘To be a property owner is a basic constitutional right which is to be viewed with a close tie to the protection of personal liberty.  In the framework of the general method of constitutional rights, the role of the right to property is to ensure its owners a range of liberty in the economic field and thereby enable him to manage his own life.’ 24 BVerfGE 367 [21], at p. 389; the case of the Hamburg Flood case; (translation from German to Hebrew by President Barak).

However ‘property imposes duties (verpflichtet).  Its use must serve the public interest’ (Section 14(2) of the German Basic Law; compare also to section 42(2) of the Italian Constitution which establishes that private property has a social function (funzione sociale)).  Dagan rightly noted that ‘… private property also constitutes a source for the special responsibility of the owners to other individuals and to society as a whole’ (Dagan in said article [27] at p. 105).  The fulfillment of this special responsibility requires legislation, such as planning and construction laws, laws to protect the environment, and legislation which protects works of art that the public has an interest in.  The approach also stems from here that expropriation is not an illegal activity which drags after it compensation for behavior against the law.  Expropriation is a lawful act which realizes the social responsibility of property.  It carries with it suitable compensation for the property owner (see D. Sorace ‘Compensation for Expropriation’ [28]).  This expropriation and the compensation paid following it of course must meet the requirements of the limitations clause.

8.    Does legislation which establishes compensation at the rate of 60 percent of the value of the parcel that was expropriated in its entirety violate the right to property, and does this violation conform with the limitations clause? It appears to me that this legislation violated the right to property.  It is not to be seen just as an (internal) realization of the social responsibility of property.  The validity of this legislation must therefore fulfill the requirements of the limitations clause.  The burden to prove this is imposed on the expropriating authority.  The requirements of the limitations clause are not met in our matter.  It is sufficient that I note that the legislation is not proportional.  It takes advantage of the social responsibility of property beyond the necessary proportionality.  If I am correct in this approach, then we have before us an additional interpretive reason which justifies the nullification of the Faiser ruling [1].  This ruling goes against the dictates of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty.  An interpretation which is consistent with the basic law justifies the interpretation presented by my colleague Justice Dorner.

 

 

 

 

Vice President S. Levin

I agree with the decision of my colleague Justice Dorner and wish to join with the reasoning of my colleague the President and in particular the reasoning that relates to the legislation of section 3 of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty.  However, I wish to add the following:

The application of the consideration of appreciation in the totality of considerations which justify reduction of the compensation due to expropriation of land raises the question of the compatibility between the obligation imposed on owners of land assets to pay an appreciation duty for the increase in value of the assets and the right of asset owners to compensation for expropriation of their lands.  This matter has been discussed in this Court from the point of view of the arrangements which apply in relation to an appreciation duty against the background of the question of the appropriate construction of the provision of section 4(5) of the third supplement in the Planning and Construction Law in LCA 7172/96 Kiryat Beit Hakerem Ltd. v. Local Construction and Planning Committee [19].  This matter is pending in further hearing in this Court, and the parties have not related to it.  Therefore, there is no place to discuss it in the framework of the appeals before us.

 

Justice I. Englard

I agree with the opinion of my colleague Justice Dorner and the comments of my colleague President Barak.

 

It was decided as per the decision of Justice Dorner.

   

21 Sivan 5761

12 June 2001

Litzman v. Knesset Speaker

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 5131/03
Date Decided: 
Tuesday, August 17, 2004
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

Facts: Various irregularities occurred during votes in the Knesset, in which certain Knesset members voted instead of other Knesset members. The petitioner asked the court to void the votes in which the irregularities occurred.

 

Held: Judicial scrutiny of legislative proceedings in the Knesset should be done with great caution, and only when the defect in the proceedings goes to the heart of the matter. In this case, the irregularities did not affect the outcome of the voting, and therefore judicial intervention was unwarranted.

 

Petition denied.

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
Full text of the opinion: 

HCJ 5131/03

MK Yaakov Litzman, Chairman of United Torah Judaism Faction

v.

1.     Knesset Speaker

2.     Minister of Finance

3.     Attorney-General

 

The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

[17 August 2004]

Before President A. Barak and Justices A. Grunis, S. Joubran

 

Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

 

Facts: Various irregularities occurred during votes in the Knesset, in which certain Knesset members voted instead of other Knesset members. The petitioner asked the court to void the votes in which the irregularities occurred.

 

Held: Judicial scrutiny of legislative proceedings in the Knesset should be done with great caution, and only when the defect in the proceedings goes to the heart of the matter. In this case, the irregularities did not affect the outcome of the voting, and therefore judicial intervention was unwarranted.

 

Petition denied.

 

Legislation cited:

Basic Law: the Knesset, s. 19.

Israel Economic Recovery Programme (Legislation Amendments for Achieving Budgetary Goals and the Economic Policy for the Fiscal Years 2003 and 2004) Law, 5763-2003.

Knesset Procedure Rules, ss. 114, 120.

 

Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

[1]        HCJ 652/81 Sarid v. Knesset Speaker [1982 IsrSC 36(2) 197; IsrSJ 8 52.

[2]        HCJ 971/99 Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset Committee [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 117.

[3]        HCJ 8238/96 Abu Arar v. Minister of Interior [1998] IsrSC 52(4) 26.

[4]        HCJ 953/87 Poraz v. Mayor of Tel-Aviv-Jaffa [1988] IsrSC 42(2) 309.

[5]        HCJ 1843/93 Pinhasi v. Knesset [1995] IsrSC 49(1) 661.

[6]        HCJ 73/85 Kach Faction v. Knesset Speaker [1985] IsrSC 39(3) 141.

[7]        CA 6821/93 United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [1995] IsrSC 49(4) 221.

[8]        HCJ 975/89 Nimrodi Land Development Ltd v. Knesset Speaker [1991] IsrSC 45(3) 154.

[9]        HCJ 6652/96 Association for Civil Rights in Israel v. Minister of Interior [1998] IsrSC 52(3) 117.

[10]     LCrimA 2413/99 Gispan v. Chief Military Prosecutor [2001] IsrSC 55(4) 673.

[11]     HCJ 3434/96 Hoffnung v. Knesset Speaker [1996] IsrSC 50(3) 57.

[12]     HCJ 9070/00 Livnat v. Chairman of Constitution, Law and Justice Committee [2001] IsrSC 55(4) 800.

[13]     EA 5049/92 Attorney-General v. his honour Supreme Court Justice (ret.) Mr A. Halima, Chairman of the Central Elections Committee for the Thirteenth Knesset [1990] IsrSC 44(2) 37.

[14]     HCJ 5160/99 Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Constitution, Law and Justice Committee [1999] IsrSC 53(4) 92.

 

American cases cited:

[15]     United States v. Munoz-Flores, 495 U.S. 385, 110 S. Ct. 1964 (1990).

 

For the petitioner — U. Stendal.

For the first respondent — A. Schneider.

For respondents 2-3 — O. Koren.

 

 

JUDGMENT

 

 

President A. Barak

During the second reading of a draft law, some Knesset members voted instead of other Knesset members. By voting in this way, they breached the rules governing the voting of Knesset members. Does this affect the validity of the law that was passed? This is the question that was brought before us in this petition. We dismissed the petition (on 31 July 2003), and said that our reasons would be given separately. The following are our reasons.

The background

1.    The Knesset enacted the Israel Economic Recovery Programme (Legislation Amendments for Achieving Budgetary Goals and the Economic Policy for the Fiscal Years 2003 and 2004) Law, 5763-2003 (hereafter — the Economic Recovery Law). The draft law included more than one hundred sections. After a debate that lasted approximately fifty hours, the Knesset began (on the afternoon of 28 May 2003) a vote on the objections and on the sections of the draft law in its second reading. The voting continued uninterrupted until the law was passed on its third reading (early in the morning of 29 May 2003).

2.    Most of the voting took place on a show of hands with personal voting. In addition approximately eighty votes were held electronically. During an electronic vote, the Knesset member presses a panel of buttons next to his seat. The panel includes a button marked ‘Present,’ and alongside it buttons marked ‘For,’ ‘Abstain’ and ‘Against.’ For the vote of the Knesset member to be recorded, he must press the ‘Present’ button and one of the other buttons simultaneously. During the voting, MK Y. Litzman (the petitioner) said that ‘with regard to the voting, I have the impression that there are Knesset members, and at the moment it does not matter who they are, who are not present in the House and for whom others have voted in electronic voting’ (record of proceedings on 28 May 2003, appendix C of the petition). The Knesset Speaker, MK R. Rivlin responded immediately ‘This is very serious. Please submit a complaint in writing, and do not make vague allegations’ (ibid.).

3.    The manner of electronic voting during the session on the draft Economic Recovery Law aroused a public outcry. MK I. Gavrieli said that her vote was counted even though she did not take part in certain stages of the votes. Against this background, on 3 June 2003 the petitioner sent letters to the Knesset Speaker (appendix D(1) of the petition) and to the Knesset’s legal adviser (appendix D(2) of the petition). He stated that in view of the information that MK I. Gavrieli proffered, her vote and other votes that may have suffered similar defects were invalid. From this he concluded that the law was not duly passed, and the vote should be held again. MK Vilan, who is not a party to the proceedings before us, also submitted a request on 3 June 2003 that the implementation of the law should be suspended until the investigation into the voting was completed.

4.    On 3 June 2003, the Knesset Speaker appointed a team to investigate all the electronic voting that took place with regard to the draft Economic Recovery Law. In the first stage, it examined the allegation with regard to the vote of MK I. Gavrieli, despite her not being present in the House. The team found (in its report dated 4 June 2003) that it was reasonable to assume that a member of the Knesset had voted twice. The team recommended that no additional investigations should be made with regard to the other electronic votes that were held on the second and third readings of the draft Economic Recovery Law. Pursuant to a request by the Attorney-General on 8 June 2003, the Knesset Speaker asked the investigation team to complete the investigation with regard to all the other electronic votes that took place with regard to that draft law. Before the investigation was completed, on 9 June 2003 the petition before us was filed.

The petitions and the replies thereto

5.    The petitioner points to defects that occurred in the voting. According to him, the clear cases of double voting could be the tip of the iceberg. It is impossible to know what was the scope of the phenomenon without a comprehensive investigation. The existing suspicions are sufficient to invalidate all the votes that took place on May 28 and 29. This step is essential in view of the serious damage inherent in the harm done to public confidence in the Knesset. At least the commencement of the law should be suspended until the investigation is completed. The petitioner also asked, in the alternative, that the vote should be held again, at least with regard to the sections in which the vote of MK I. Gavrieli was counted, even though she was not in the House. The petitioner also asked that we should order the Knesset Speaker (the first respondent) to examine thoroughly the method of voting in the Knesset, so that measures would be adopted to ensure that no cheating can occur in the legislative process. With regard to the Minister of Finance (the second respondent), the petitioner argued that he should refrain from carrying out acts based on the Economic Recovery Law. Finally, the petitioner asked that we order the Attorney-General (the third respondent) to start a thorough investigation into the whole affair.

6.    In the reply on behalf of the Knesset Speaker, it was stated that several cases of prima facie irregularities had indeed been discovered in some of the votes. Some of these irregularities did not reach the stage of recording an electronic vote, and they are irrelevant to the petition. Of those irregularities that led to an invalid vote, the Knesset Speaker discovered four cases:

(a) From the supplementary report of the investigation team dated 17 June 2003, it transpires that MK M. Gurolevsky admitted that he voted twice instead of MK G. Arden. These votes were disqualified by the Knesset Speaker immediately after they were discovered, and revotes were held. Thus the defect was remedied. The Knesset Speaker filed a complaint against MK M. Gurolevsky to the Ethics Committee for Knesset Members, which decided, on 10 June 2003, to prohibit him from entering the House and its committees for four months, during which he could enter these sessions solely for the purpose of voting.

(b) The investigation team found that a vote had been recorded for MK I. Gavrieli, even though she was not present in the House. How this happened was not determined. The aforesaid vote relates to an objection that was submitted with regard to one of the sections of the draft Economic Recovery Law. The objection was defeated by a majority of fifty-five Knesset members who voted against it to forty-three members who voted for it. It follows that the outcome would not have changed even if the vote of MK I. Gavrieli had not been counted.

(c) The investigation team examined a record of a vote by Minister Katz, despite the fact that he did not press the voting buttons. This vote was disqualified by the Knesset Speaker and a revote was held. For this reason, the defect was already remedied during the Knesset session.

(d) It transpires from the supplementary report of the investigation team that prima facie Deputy Minister Y. Edri voted from his seat and from the seat of MK E. Yatom, who at that time was not seen to be sitting in his seat, but came to his seat immediately after the vote of the Deputy Minister. In this regard, the Knesset Speaker says that the vote referred to an objection that was submitted to one of the clauses of the Economic Recovery Law. The objection was not adopted by a majority of three votes. It follows that even if the vote of MK E. Yatom had not been counted, the outcome would not have changed.

(e) The investigation team located a prima facie double vote by MK W. Taha, who voted also instead of MK Zkhalka. The objection in this vote was not adopted by a majority of eleven votes. It follows that this defect also did not affect the outcome of the vote.

7.    The position of the Knesset Speaker is that the petition should be dismissed. He referred to the position of the Supreme Court, which within the framework of consistent case law for many years has seen fit to act cautiously and with judicial restraint with regard to its intervention in the legislative proceedings of the Knesset, both while they are in progress and after they have been completed. This restraint applies also with regard to the intervention of the court in the validity of a statute that has been enacted into law, when a defect occurred in the process of enacting it. In the opinion of the Knesset Speaker, only when the defect that occurred goes to the heart of the matter and was sufficient to affect the outcome of the vote is there a basis for abandoning the caution and judicial restraint that the court has taken upon itself. In our case, the defects do not go to the heart of the matter. They were insufficient to affect the outcome of the vote. The Knesset Speaker mentioned in his reply that without any connection to this incident of the voting, already in February 2003 a tender was issued for the supply, installation and assimilation of an electronic voting system in the Knesset. The new system, which will be installed in the coming months, will be more advanced that its predecessor.

8.    The Minister of Finance (the second respondent) said in his reply that he is not entitled to refrain from implementing the law, as long as the court has not determined that the law is not valid. Admittedly, the voting of Knesset members instead of other members is an improper phenomenon that must be eradicated. Nonetheless, there are several ways of dealing with this that do not involve invalidating the law. In the case before us, there is no causal link between the defects that occurred in the legislation and the law that was passed. Therefore, the defect that was discovered does not go to the heart of the matter, nor does it justify judicial intervention. The Attorney-General (the third respondent) said that he decided on 18 June 2003 to begin a police investigation. It follows that the petition against him is superfluous.

The legal approach

9.    The voting rules were breached in the legislative proceedings of the Economic Recovery Law. Knesset members voted during the second and third readings of the law in a way that was prima facie unlawful in three cases. This was expressed in their voting (electronically) in the place of other Knesset members. Two of these unlawful votes — even if we ignore them — are incapable of changing the results of the voting. The question that we face is whether these breaches invalidate the law. This question can be answered from two viewpoints. One viewpoint concerns the substance of the provision that was breached and its effect on the validity of the law. We can call this the viewpoint of the substance of the breach. According to this viewpoint, not every breach of the rules that apply to the legislation proceeding has the same outcome. There are severe breaches that go to the heart of the proceeding and that affect the validity of the law, and there are minor breaches that, even though they occurred, do not affect the validity of the law. The substance of the breach will determine, in the final analysis, whether it is so serious that it affects the actual validity of the law. The other viewpoint concerns the scope of judicial review of legislative proceedings in the Knesset. We may call this the viewpoint of the scope of judicial review. It is well known that the scope of judicial review of internal proceedings in the Knesset is narrow. It reflects a delicate balance between the need to ensure the rule of law in the legislature and the need to respect the unique nature of the Knesset as the body elected by the people (see HCJ 652/81 Sarid v. Knesset Speaker [1], at p. 204 {58}). This delicate balance applies also to legislative proceedings, which are part of the internal proceedings of the Knesset. Justice E. Rivlin rightly said with regard to Sarid v. Knesset Speaker that the internal proceedings of the Knesset include ‘legislative proceedings at the various stages through to their completion, sessions of the Knesset committees, the determination of the method of voting and the ways of holding sessions in the House’ (HCJ 971/99 Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset Committee [2], at p. 167). The first viewpoint examines the laws that were breached, the seriousness of the breach, and the effect of the breach on the validity of the law. The judicial remedy is derived from the substance of the breach and its outcome. The other viewpoint examines the relationship between the judiciary and the legislature. The scope of judicial review determines the remedies for a breach of the rules. The choice between the two viewpoints reflects the historical development of the legal system (see S. Nevot, ‘Twenty Years of the “Sarid” Test: a Fresh Look at Judicial Scrutiny of Parliamentary Proceedings,’ 19 Mechkarei Mishpat (2003), 720). It sometimes reflects jurisprudential approaches which also are influenced by the history of those legal systems, Thus, for example, civil law systems usually adopt the viewpoint of the substance of the breach. They determine which breaches of the legislative proceeding affect the validity of the law and which breaches do not have this result. The scope and the consequences of the breach determine the scope of the judicial review, since the existence of the right leads to the existence of the remedy (ubi ius ibi remedium). By contrast, common law systems usually adopt the viewpoint of the scope of judicial review. They determine in which situations judicial intervention in the legislative proceeding will be allowed, and in what situations the court will not intervene in such proceedings. The scope of the intervention determines the substance and outcome of the breach. The existence of the remedy leads to the recognition of the right (ubi remedium ibi ius).

10. There should be harmony between these two viewpoints. This is usually the case. This is certainly so with regard to the argument brought before us, that the legislation is not valid, since the rules that govern the methods of adopting legislation were breached. Indeed, the laws that determine the validity of the legislative proceeding must adapt themselves to the laws that determine the scope of the judicial intervention. In my opinion, these are the two sides of the same coin. If, according to the viewpoint of the substance of the breach, the breach of the rules governing the legislative proceeding is serious and goes to the heart of the proceeding and affects the validity of the law, the court should, according to the viewpoint of the scope of judicial review, exercise judicial review and grant the necessary remedy. If it does not do so, and a judicial remedy is not given where the rules that govern the legislative proceeding are seriously breached so that the legislation is invalidated, the result will be that a defective law will continue to be valid. There is no greater injury than this to the system. By contrast, if according to the substantive viewpoint the breach of the legislative proceeding is minor and does not affect the validity of the legislation, there are no grounds for judicial intervention. Despite the breach of the laws, there is a justification for judicial restraint whose purpose is to protect the unique nature of the Knesset as the body elected by the people.

11. Harmony between the two viewpoints will be guaranteed if it is determined that not every breach of the rules governing the legislative proceeding affects the validity of the legislation. We must distinguish between serious breaches that go to the heart of the legislative proceeding and minor breaches. Only serious breaches can affect the validity of the law. This was discussed by Justice T. Or, when he said:

‘In my opinion, on this matter one should adopt a principled approach that gives the proper weight to the status of the Knesset as the State’s legislature. In considering these arguments, the court should progress from case to case with due caution, and consider giving a declaration that primary legislation is not valid as aforesaid only in rare cases of a defect that goes to the heart of the matter’ (HCJ 8238/96 Abu Arar v. Minister of Interior [3], at p. 35).

But what is a serious breach of the rules governing the legislation proceeding? When is it said that a breach of the rules creates a ‘defect that goes to the heart of the matter’? The answer is that the breach is a serious one and it leads to a defect that goes to the heart of the matter when it harms the basic values of the democratic system that lie at the heart of the legislative proceeding. These are breaches that harm the ‘basic principles of the parliamentary system’ (Nevot, ‘Twenty Years of the “Sarid” Test: a Fresh Look at Judicial Scrutiny of Parliamentary Proceedings,’ supra, at p. 785). Indeed, the rules concerning the legislative proceeding — like any legislative norm in Israel — reflect the basic values of Israeli democracy. Harm to legislative proceedings is serious and the defect goes to the heart of the matter, if it harms those basic values of the system that underlie the legislative proceedings. In this way harmony is guaranteed between the viewpoint of the substance of the breach and its effect on the validity of the law and the viewpoint of the scope of judicial review. With regard to the scope of judicial scrutiny, it was held in Sarid v. Knesset Speaker [1] that:

‘When the alleged harm to internal parliamentary proceedings is minor, and it cannot affect the foundations of our parliamentary system, then the consideration of the independence and special nature of the Knesset overrides the consideration of the rule of law, and the judiciary is justified in refraining from considering a matter that is in essence political. This is not the case when the alleged harm is significant and it involves harm to the substantive values of our constitutional system. In such a case, the consideration concerning the need to ensure the rule of law overrides any other consideration’ (ibid., at p. 204).

The criterion that was determined for the scope of judicial intervention in an internal parliamentary proceeding is one that takes into account —

‘To what degree the fabric of parliamentary life is harmed and to what degree the harm affects the foundations of our constitutional system’ (ibid.).

Indeed, when a breach of the legislative proceedings harms the basic values of the democratic system that underlie the legislative proceedings, this affects the validity of the law, and the court will exercise its discretion and carry out judicial review. Thereby it will prevent the harm to the fabric of parliamentary life and the harm to the foundations of our constitutional system that result from the breach. In this way, harmony is achieved between the viewpoint of the substance of the breach and the viewpoint of the scope of judicial review. Not every breach of the rules that govern legislative proceedings affects the validity of the law and justifies judicial review. Only a serious breach ‘that goes to the heart of the matter,’ which is characterized by harm to the basic values that underlie the rules, affects the validity of the law, and since it is harm ‘to the substantive values of our constitutional system’ (ibid.), it justifies judicial review of the propriety of the legislative proceedings. This approach of ours is derived from purposive interpretation, and it constitutes a part thereof. According to purposive interpretation, the language of a legal text is interpreted in accordance with its purpose. The purpose of a legal text includes a general purpose and a specific purpose (see A. Barak, Purposive Interpretation in Law, 2003, at p. 196). The basic values of the democratic system that underlie the legislative proceeding are a part of the specific and general purpose of the rules that govern the legislative proceeding (cf. HCJ 953/87 Poraz v. Mayor of Tel-Aviv-Jaffa [4], at p. 329). They will therefore apply both to the issue before us (which concerns a claim that the law is not valid because of defects in the legislative proceedings) and other issues, in which it is claimed that the rules governing the legislative proceeding have been breached, even if the remedy sought is not the voidance of the statute.

12. A uniform criterion is therefore recognized. It applies both with regard to the validity of legislation adopted by means of a breach of the rules regulating the legislative proceedings and also with regard to the scope of judicial review. This criterion depends upon the harm to the basic values that underlie the legislative proceeding. This criterion raises four questions that we ought to consider.

13. The first question is what are the basic values of the democratic system that underlie the legislative proceeding (see Nevot, ‘Twenty Years of the “Sarid” Test: a Fresh Look at Judicial Scrutiny of Parliamentary Proceedings,’ supra, at p. 784, and A. Vermuele, ‘The Constitutional Law of Congressional Procedure,’ 71 U. Chi. L. Rev. (2004) 361). As a rule, the values of the State of Israel are its values as a Jewish and democratic State. For our purposes, these are the values of both formal and substantive democracy. With regard to formal democracy, we should emphasize the principle of representation and the principle of realizing the will of the majority. The people have chosen their representatives. The representatives act in the legislature. The Knesset member is the ‘constitutional unit’ (see HCJ 1843/93 Pinhasi v. Knesset [5], at p. 682). He tables motions; he has access to the proceedings of the House; he participates in deliberations. He has the practical opportunity of formulating his intentions. On the basis of the information imparted to him he expresses his position and tries to persuade his colleagues. At the end of this process, a vote takes place, in which the Knesset member participates and realizes his constitutional status. The resolution adopted is the decision of the majority. Against this background, we have held that denying a faction with a single member the power to table a motion of no confidence harms a ‘substantive and central value of the parliamentary system’ (HCJ 73/85 Kach Faction v. Knesset Speaker [6], at p. 164). Alongside the values of formal democracy lie the values of substantive democracy. These express in our case, inter alia, equality between members of the Knesset. Everyone receives the same information; everyone has one vote; every Knesset member is assured on an equal basis his constitutional rights as a person and as a Knesset member. Thus the legislative proceeding gives expression to the Knesset member’s freedom of speech and additional human rights that are connected with and facilitate the legislative process (such as freedom of movement). Alongside all of these, there is the Knesset member’s duty of faith. Indeed, every Knesset member acts as trustee of the whole public. He must ensure public confidence in the Knesset. He must realize his trust to the whole public. Indeed, these values all aim to ensure — in so far as legislative proceedings are concerned — that the law that is adopted will reflect the collective will of the legislature (see the judgment of the Spanish Constitutional Court STC 99/1987, cited in Nevot, ‘Twenty Years of the “Sarid” Test: a Fresh Look at Judicial Scrutiny of Parliamentary Proceedings,’ supra, at p. 784), which emphasizes the ‘realization of the will of the House’).

14. The second question is what is the source of the rules whose breach may affect the validity of the law? Certainly the most important source is the Basic Laws themselves. In this regard, it is sometimes accepted — mainly because of the viewpoint of the scope of judicial review­­­­­­ — that only a breach of rules concerning the legislative proceeding that are enshrined in the constitution affects the validity of the statute. This is the law in the United States with regard to federal legislation (cf. United States v. Munoz-Flores (1990) [15]). In my opinion, the effect on the validity of the legislation is not conditional upon the rule that was breached being necessarily enshrined in a Basic Law. This of course is the most important source. Nonetheless, it is not the only source. There are additional sources that exist alongside it, such as an ‘ordinary’ law, the Knesset Procedure Rules and the decisions of the Knesset Committee (see A. Rubinstein & B. Medina, The Constitutional Law of the State of Israel, fifth edition, 1997, at p. 640). The status of these derives from the Basic Law: the Knesset (s. 19), which provides:

‘Work procedures and rules

19. The Knesset shall determine its work procedures; to the extent that the work procedures are not determined in statute, the Knesset shall determine them in rules; as long as the work procedures as aforesaid have not been determined, the Knesset shall act in accordance with the custom and practices that are acceptable to it.’

The provisions in the Knesset Procedure Rules concerning legislative procedures bind the Knesset. Admittedly, the Knesset may, with certain restrictions, change the provisions of the Rules. But as long as it does not do so, it is obliged to respect them. Justice M. Cheshin rightfully said:

‘Once the Knesset has determined the legislative proceedings…, it is then liable to follow the path that it has determined for itself, until it expressly repeals that system of proceedings and determines a new system of proceedings… The Knesset is “bound” by the procedure that it determined. With regard to legislative proceedings that have been previously determined, the Knesset can and may change that procedure, provided that the change is made in a manner that has been determined in advance’ (CA 6821/93 United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [7]).

This status of the Knesset’s Rules of Procedure leads to the conclusion that a law that is adopted in breach of the basic values that underlie the provisions in the Knesset’s Rules is a law whose validity is defective. I discussed this in one case, where I said:

‘The legislative proceeding, like any other Government proceeding, is a “normative” proceeding. In other words, it is a proceeding whose stages are regulated by law. Under the Basic Law: the Knesset (s. 19) the legislative proceedings are determined in the Knesset’s Rules of Procedure. In order to pass a “law,” the provisions of the Rules of Procedure with regard to legislative proceedings must be observed. Underlying these proceedings — in so far as a draft law tabled by the Government is concerned — are three readings (in the House), and deliberations in a committee (after the first reading and in preparation for the second reading). If one of these stages is absent, such as if one of the readings was not held or if there was no majority in a vote or if there were no deliberations in committee or if there was a defect in one of these proceedings that goes to the heart of the matter, the motion does not crystallize into legislation, and the court is competent — whether upon a direct attack or an indirect attack (see HCJ 761/86 Miari v. Knesset Speaker, at page 872) — to declare the law ‘void.’ The mere publication of the law in Reshumot cannot remedy the defect that occurred, although it does constitute — by analogy with the provision of section 10(b) of the Government and Justice Arrangements Ordinance, 5708-1948 — evidence that the law was passed lawfully. This evidence can be rebutted’ (HCJ 975/89 Nimrodi Land Development Ltd v. Knesset Speaker [8]).

The constitutional courts in Germany and Spain have adopted a similar approach (see Nevot, ‘Twenty Years of the “Sarid” Test: a Fresh Look at Judicial Scrutiny of Parliamentary Proceedings,’ supra).

15. The third question is this: when the rules concerning the legislative proceeding are breached, and this breach harms the basic values of the system, is the outcome always the voidance of the law such that it is merely ‘scrap paper’? The answer is no. Admittedly, the breach of the aforesaid rules influences the validity of the law. However, this influence does not need to lead necessarily to the absolute voidance of the law. Except in unusual cases — such as a law that was published in Sefer HaHukkim (Book of Laws) but did not pass the legislative proceedings at all — the voidance of the law requires a constitutive judicial determination. The court has broad discretion in this regard (see A. Barak, Interpretation in Law, vol. 3, 1994, at p. 720). Thus, for example, the declaration that a law is void can be retroactive (from the date on which the law was published), active or prospective. It can be retroactive for one matter (such as the criminality of conduct) and active or prospective for another matter (such as civil consequences). We are dealing with the broad concept of relative voidance (see HCJ 6652/96 Association for Civil Rights in Israel v. Minister of Interior [9], at p. 125). Indeed, a breach of the rules is one thing and the consequences of the breach quite another (see LCrimA 2413/99 Gispan v. Chief Military Prosecutor [10]). This distinction, which was made mainly with regard to the validity of an administrative act, is even more pertinent to the issue of the validity of legislation. It has been rightly held that ‘before the court disqualifies a law, it must consider the matter with great care’ (Justice I. Zamir, in HCJ 3434/96 Hoffnung v. Knesset Speaker [11], at p. 67). Within this framework, the court ought to apply the doctrine of relative voidance, which allows it to fashion the remedy in accordance with the nature of the breach.

16. The fourth question is how the court will decide — when it wishes to know whether there are grounds for judicial review of the legislative proceeding — whether the conditions that justify the review exist? How will the court know whether the proceeding is justiciable or not (see HCJ 9070/00 Livnat v. Chairman of Constitution, Law and Justice Committee [12])? The answer is that it should study the petition and assume that the facts on which the petitioner relies are well-founded. Against this prima facie factual background, the court should ask itself whether the basic values that underlie the legislative procedure have been harmed. If the court finds in this first stage that the basic values of the legislative process have not been harmed, it will deny the petition, without examining whether in practice the rules have been breached. Only if the court finds that prima facie the basic values underlying the legislative process have been breached will it continue the proceeding and examine whether its initial impression was well-founded.

From the general to the specific

17. In the petition before us, an electronic vote was recorded unlawfully. Prima facie, in three cases one Knesset member voted instead of another Knesset member. Thereby the rules governing the voting procedures were breached. It is obvious — and the Knesset Committee so determined on 3 January 1996 — that a Knesset member cannot vote instead of another Knesset member. This is the case even when there is an agreement between them. It is certainly the case when there is no agreement between them. This forbidden voting harms the basic values of the democratic system that underlie the voting rules. This was discussed by the Ethics Committee of the Knesset when it examined the case of MK Gurolevsky, who voted twice instead of MK G. Arden:

‘The issue of resolutions adopted by the Knesset, and voting and participation therein, which is enshrined in the Basic Law is the lifeblood of democracy and constitutes the most fundamental part of parliamentary work. Any harm to a vote or any perversion of the voting procedures by a Knesset member, even if they occurred as a result of a misunderstanding, temporary weakness, error of judgment, fatigue, confusion or any other reason, constitute very serious harm to democracy and a real danger to its existence’ (paragraph 3.4 of the decision of the Ethics Committee on 10 March 2003).

We agree with these remarks. Formal democracy is based on voting and the power of the majority. A double vote seriously harms the principle of representation on which formal democracy is based. It harms substantive democracy, since the principle of equality is harmed and the Knesset member’s duty of trust is breached. The ‘realization of the will of the House’ is perverted.

18. It follows that if an invalid vote affected the majority required on the second reading of the draft Economic Recovery Law, the defect in the voting procedure would result in the disqualification of the second reading. Since this reading is an integral part of the legislative proceeding, it would be sufficient to prejudice the validity of the Economic Recovery Law. Justice M. Cheshin rightly pointed out:

‘According to the Knesset Procedure Rules, a law does not come into effect unless the Knesset passed it in three (or four) readings. A draft law that only had two readings will not cease to be a draft nor will it become law even if there is a provision in the draft itself that the draft will become “law” after it has two readings only. An express previous amendment (to the Rules or to statute, as necessary) that will allow a law to be adopted after only two readings is the only kind of amendment that is capable of changing a draft law into a “law” after two readings only’ (United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [7], at p. 534).

This is not the case if the defect was remedied because a revote was held and there was no repetition of the defect. This is also not the case if the defect is not remedied, and it harmed the basic values that underlie the legislative proceeding, but it was insufficient to influence the outcome of the vote. That is the case before us, in which the ‘realization of the will of the House’ was not perverted. Admittedly, the principles concerning representation and equality were harmed. Notwithstanding, the principle of the majority decision was not harmed, and in an overall balance the proportionate remedy in such circumstances is not voidance of the law but initiating proceedings against the Knesset member who voted unlawfully. An analogy can be derived from the validity of elections. Even if votes were obtained unlawfully, this is insufficient to disqualify the elections, if the defect would not influence the outcome of the elections (see EA 5049/92 Attorney-General v. his honour Supreme Court Justice (ret.) Mr A. Halima, Chairman of the Central Elections Committee for the Thirteenth Knesset [13]).

Concluding note

19. The development of laws concerning defects in the constitutional proceeding and the outcome thereof must be carried out ‘with due caution’ (Justice T. Or in Abu Arar v. Minister of Interior [3], at p. 35). Our judgment is a cautious step in this direction. The court must navigate between the clear extreme cases. On the one hand, there are those minor breaches of the rules concerning legislation. Examples of these are defects that have been remedied, or defects that had no effect. On the other hand there are serious breaches, which give rise to defects that go to the heart of the matter, since they harm the basic values that underlie our system. This is the case if a law is passed without the required number of readings or if the required number of readings took place without the necessary majority being obtained. Admittedly, there is no inherent sanctity in the three readings for a draft law tabled by the Government (section 114 of the Knesset Procedure Rules). It is possible to determine another arrangement that will allow the legislature to express its will. But once rules in this respect have been determined, and these provide for three readings, they must take place. It is through these that our democracy finds expression. Rhetorically it can be said that the document that was passed is not a ‘law’ (see Justice M. Cheshin in United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [7], at p. 530, and my remarks in Nimrodi Land Development Ltd v. Knesset Speaker [8], at p. 157). Objectively it can be said that the basic values that underlie the legislative proceeding were harmed, and therefore the breach is serious and it creates a defect that goes to the heart of the matter. Between the extremes lie the difficult cases. Thus, for example, what is the law if after the first reading a new matter is added that falls outside the scope of the original draft law? The rule provided in the Knesset Procedure Rules is that a decision must be made by the Knesset Committee (see section 120 of the Knesset Procedure Rules). In one case it was said, as an obiter dictum, that if a new matter is added without being brought before the Knesset Committee, ‘this is not a deviation that amounts to a defect justifying the intervention of the court in the legislative proceedings of the Knesset’ (Justice D. Dorner in HCJ 5160/99 Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Constitution, Law and Justice Committee [14]). I doubt whether this approach should be accepted, and I would like to leave it undecided. My approach would be different if the question arose as to whether an issue is new, and the response of the Knesset Committee is that the issue is not new. In such a case it seems to me that there are no grounds for considering an argument that the Knesset Committee erred in its approach. This matter also can be left undecided.

Miscellaneous

20. In the petition before us, the petitioner finds fault with the Knesset Speaker (the first respondent) for not suspending the commencement of the Economic Recovery Law. In view of our conclusion with regard to the validity of the Economic Recovery Law, this aspect of the petition should be denied. Even if there were a defect in the legislation that affected the validity of the law, no complaint may be directed at the Knesset Speaker for not suspending the commencement of the law. The reason for this is that the Knesset Speaker has no power to suspend the commencement of a law that suffered defects during the legislative proceedings that led to its enactment. The suspension of the commencement of the law can be done only by a new legislative act of the Knesset, or by a judicial decision.

21. The petitioner asked, within the framework of one of the remedies sought in the petition, that we order the Knesset Speaker to hold a revote for the vote in which it was discovered that there was an unlawful vote from the seat of MK I. Gavrieli. He also asked that we order the Knesset Speaker to re-examine the method of voting in the Knesset, in order to prevent cheating. As we have seen, in some of the cases the Knesset Speaker ordered a revote (in the case of MK Gurolevsky’s voting, and in the case where Minister Katz’s vote was recorded, even though it was not he who pressed the voting buttons). In other cases, a revote was not held (the voting on behalf of MK I. Gavrieli, who was not in the House, and the voting on behalf of MK E. Yatom). This matter falls within the discretion of the Knesset Speaker during the voting process. This court will not exercise judicial review of this decision, which is entirely an issue of the internal management of the Knesset’s business. Of course, the absence of a revote may lead — when the invalid votes affect the outcome — to a decision that the validity of the law is prejudiced. In such a case, the judicial review addresses the validity of the law, and not the discretion of the Knesset Speaker. As to the re-examination of the voting system, this matter too falls within the framework of the internal management of Knesset affairs, with regard to which judicial review is not exercised. I will go further and say that from the material submitted to us on the matter subject to our review, we see that the Knesset Speaker acted decisively, quickly and efficiently with regard to the serious phenomenon that arose. A complaint was filed with the Ethics Committee of the Knesset, and this imposed sanctions on MK Gurolevsky. Instructions were given to carry out a comprehensive investigation of the voting and the scope of the irregularities that occurred. Basic principles concerning the voting were revised and reviewed. There was full cooperation with the police investigators who were asked to investigate the incident on the instructions of the Attorney-General. Before the petition was filed, a tender was published for the supply, installation and assimilation of a new advanced electronic voting system. It follows that there is no basis for the allegations against the Knesset Speaker with regard to his conduct in this matter.

22. The petitioner also named the Minister of Finance as a respondent in the petition (the second respondent). It was argued that he should refrain from carrying out acts based on the Economic Recovery Law. In view of our conclusion that there is no defect in the validity of the law, this part of the petition should be dismissed. We should add that even if we were of the opinion that there is a defect in the validity of the law, the remedy for that would not be that the Minister of Finance should refrain from putting the law into operation. As long as the Economic Recovery Law has not been cancelled — whether by an act of legislation of the Knesset or by a constitutive declaration of the court (within the framework of the rules of relative voidance) — the law remains valid, and the Minister of Finance must put it into operation on the basis of that assumption. Of course, a law frequently gives the responsible minister some scope of discretion with regard to its operation. Within the framework of this discretion, it is sometimes possible to wait for a judicial determination with regard to the validity of the law, if a serious complaint is made in this regard. As aforesaid, in the case before us the question of the validity of the law was determined shortly after the legislative acts, and therefore the exercising of discretion by the Minister of Finance in this regard has been resolved in view of our conclusion that the law is valid in every respect.

23. Finally, the petitioner asked us to order the Attorney-General (the third respondent) to start a thorough investigation into the whole affair. From the statement of the Attorney-General we see that an instruction to this effect was given (already on 18 June 2003). Therefore this part of the petition has been satisfied.

For these reasons, we decided (on 31 July 2003) to dismiss the petition.

 

 

Justice A. Grunis

I agree.

 

 

 

Justice S. Joubran

I agree.

 

 

Petition denied.

30 Av 5764.

17 August 2004.

Amit v. Southern District Police Commander

Case/docket number: 
HCJ 153/83
Date Decided: 
Sunday, May 13, 1984
Decision Type: 
Original
Abstract: 

The Petition centred on the Respondent's refusal to permit the Petitioners - who petitioned the Court on behalf of the "Committee Against the War in Lebanon" - to hold a demonstration and procession to mark the thirtieth day of the death of the late Emil Greenzweig, who had been killed in the course of a demonstration held by the "Peace Now" movement. The Police Commissioner's reasons for his refusal were his apprehension, that what had happened before in the demonstration held by "Peace Now" was likely to happen again, and that if it did, the police would be unable to provide the demonstrators with absolute protection against a hostile crowd.

           

Held by the court:

 

A (1) The right of demonstration and procession is a fundamental human right in Israel. It is recognized along with free speech, or emanating therefrom - as belonging to the freedoms that characterize Israel as a democratic state.

(2) The basic freedoms - among them assembly and procession - constitute rules of law which, on the one hand, serve to guide us in the absence of statutory law, and, on the other hand, rules of interpretation according to which every statutory provision is to be construed. The court acts on the premise that the legislator desired neither to abrogate nor to restrict these basic freedoms.

 

B (1) The right of demonstration and procession, although a basic right, is not an absolute one. It is relative, being limited by other basic human rights, such as the right of private ownership of property and freedom of movement. It is also limited by the need to preserve public order and security, as well as to protect the fabric of democratic life. The relative nature of this right obligates us to strike a balance between it and the other rights.

(2) The balancing process must find expression on two levels: One is the concrete level, where the actual circumstances of the controversial event are taken into account; the other is the level of principle, where the typical interests are taken into account and general criteria are determined for balancing conflicting interests and rights.

(3) The need for a principled balancing calls for a judicial determination which in the absence of statutory guidance as to the relative grading of the different interests, will ensure resolution of the question whether these interests rank equally in importance or whether one takes preference over the other. Likewise, in the case of interests of equal standing, this balancing process calls for a judicial determination as to the measure of deference to be shown to one interest at the expense of the other. Thus a judicial pronouncement is required as to "the limits of sufferance" of the various rights.

(4) In seeking the point of equilibrium, there is, on the one hand, the consideration that a situation should not be allowed to arise in which hostile bystanders would be able to prevent people from demonstrating, and it is the task of the police, in this situation, to keep the crowd from disturbing the demonstrators rather than prevent the demonstrators from exercising their right. At the other hand of the scale is the consideration that a hostile crowd may be dangerous, and that rioting may cause bodily injury and loss of life.

(5) Both considerations are worthy of protection, but they cannot both be upheld at one and the same time. The required balancing is to be done in the framework of the authority conferred on the District Police Commander, under the Police Ordinance (New Version), 1971, to safeguard the public security or the public order. The balancing is to be effected at two levels, both of which are tied to the District Commander's authority. The first level relates to the physical steps to be taken by the police in order to prevent a hostile crowd from harming participants in the demonstration and procession. At the second level the concern is with the normative measures to be adopted by the police with respect to the grant or denial of a permit for holding the demonstration and procession, having regard to the anticipated consequences of the physical measures the police will adopt.

 

C (1) At the first level of balancing it will be the duty of the police to take all reasonable steps towards preventing any threats to or disturbance of the procession or demonstration. Enjoinder of the demonstration or procession is to be imposed as the last, not the first step. Only after the police have exhausted all the physical means at their disposal, consonantly with the anticipated situation, does the normative question of granting or withholding the licence have to be dealt with.

(2) The reasonableness of the police measures will depend on the available forces, their skill and equipment, the size of the demonstrating as well as the bystanding public, and similar considerations. Also to be taken into account are all the other duties of the police. Although extending proper protection to the demonstrators is a duty of the police, it is not their only duty, and their forces have to be allocated in a manner that will ensure reasonable discharge of all police duties.

 

D (1) At the second level of balancing the "rational principle" by which to balance between free speech and the public security, is the "probability" test. This test or formula is applicable also in construing the District Commander's authority under sections 83 and 84 of the police Ordinance (New Version).

(2) The "probability" test does not necessitate a clear or immediate certainty, but neither will a theoretical possibility suffice. Substantial evidence is required. Conjectures, speculations and apprehensions are not enough.

(3) The ideology which the demonstration or procession seeks to express, is not per se of concern to the authorities, but how the message is conveyed, the possibilities of it influencing the spectators, and the measure of hostility it is calculated to arouse in the crowd, are all considerations to be duly weighed, for they have a direct bearing on the probability that public security will be breached.

 

E (1) If, after the adoption of all reasonable police measures, there is still a substantial probability of harm to public security, the District Commander has the power to forbid the demonstration or procession. Before this power is exercised, the use of less drastic measures must be considered. These may enable the procession or demonstration to be held, even if not as originally planned, but with changes as regards its place, time and scope.

 

F (1) When exercising judicial review the court will not assume the role of a super police commander, but neither will it put the discretion of the police above all else. The court scrutinizes administrative discretion according to criteria of fairness, reasonableness, bias, discrimination, relevance of considerations and the like factors.

(2) The court will ask itself whether the facts as known to the District police Commander, would entitle a reasonable police commander to infer the existence of a probable danger to public security. This examination is no different from any other made by the court using the test of reasonableness.

(3) In the present case the only facts advanced by the respondent as a reason for not permitting the demonstration, were the events of the past. These create an apprehension, but no more; they do not establish any probability. Upon a reasonable evaluation made with prudent foresight those facts cannot be said to establish any substantial likelihood of danger, and they do not go beyond mere conjecture and speculation. These do not suffice. A reasonable police commander could not have inferred on the facts as they were known to him, that there existed any substantial possibility or probability of harm to public security.

Voting Justices: 
Primary Author
majority opinion
majority opinion
majority opinion
Full text of the opinion: 

H.C.J  153/83

 

 

ALAN LEVI AND YAHELI AMIT

v.

SOUTHERN DISTRICT POLICE COMMANDER

 

 

In the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

[May 13, 1984]

Before: Barak J., D. Levin J. and Netanyahu J.

 

 

Police Ordinance (New Version), 1971, sections 83, 84

Press Ordinance, Laws of Palestine (Drayton), vol. II, p. 1214

 

 

            The Petition centred on the Respondent's refusal to permit the Petitioners - who petitioned the Court on behalf of the "Committee Against the War in Lebanon" - to hold a demonstration and procession to mark the thirtieth day of the death of the late Emil Greenzweig, who had been killed in the course of a demonstration held by the "Peace Now" movement. The Police Commissioner's reasons for his refusal were his apprehension, that what had happened before in the demonstration held by "Peace Now" was likely to happen again, and that if it did, the police would be unable to provide the demonstrators with absolute protection against a hostile crowd.

           

Held by the court:

A (1) The right of demonstration and procession is a fundamental human right in Israel. It is recognized along with free speech, or emanating therefrom - as belonging to the freedoms that characterize Israel as a democratic state.

(2) The basic freedoms - among them assembly and procession - constitute rules of law which, on the one hand, serve to guide us in the absence of statutory law, and, on the other hand, rules of interpretation according to which every statutory provision is to be construed. The court acts on the premise that the legislator desired neither to abrogate nor to restrict these basic freedoms.

 

B (1) The right of demonstration and procession, although a basic right, is not an absolute one. It is relative, being limited by other basic human rights, such as the right of private ownership of property and freedom of movement. It is also limited by the need to preserve public order and security, as well as to protect the fabric of democratic life. The relative nature of this right obligates us to strike a balance between it and the other rights.

(2) The balancing process must find expression on two levels: One is the concrete level, where the actual circumstances of the controversial event are taken into account; the other is the level of principle, where the typical interests are taken into account and general criteria are determined for balancing conflicting interests and rights.

(3) The need for a principled balancing calls for a judicial determination which in the absence of statutory guidance as to the relative grading of the different interests, will ensure resolution of the question whether these interests rank equally in importance or whether one takes preference over the other. Likewise, in the case of interests of equal standing, this balancing process calls for a judicial determination as to the measure of deference to be shown to one interest at the expense of the other. Thus a judicial pronouncement is required as to "the limits of sufferance" of the various rights.

(4) In seeking the point of equilibrium, there is, on the one hand, the consideration that a situation should not be allowed to arise in which hostile bystanders would be able to prevent people from demonstrating, and it is the task of the police, in this situation, to keep the crowd from disturbing the demonstrators rather than prevent the demonstrators from exercising their right. At the other hand of the scale is the consideration that a hostile crowd may be dangerous, and that rioting may cause bodily injury and loss of life.

(5) Both considerations are worthy of protection, but they cannot both be upheld at one and the same time. The required balancing is to be done in the framework of the authority conferred on the District Police Commander, under the Police Ordinance (New Version), 1971, to safeguard the public security or the public order. The balancing is to be effected at two levels, both of which are tied to the District Commander's authority. The first level relates to the physical steps to be taken by the police in order to prevent a hostile crowd from harming participants in the demonstration and procession. At the second level the concern is with the normative measures to be adopted by the police with respect to the grant or denial of a permit for holding the demonstration and procession, having regard to the anticipated consequences of the physical measures the police will adopt.

 

C (1) At the first level of balancing it will be the duty of the police to take all reasonable steps towards preventing any threats to or disturbance of the procession or demonstration. Enjoinder of the demonstration or procession is to be imposed as the last, not the first step. Only after the police have exhausted all the physical means at their disposal, consonantly with the anticipated situation, does the normative question of granting or withholding the licence have to be dealt with.

(2) The reasonableness of the police measures will depend on the available forces, their skill and equipment, the size of the demonstrating as well as the bystanding public, and similar considerations. Also to be taken into account are all the other duties of the police. Although extending proper protection to the demonstrators is a duty of the police, it is not their only duty, and their forces have to be allocated in a manner that will ensure reasonable discharge of all police duties.

 

D (1) At the second level of balancing the "rational principle" by which to balance between free speech and the public security, is the "probability" test. This test or formula is applicable also in construing the District Commander's authority under sections 83 and 84 of the police Ordinance (New Version).

(2) The "probability" test does not necessitate a clear or immediate certainty, but neither will a theoretical possibility suffice. Substantial evidence is required. Conjectures, speculations and apprehensions are not enough.

(3) The ideology which the demonstration or procession seeks to express, is not per se of concern to the authorities, but how the message is conveyed, the possibilities of it influencing the spectators, and the measure of hostility it is calculated to arouse in the crowd, are all considerations to be duly weighed, for they have a direct bearing on the probability that public security will be breached.

 

E (1) If, after the adoption of all reasonable police measures, there is still a substantial probability of harm to public security, the District Commander has the power to forbid the demonstration or procession. Before this power is exercised, the use of less drastic measures must be considered. These may enable the procession or demonstration to be held, even if not as originally planned, but with changes as regards its place, time and scope.

 

F (1) When exercising judicial review the court will not assume the role of a super police commander, but neither will it put the discretion of the police above all else. The court scrutinizes administrative discretion according to criteria of fairness, reasonableness, bias, discrimination, relevance of considerations and the like factors.

(2) The court will ask itself whether the facts as known to the District police Commander, would entitle a reasonable police commander to infer the existence of a probable danger to public security. This examination is no different from any other made by the court using the test of reasonableness.

(3) In the present case the only facts advanced by the respondent as a reason for not permitting the demonstration, were the events of the past. These create an apprehension, but no more; they do not establish any probability. Upon a reasonable evaluation made with prudent foresight those facts cannot be said to establish any substantial likelihood of danger, and they do not go beyond mere conjecture and speculation. These do not suffice. A reasonable police commander could not have inferred on the facts as they were known to him, that there existed any substantial possibility or probability of harm to public security.

 

            Petition for an order nisi. The petition, which was heard as if the order had already been given, was granted and the order made absolute.

 

 

Israel cases referred to:

                           

[1]   H. C. 148/79, Sa'ar et al. v. Minister of interior and police, 34(2) P.D. 169.

[2]   H. C. 243/62, Israel Film Studios Ltd. v. Levi Geri et al., 16(4) P.D. 2407; S.J. vol. IV, 208.

[3]   H. C. - 73,87/53, "Kol Ha'am" Co. Ltd. v. Minister of Interior, 7 P.D. 871; 13 P.E. 422; S.J. vol. I, 90.

[4]   F.H. 9/77, Israel Electric Corporation Ltd. et al. v. Ha'aretz Newspaper Ltd., 32(3) P.D. 337.

[5]   Cr.A. 126/62, Dissenchick et al. v. Attorney-General, 17 P.D. 169; S.J. vol. V, 152.

[6]   Cr.A. 696/81, Azulai v. State of Israel, 37(2) P.D. 565.

[7]   Cr.A. 100/51, Dershovitz v. Attorney-General, 6 P.D. 278.

[8]   Cr.A. 255/68, State of Israel v. Ben-Moshe, 22(2) P.D. 427.

[9]   H. C. 253/64, Jeris v. Haifa District Officer, 18(4) P. D. 673.

[10] Election Appeal 1/65, Yeridor v. Chairman of Central Committee for Elections to the Sixth Knesset, 19(3) P.D. 365.

[11] H. C. 243/82, Zichroni v. Broadcast Authority Managing Committee, 37(1) P.D. 757.

[12] H. C. 166/71, Helon v. Usefiah Local Council, 25(2) P. D. 591.

[13] H. C. 230/73, S.Z.M. Ltd. v. Mayor of Jerusalem, 28(2) P. D. 113.

[14] H.C. 155/60, Elazar v. Mayor of Bat Yam, 14 P.D. 1511.

[15] H. C. 531/77, Baruch et al. v. Tel Aviv Traffic Superintendent, 32(2) P.D. 160.

[16] H. C. 222/68, Hugim Leumiyim et al. v. Minister of Police, 24(2) P.D. 141.

[17] H. C. 807/78, Ein Gal v. Film and Theatre Censorship Board, 33(1) P.D. 274.

[18] H.C. 644/81, Omar International Inc. New York v. Minister of Interior et al., 36(1) P.D. 227.

[19] H.C. 329/81, (S.P. 217/82; 376,670/83) Nof v. Attorney-General et al., 37(4) P.D. 326.

[20] H. C. 389/80, Golden Pages Ltd. v. Broadcast Authority, 35(1) P.D. 421.

[21] H. C. 1/81, Shiran v. Broadcast Authority, 35(3) P.D. 365.

 

English cases referred to:

 

[22] Harrison v. Duke of Ruthland (1893) 1 Q.B. 142; 68 L.T. 35.

[23] Hubbard v. Pitt (1975) 3 W.L.R. 201 (C.A.).

[24] Beatty v. Gillbanks (1882) 9 Q.B. 308.

 

Irish case referred to:

 

[25]      R. v. Londonderry (1891) 28 L.R. Ir. 440.

 

American cases referred to:

 

[26]      De Jonge v. State of Oregon 299 U.S. 353; 57 S.Ct. 255 (1937).

[27]      Bachellar v. Maryland 397 U.S. 564; 90 S.Ct. 1312 (1970).

[28]      Watson v. City of Memphis, Tenn. 373 U.S. 526; 83 S.Ct. 1314 (1963).

[29]      Hague v. Committee for Industrial Organization 307 U. S. 496; 59 S.Ct. 954 (1939).

[30]      Feiner v. People of the State of New York 340 U.S. 315; 71 S.Ct. 303 (1950).

[31]      Schenck v. United States 249 U.S. 47; 39 S.Ct. 247 (1919).

[32]      Whitney v. People of the State of California 274 U.S. 357; 47 S.Ct. 641 (1927).

[33]      Dennis v. United States 341 U. S. 494; 71 S.Ct. 857 (1951).

[34]      Terminiello v. City of Chicago 337 U.S. 1; 69 S.Ct. 894 (1949).

 

D. Cheshin for the Petitioners.

R. Jarach, Director of High Court Matters, State Attorney's Office, for the Respondent.

 

Barak J., giving the judgment of the Court.

 

The Facts:

1. On 10.2.83, in the afternoon, the "Peace Now" movement held a demonstration and procession in Jerusalem. Starting at Zion Square, the procession passed along the Ben Yehuda Mall, Bezalel Street, Ben Zvi Boulevard and Ruppin Street to Kiryat Ben Gurion. In the course of the procession the demonstrators encountered hostility. The procession ended with a demonstration at the square facing the Prime Minister's office. The end was a bitter one, since a hand-grenade was thrown which led to the injury and subsequent death of a demonstrator, Emil Greenzweig.

 

To mark the thirtieth day of the death of the late Emil Greenzweig, the "Committee Against the War in Lebanon" sought to hold a procession on 10.3.83. This procession was scheduled to follow the very same route taken on the previous occasion, at the end of which Emil Greenzweig met his death. The purpose of the procession was to protest against "the violence and the lack of freedom of expression." On 2.3.83, the petitioners applied on behalf of the "Committee Against the War in Lebanon" for a licence to hold the procession and demonstration, but the application was refused by the respondent on 6.3.83. Giving reasons for his refusal, the respondent wrote: "The proximity of the events to each other and the atmosphere created after the holding of Peace Now's demonstration, give rise to serious apprehension that the holding of the demonstration which forms the subject of this application, its projected timing, routing and size will create a grave threat to the public order and security." The respondent noted that he was prepared to approve a meeting at the Rose Garden opposite the Prime Minister's office. On 7.3.83 the petition was lodged against the respondent, calling upon the latter to show cause why he should not accede to the application. On 9.3.83 we convened to hear arguments, Mr. Jarach having been invited to appear as a representative of the Attorney-General. Due to the urgency of the matter, Mr. Jarach had insufficient time to prepare a written reply, but it was agreed that he should put forward verbally representations of the respondent as to the facts, and that we would treat the petition as if an order nisi had already been issued in the matter. It was further agreed that we should accept Mr. Jarach's representations as a substitute for a replying affidavit. In his reply Mr. Jarach noted the respondent's awareness of the symbolism attaching to the date of the proposed procession and its route. Nevertheless, the respondent also had to reckon with the public safety; and while he agreed that the demonstrators themselves would not jeopardize the public safety, it was to be feared that members of the crowd might do the demonstrators violent injury. The respondent hardly advocated a reward for hooliganism, but feared the recurrence, in the course of the procession and demonstration, of incidents of violence similar to or even graver than those that had taken place thirty days earlier. We inquired of Mr. Jarach as to the grounds for the fear, and whether it was founded on any specific information about what was likely to transpire. He replied that the respondent had no special information and that his apprehension was founded on the belief that the events of the past were likely to repeat themselves at this time as well. We went on to inquire whether, having regard to the general duties of the police, they had at their disposal sufficient manpower to safeguard the demonstration and procession. Mr. Jarach's reply was that, despite the difficulties involved, the police would be able to muster the required forces, that the respondent was motivated not by the lack of man-power but by his inability to afford the demonstrators "hermetical protection" - hence his apprehension. Much of our time was devoted to seeking a compromise acceptable to the parties, but to no avail. At the conclusion of the hearing we decided to make the order nisi absolute. Our reasons for so doing are given below.

 

The Right of Assembly and Demonstration

 

2. The right of assembly and demonstration is a fundamental human right in Israel (H.C. 148/77[1]). It is recognized - along with free speech, or emanating therefrom - as belonging to the freedoms that shape the democratic character of Israel. Some hold the ideological basis for this freedom to be the wish to ensure freedom of expression, which for its part contributes to the discovery of truth. Others believe that underlying the stated right is the maintenance and proper functioning of democratic government, which for its part is founded on freedom of information and freedom of protest. A further opinion is that the freedom to demonstrate and form a procession is a vital component in man's general right of self-expression and autonomous thought (See F. Schauer, Free Speech: A Philosophical Enquiry (Cambridge, 1982) 3). It seems that the right of demonstration and assembly has a broad ideological foundation, at the centre of which is a recognition of the value and dignity of man, of the freedom granted him to develop his personality, and of the wish to maintain a democratic form of government. By virtue of this freedom, means of expression are afforded to those to whom the national and commercial media of expression are not available. Hence it is accepted in our law, as in the law of other enlightened democratic countries, that the right of demonstration and assembly be ensured a place of honour in the citadel of fundamental human rights. In the words of Hughes J. in De Jonge v. State of Oregon (1937) [26], at 364:

 

"The right of peaceable assembly is a right cognate to those of free speech and free press and is equally fundamental."

 

            (See also: V. Blasi, "Prior Restraints on Demonstrations,"68 Mich. L. Rev. 1969-70 (1481) 1483; D.G. Barnum, "Freedom of Assembly and Hostile Audience in Anglo-American Law,"29 Am. J. Comp. L. (1981) 59).

           

3. In Israel this right has yet to find formal expression in a Basic Law. Yet the decisions of this court have effectively transformed it into one of those fundamental but unwritten rights which derive directly from the democratic, freedom-loving character of our State (per Landau J. in H.C. 243/62 [2], at 2415). The result is that "in its decisions these fundamental rights serve this court as a guiding light in construing the law and reviewing the acts of the state authorities. Clearly the Executive too must conduct itself with a proper concern for these rights" (ibid., based on H.C. 73,87/53, [3], at p. 884). "The recognition of the fundamental freedoms as a substantive part of the law in Israel also entails the conclusion that these freedoms form a part of the law, in word and in deed, i.e., as basic rules serving to guide and fashion patterns of legal thinking and interpretation, which these freedoms influence by their spirit and their goal" (per Shamgar J. in F.H. 9/77 [4], at 359). We find that the basic freedoms - among them assembly and procession - constitute on the one hand rules of law which serve as guidelines in the absence of statutory law, and on the other hand, rules of interpretation according to which every statutory provision is to be construed.

The court acts on the premise that the legislator desired neither to abrogate nor to restrict these basic freedoms.

 

The Balance between the Right to Demonstrate and Conflicting Rights and Interests.

4. The right of demonstration and procession, although a basic right, is not an absolute one. It is relative, being limited by other basic human rights, such as the right of private property and freedom of movement or passage. It is also limited by the need to preserve public order and security, as well as to protect the fabric of democratic life. The relative nature of this right obligates us to strike a balance between it and the other rights. Thus Lord Scarman remarked in his Report on the Red Lion Square Disorders (Cmnd. 5919), 1-2:

 

"Amongst our fundamental human rights there are, without doubt, the rights of peaceful assembly and public protest, and the right to public order and tranquillity... but the problem is more complex than a choice between the two extremes - one, a right to protest whenever and wherever you will and the other, a right to continuous calm upon our streets unruffled by the noise and obstructive pressure of protesting procession. A balance has to be struck, a compromise to be found that will accommodate the exercise of the right to protest within a framework of public order which enables ordinary citizens who are not protesting, to go about their business and pleasure without obstruction or inconvenience."

 

            In discussing the need to create a balance between the various rights, we stated as follows in H.C. 148/79 [1] at 172, 178:

           

"The freedoms of assembly and procession are not unlimited. They are relative and not absolute freedoms. My right to hold an assembly and procession does not mean that I have the right to enter my neighbor's property without his consent, or that I may cause violence and a disturbance of the public peace. As with other freedoms, here too it is necessary to balance the desire of the individual - and the desires of individuals - to express their views by way of an assembly and procession, against the desire of the individual to protect his welfare and property and the desire of the public to preserve public order and security. Without order, there is no liberty. The freedom of assembly does not mean a throwing-off of all public order, nor does the freedom of procession mean freedom to riot... In organized social life, there is no 'all or nothing,' but there is 'give and take,' and a balancing of the different interests."

 

            It is necessary that this balancing process find expression on two levels: one is the concrete level, where the actual circumstances of the controversial event are taken into account, the other is the level of principle, where the typical interests are taken into account, and general criteria are determined for balancing conflicting interests and rights. The concrete examination is essential, but is not sufficient in itself. It is not enough for the courts to state that the various interests must be balanced against each other. But the court - in the absence of statutory guidance - has to determine the balancing formula, the relative weight to be attached to the conflicting interests, and the criteria for ascertaining the point of equilibrium. This aspect was touched upon by Agranat J. in the Kol Ha'am case [3], in the following terms (at p. 881):

 

"... The question must necessarily arise - particularly because that approach does not embody any precise and narrow formula - as to what is the rational principle that must serve the executive authority when it is engaged in the stated process, in order to determine the issue in favor of one or the other of the two stated interests."

 

            This "rational principle" is needed in order to guide the public as to what is permitted and what is forbidden. Its existence is vital in order that the governmental authority be armed with the criteria and yardsticks necessary for its decision-making. This "rational principle" serves as an important guide for the judiciary, which ought not to give expression to its subjective perception but should fashion its interpretation according to objective criteria. The significance of this "rational principle" was elucidated by Shamgar J. in A.H. 9/77 [4], (at 361):

           

"The process of weighing competing values denotes the interpretative starting point, but it cannot act to establish standards or a graded value scale according to which the interpretative function is to be discharged. I suspect, moreover, that the result of setting up values one alongside the other, without at the same time formulating also guidelines for assessment of their relative weight, can only be that for lack of legal criteria the court will in each case employ according to its best understanding of what is most expedient - whatever criterion seems proper to it in the circumstances. In other words a criterion embodying a guiding value standard, and tending towards the upholding of a fundamental freedom, is converted into and exchanged for a casual paternalistic criterion, the direction and nature of which will be incapable of advance assessment. With all due respect, this is quite unsatisfactory and it will not, I am sure, contribute to the clarity of the law or to its uniformity."

 

            This need for a principled balancing calls for a judicial determination which, in the absence of statutory guidance as to the relative grading of the different interests, will ensure resolution of the question whether these interests rank equally in importance or whether one takes preference over the other. Likewise, in the case of interests of equal standing, this balancing process calls for a judicial determination as to the measure of deference to be shown to one interest at the expense of the other. Thus a judicial pronouncement has to be made with respect to the "limits of sufferance" of the various rights - if I may borrow a term employed by Mr. Justice Witkon [see A. Witkon, "Reflection and some Youthful Memories of Freedom of the Press," Human Rights in Israel (Human Rights Association in Israel, ed. R. Gabison, 1942, in Hebrew), 153, 160].

 

5. The right of demonstration and procession may clash with other rights and interests of various kinds. It may clash, for instance, with an individual's proprietary right, as may happen when it is sought to hold a demonstration and procession on his property. Exercise of the right of demonstration and procession may likewise conflict with a public property right, as when the procession is sought to be held in a city street. Public and private property alike have a vested ownership, yet a desirable balance between the right of demonstration and procession and a private proprietary right is by no means the same as the desirable balance when a "public" ownership right is at stake. The right of demonstration and procession may clash with the freedom of movement, since my neighbour's right to demonstrate in a city main street inhibits my right to use this street for my own purposes. These two interests have to be balanced against each other in a manner giving recognition to one without negating the other. The right of demonstration may clash with a person's right to personal security and bodily integrity, and also with the public interest in maintaining security and democratic administrative procedures. This clash may well occur since demonstration may bring with it violence, whether on the part of the demonstrators or on the part of a hostile crowd, and a balance must be struck between the right to demonstrate and the public security. The right of demonstration and procession may conflict with the public interest in the integrity of the judicial process, as may happen when a demonstration or procession is likely to influence the outcome of a judicial matter which is pending - and a balance has to be found between these two conflicting interests.

 

The Need for Diverse Criteria

6. The centrality of the right of demonstration and procession inevitably brings it into conflict with various other rights and interests, and this renders imperative a determination of standards wherewith to gauge the desirable point of balance in each case. The diversity of the different possible situations requires a matching diversity of points of balance. No single criterion will avail to solve all the problems, since the conflicting interests are not always on the same normative level, while the problematics of the conflict may be of different kinds. For instance, in case of conflict between the right of demonstration and a property right, the conflict when the latter is that of an individual is not the same as when it vests in the public. When vested in an individual the property right takes precedence, and an act of trespass cannot be justified by the right of demonstration (see Harrison v. Duke of Ruthland (1893) [22]). In the second case the property right takes no precedence, since public property - and I refer here to highways, squares and streets (and not, for example, to government offices) - is meant also for processions, parades and funerals (H. C. 148/79 [1], at 178; Lord Denning, in Hubbard v. Pitt [23]; see also S.A. de Smith, Constitutional and Administrative Law, (London, 4th ed. by Street and R. Brazaier, 1981) 497). Here, unlike the private property situation, the right has to be balanced against other interests, in a process of reciprocal waiver and tolerance. As we have seen, the possibility of conflict may arise also between the right of demonstration and procession and the freedom of movement or, between the former and maintaining the integrity of the judicial process. These conflicts may raise problems of a varying character. The conflict between the freedom of demonstration and procession and the freedom of movement is between two rights of equal normative value, and what is needed, therefore, is to balance them in a manner enabling substantial realization of the one without substantial infringement of the other: "The inhabitants of a city ... have to take upon themselves the inconvenience resulting from national and public events, and these cannot serve to restrict the citizen's right to demonstrate. In organized social life there is no 'all or nothing' " (H.C. 148/79 [1], 178), and once the desirable point of equilibrium has been established, it will regulate the conduct of the public and of the authorities. The apprehension, or possibility or even certainty of impairment of one interest or another may not be relevant at all. On the contrary: the envisaged equilibrium entails the certainty of an impairment of some kind, yet the entailed risk has to be undertaken for the sake of maintaining a desirable balance between the competing interests. The second conflict, between the freedom of demonstration and procession and the integrity of the judicial process, raises a different problem. Here the question generally is the degree of likelihood that the exercise of the one right (demonstration and procession) will prejudice the other interest (integrity of the judicial process). If this likelihood is high, the interest of the integrity of the judicial process will have the upper hand, whereas the freedom of demonstration and procession will prevail when there is little such likelihood. The purpose of a principled balance in this type of situation is to establish guidelines for evaluating the prejudicial likelihood. Thus, for instance, it has been laid down in our case law that the desirable guideline is neither a "probable" nor a "remote" danger, but one of "a reasonable possibility." "The risk of a remote effect on the judicial process will not suffice, but a possible effect will, since it is much the same whether the publication did in fact operate to influence the trial, or it merely was capable of so doing. This possibility of influencing the outcome of the trial suffices if it be a reasonable possibility, and there is no need that it be probable or imminent" (per Sussman J. in Cr.A. 126/62 [5] at 181).

 

7. As we have seen, the desirable point of equilibrium is sometimes found in a determination of the demarcation line between two rights pressing for recognition on the same normative level (the right of demonstration and procession as opposed to the right of passage). At other times, finding the point of equilibrium entails the establishment of a criterion for evaluating the likelihood of a breach of right. Just as the point of balance in the first case varies according to the substance of the rights concerned, so by the same token will it vary in the latter case. In neither case is a general and universal standard to be established. This question arose in connection with the relationship between the freedom of expression and the integrity of the judicial process. The argument that the proper point of balance between the two interests coincided with the point where the interests of free expression and public security were properly balanced against each other (i. e., a situation of "clear and present danger"), was rejected by the Supreme Court, Sussman J. holding as follows:

 

"I am of the opinion that this test is inappropriate in the instant case. There the question was the restriction of a right in deference to the public need, here the issue is the reconciliation with each other of two worthy but conflicting public interests. An encroachment upon the freedom of speech because of the danger of a breach of the public peace - a sore evil, for the prevention of which the freedom of speech should be curtailed only as far as essential - is not the same as delimiting that freedom for the sake of doing justice. For the public interest in the doing of justice is no less a value than the public interest in the maintenance of free speech, and in balancing the two against each other it would be as wrong to neglect the one as it would the other." (Cr.A. 126/62 [5], at 177).

 

Accordingly, we held that

 

"The Supreme Court was not prepared to follow the American case law, nor to adopt the test of a clear and imminent danger. It was also not ready to adhere to the 'probability' test laid down by the Supreme Court in the Kol Haam case (H.C. 73/53 [3], 87). In rejecting these tests Sussman J. noted that 'the doing of justice is of no less importance than the freedom of expression...' In place of these tests the Supreme Court established another, putting the point of balance elsewhere on the spectrum of possibilities, namely, the test of a 'reasonable possibility' of a forbidden influence." (Cr.A. 696/81 [6], at 575).

 

8. In the petition before us no question of the freedom of movement or of the integrity of the judicial process was at stake. The consideration by which the District Commander was guided was "a serious apprehension of a grave threat to the public order and safety." The issue was deliberated by this Court in H. C. 148/ 79 [1], where it was held that the right of assembly, procession and demonstration was not an absolute but a relative one, which could be restricted because of considerations of public safety. In the above case danger to the public safety was feared because of violent behaviour on the part of the demonstrators themselves, whereas in the case before us the apprehension was linked to possible violence coming from a hostile crowd. The Police Ordinance (New Version), 1971, provides for denial or restriction of the right of demonstration and procession on grounds of public security (sec. 84). Hence, if the risk of harm to life or body threatened by a hostile crowd is a matter of certainty, there is no doubt that the right of demonstration and procession must bow to these individual and public interests. However, does the occurrence of the harm have to be an absolute certainty for the instant purpose? To answer, it is necessary to establish a standard for gauging the likelihood that a disturbance of the public security as a result of the reaction of a hostile crowd to the demonstrators will erupt. What is the appropriate point of balance?

 

The Freedom of Demonstration and Procession and the need for Public Security in the Face of a Hostile Crowd.

9. This question requires us to analyze the different considerations that have to be taken into account. One is that a situation should not be allowed to arise in which hostile bystanders will be able to prevent people from demonstrating. It was so held by the U.S. Supreme Court in Bachellar v. Maryland (1970) [27], at 567:

 

" 'The public expression of ideas may not be prohibited merely because the ideas are themselves offensive to some of their hearers'... or simply because bystanders object to peaceful and orderly demonstrations."

 

            A person's freedom is not to be infringed merely because of violent objection to its exercise (see Watson v. City of Memphis, Tenn. (1963) [28]). It is the task of the police, in this situation, to keep the crowd from disturbing demonstrators, and not to prevent the demonstrators from exercising their right (Cr.A. 100/51 [7], at 280; see also E. C. S. Wade, "The Law of Public Meeting," 2 Modern L. Rev. (1938), 177). This was clearly stated by the court in R. v. Londonderry (1891) [25] as follows (at 449):

           

"If danger arises from the exercise of lawful rights resulting in the breach of the peace, the remedy is the presence of sufficient force to prevent the result, not the legal condemnation of those who exercise those rights."

 

            Showing deference to crowd hostility is like entrusting the key to exercise of the right of demonstration and procession to those who oppose it. This has to be avoided and the mob is not to be given a power of veto, nor violence a reward. The danger of such deference is noted by Kalvin:

           

"If the police can silence the speaker, the law in effect acknowledges a veto power in hecklers who can, by being hostile enough, get the law to silence any speaker of whom they do not approve" (Kalvin, The Negro and the First Amendment (1965) 140).

 

            Indeed, we should be careful not to convert the mob's power of veto into a constitutional principle that would permit denial of the right of demonstration and procession. "Every act done outside the framework of law and calculated to prejudice another's freedom of expression - an act of violence all the more so - strikes at the very heart of democracy" (Agranat J., in Cr.A. 255/68 [8], at 435). The heart of democracy has to be protected by all the means at democracy's disposal.

 

10. At the other end of the scale is the consideration that a hostile crowd may be dangerous, and that rioting may cause bodily injury and loss of life. The supreme value we attach to human life compels us to reckon with its endangerment, from whatever quarter the threat may come. The freedom of demonstration must not be permitted to degenerate into a blood-bath. Moreover, a violent disruption of the public order may unravel the social fabric and the very institutions of democratic government. It is not unknown for the enemies of democracy to have availed themselves of its legal processes in order to bring about its downfall. "More than once in the history of democratic countries has it happened that an orderly democratic administration was overcome by fascist and totalitarian movements of one kind or another, these making use of all the rights of free speech, freedom of association and of a free press, accorded them by the state, in order to conduct their destructive activities. Those who saw this happen at the time of the Weimar Republic will not forget the lesson" (Witkon J. , in H.C. 253/ 64 [9], at 679; see also E.A. 1/65 [10]), nor, indeed, will those who lived through the events of the Third Reich (see Witkon's above-mentioned article, at p. 161). The freedom of procession must not be allowed to escort the state to the "abyss" (a phrase used by my learned brother, Levin J., in H.C. 243/82 [11], at 770).

 

 

11. These, then, are the two considerations to be taken into account and to be balanced against each other. Both are worthy of protection, but they cannot both be upheld at one and the same time. Mr. Justice Fortas depicted the situation thus:

 

"The Constitution seems to accommodate two conflicting values, each of which is fundamental; the need for freedom to speak freely, to protest effectively, to organize, and to demonstrate, and the necessity of maintaining order so that other people's rights and the peace and security of the State, will not be impaired" (A. Fortas, Concerning Dissent and Civil Disobedience (New York, 1968) 30).

 

            The required balancing is to be done in the framework of the authority conferred on the District Police Commander, under the Police Ordinance (New Version), to safeguard the public security or the public order. It seems to me that the balancing is to be effected at two levels, both of which are tied to the District Commander's authority. The first level relates to the physical steps to be taken by the police in order to prevent a hostile crowd from harming participants in demonstrations and processions. At the second level, the concern is with the normative measures to be adopted by the police with respect to the grant or denial of permission for the holding of a demonstration and procession, having regard to the anticipated consequences of the physical measures the police will adopt. I shall deal with each of these levels in turn.

 

 

Balance Level One: Police Action to Prevent a Disturbance.

12. We have seen that our point of departure is the principle that an individual has a recognized right to take part in a demonstration or procession. Anyone threatening the exercise of this right and forcefully interfering with its enjoyment is acting unlawfully. There is a constitutional right to demonstrate and a constitutional duty to refrain from disturbing the demonstration by the use of threats and violence (see "Protecting Demonstrators from Hostile Audiences," 19 Kan. L. Rev. 524). Hence, the police must use all reasonable means at their disposal in order to prevent these threats and to protect the demonstrators from harm. This duty of protection is stated by Professor Chafee thus:

 

"The sound constitutional doctrine is that the public authorities have the obligation to provide police protection against threatened disorder at lawful public meetings in all reasonable circumstances" (Z. Chafee, Free Speech in the United States (New York, 1969) 245).

 

            The initial police action should be directed not against the demonstrators , but those threatening them with acts of violence. In the words of U.S. Supreme Court Justice Roberts:

           

"Uncontrolled official suppression of the privilege cannot be made a substitute for the duty to maintain order in connection with the exercise of the right" (Hague v. Committee for Industrial Organization (1939) [29], at 516).

 

            This principle has been adopted in our law too. For instance, the Supreme Court has held as follows:

           

"The maintenance of order does not mean surrendering to those who threaten its disturbance, but the contrary: giving shelter and protection to the victims of such" (per Berinson J. in H.C. 166/71 [12], at 594; see also H.C. 230/73 [13]; H.C. 155/60 [14], at 1512).

 

            In the same spirit it was held that "the response to the unlawful resort to violence must be firm initial police action and subsequent enforcement of the criminal law" (Landau J. in H.C. 531/77 [15], at 165). It is therefore the duty of the police to take all reasonable steps towards preventing any threats to, or disturbance of, the procession or demonstration (Cf. H.C. 222/68 [16], at 166). The enjoinder of the demonstration or the procession is to be imposed as the last, not the first step. Only after exhausting all the physical means at the disposal of the police, in whatever manner required to meet the anticipated situation, does the normative question of granting or withholding the licence have to be dealt with. If, in the name of preserving order, the police "ever can interfere with a lawful public speaker, they first must make all reasonable efforts to protect him" (Black J., in Feiner v. People of the State of New York, (1950) [30], at 326).

            The reasonableness of the police measures will depend on the available forces, their skill and equipment, the size of the demonstrating as well as the bystanding public, and similar considerations. Also to be taken into account are all the other duties of the police (see H.C. 222/68, [15], at 167). Although extending proper protection to the demonstrators is a duty of the police, it is not their only duty, and they have to allocate their forces in a manner that will ensure reasonable discharge of all their duties (see Note, "Hostile Audience Confrontations: Police Conduct and First Amendment Rights," 5 Mich. L. Rev. (1976-77), 180)

           

Balance Level Two: Police Action to Prevent a Demonstration.

13. It is possible that the reasonable efforts made by the police to prevent interference with a demonstration will succeed in eliminating the danger threatened by a hostile crowd, but it may also happen that the danger remains. The police may not have sufficient forces available, or those available may not be adequately trained or equipped, or the surrounding physical circumstances may perhaps preclude effective control of the situation. For these and other reasons, a threat to public safety may persist even after the envisaged police action. In this predicament the second question poses itself, namely: does the risk of harm to body and life justify repression of the right of demonstration and procession? Should the police efforts be directed solely against the hostile crowd, or are there also circumstances which justify police action against the demonstrators themselves? Shall the procession march at any price? We have already discussed the relevant considerations at this level of inquiry, noting that here too a balance must be struck. An infringement of the right of demonstration and procession has to be justified when its exercise entails a risk of bodily injury and loss of life. A democratic society which is anxious to preserve human dignity, life and bodily integrity, which is concerned with maintaining democratic government procedures, must sometimes deny or curtail the freedom of expression and the freedom of demonstration and procession, even if the practical implication of so doing is to grant a hostile audience de facto veto power. In this connection Professor Barnum writes as follows:

 

"It is doubtful that constitutional policy can prevent a hostile audience from abridging the freedom of speech when public disorder is either so unexpected or so persistent that it threatens to overwhelm the law enforcement resources of the society... when violent clashes between opposing groups become a regular occurrence, the law enforcement capacity of the society may be worn so thin that general restrictions on the right to demonstrate will have to be imposed. Under these circumstances, the constitutional right of freedom of speech may have to be subordinated, at least temporarily, to the imperatives of law enforcement and the need to restore public order" (Barnum, supra, at 94).

 

            But the real question that underlies this petition is this: what is the measure of likelihood of loss of life or bodily harm resulting from the holding of a demonstration that would justify the ultimate step of enjoining exercise of the stated right. This is a matter for prior and not retrospective assessment. The procession has yet to march, the demonstration yet to be held and the events yet to unfold. But the danger exists, the threat is there. By what standard shall the situation be gauged? As we have seen, certainty is by no means to be required. One does not await the patient's death before calling the doctor. What then is the requisite degree of likelihood - short of certainty - in this context? Does apprehension suffice? Is reasonable apprehension required, or perhaps a possibility, proximate or remote, suffices? Perhaps a substantial danger has to be shown, or shall the test be one of probability or of a clear and present danger? These and other tests we shall now examine in seeking the proper criterion to be applied when balancing the right of procession and demonstration against individual and public safety.

 

The Proper Standard: The "Probability" Test.

14. Determination of the proper standard was the central issue in the Kol Ha'am case ([3] 87). Charged with determining the "rational principle" by which to find the balance between free speech and the public security, the Court decided on "probability" of danger as the balancing formula or "test." This test will ensure that:

 

"On the one hand the viewpoints of others are not suppressed merely because they are opposed to those held by the people in authority and, on the other hand, that there is also attained the legislator's objective of preventing danger to the public peace" (ibid. at 888).

 

            Justice Agranat arrived at this test on the basis of the fundamental perception of the State of Israel as a country built on democratic foundations, within which prior restraints on the freedom of expression ought not to be imposed save in situations where the occurrence of a harmful result is a "substantial probability." It seems to me that the stated test is appropriate also in the matter now before us. We might also therefore properly apply the "probability" test in construing the District Commander's authority under sections 83 and 84 of the Police Ordinance (New Version). This can be justified on four grounds: First, the issues in this case and in Kol Ha'am [3] are very closely related. In both cases the principle of free speech (in its wide sense) clashes with the public security interest, and the need arises for a standard by which to gauge the likelihood of harm occurring. The general considerations pertaining to the democratic nature of the state and the need to confine "preventive measures" to situations in which there is a substantial probability that danger will erupt, apply in both cases. Second, the decision in Kol Ha'am has come to be accepted by the courts as establishing a general guideline for the balancing of freedom of speech with public safety. The ruling in Kol Ha'am is not limited in application to the specific provision of the Press Ordinance in issue there, but "was formulated on a broad theoretical basis" (per Landau J. in H.C. 243/62 [2] at 2411).

            The ruling in Kol Ha'am "has become a cornerstone in our legal edifice, and the principles embodied in it have been accepted by all and are beyond challenge today" (Levin J., in H.C. 243/82 [11], at 765). Our courts have in the past applied the stated test in all situations requiring a balance of freedom of speech with public safety (see e.g. H.C. 243/63 [2]; H.C. 807/78 [17] at 278; H.C. 148/79 [1]; H.C. 644/81 [18]; H.C. 243/82 [11]; see also P. Lahav, "Freedom of Expression in the Decisions of the Supreme Court, " 7 Mishpatim (1977) p. 375). It is fitting that we continue following this route, along which processions and demonstrations shall be free to march as long as there is no probability of prejudice to public security.

            A third reason for following the Kol Ha'am guideline is that it puts us in the company of modern democratic states which also face similar predicaments and, despite differences in constitutional structure, arrive at solutions similar to our own (see D. G. Barnum, The Constitutional Status of Public Protest Activity in Britain and the United States (1977) Pub. L. 310). Thus, a similar approach is taken in the United States (see L. H. Tribe, American Constitutional Law (Mineola, New York)), and likewise in West Germany. The latter country's constitution ensures freedom of assembly, with provision made for lawful restriction of the same. A special law empowers the police to prohibit demonstrations, provided that the circumstances known at the time of the decision constitute "an immediate danger to public order or public security" (see Gesetz uber Versammlungen und Aufzuge (Versammlungsgesetz) of 24 July, [Dietel and Kintzel, Demonstrations und Versammlungsfreiheit (1935), 120]).

            Fourth, the stated test strikes a proper balance among the various considerations which are competing for primacy. The test, on the one side, pays full regard to the need to ensure freedom of demonstration and procession, and also fully recognizes that only exceptional circumstances indicating a causal connection which is clear and manifest, justifies the infringement of this freedom. On the other side, the test pays full regard to the need for protecting life and limb, acknowledging that the maintenance of democratic administrative procedures and the public safety justify infringement of the freedom of demonstration and procession. It is accordingly a rational and principled test, and provides a proper and flexible guideline for the resolution of difficult and exceptional situations.

           

15. Already in Kol Ha'am Agranat J. pointed out ([3] at p. 888) that the "probability" test was "not a precise formula that could be adapted easily or certainly to every single case." The use of kindred expressions, such as "a proximate possibility" (Agranat J., ibid.), "a tangible danger" (Sa'ar decision [1]), "a natural consequence" (see Beatty v. Gillibanks [24]), throw little additional light on the content of this elusive test. It may be noted that in the United States the standard of a "clear and a present danger" is sometimes applied in the present context. This test was enunciated by Justice Holmes in Schenck v. United States [31]:

 

"The question in every case is whether the words used are used in circumstances and are of such a nature as to create a clear and present danger that they will bring about the substantive evils that Congress has a right to prevent" (at p. 52).

 

            It was further shaped by Justice Brandeis, with the concurrence of Justice Holmes, in Whitney v. People of the State of California [32]:

           

"... no danger flowing from speech can be deemed clear and present, unless the incidence of the evil apprehended is so imminent that it may befall before there is opportunity for full discussion. If there be time to expose the evil by the process of education, the remedy to be applied is more speech, not enforced silence. Only an emergency can justify repression" (at p. 377).

 

            Some reservations about the test were expressed in later decisions (see Strong, "Fifty Years of 'CIear and Present Danger': From Schenck to Brandenbrug and Beyond," Free Speech and Association (ed. Kurland, 1975) 302; Dennis v. United States [33]).

            Justice Agranat himself rejected this test in Kol Ha'am ([3] at 891), mainly because the element of immediacy demands proximity in time. In later Supreme Court decisions no clear distinction was maintained between the "probability" test enunciated by Justice Agranat and the "clear and present danger" test rejected by him, the two being treated as identical (see e.g. Sussman J. in Cr.A. 126/62 [5] at 171; Cohn J. in E.A. 1/61 [10] and Bach J. in H.C. 243/82 [11], at 779). Indeed, there appears to be no great difference between these two tests (see Lahav's above-mentioned article at 420), and some regard them as being but different versions of one and the same test (see T. L. Emerson, The System of Freedom of Expression (N.Y.. 1970) 113). In the Dennis case [33], in which the American Supreme Court expressed reservations concerning the "clear and present danger" test, Jackson J. nevertheless felt that there was room for its continued use in procession and demonstration cases (ibid. at 568).

           

16. The test of "probability" does not necessitate a clear or immediate certainty, but neither will a theoretical possibility suffice. What is required is "substantial" evidence (D. Libai, "The Right to Assemble and Demonstrate in Israel, "Iyunei Mishpat. Vol. B (1972/73) 54, 65). The estimation must be based on known facts, including past experience. Conjectures, speculations and apprehensions are not enough, nor is a plea of a substantial possibility of harm to public security. The actual circumstances must point to a substantial likelihood of danger, leaving a possibility of "setting off" the degree of likelihood against the measure of gravity of the apprehended harm. In this respect one should not seek to be wise after the event and judge according to ex post facto knowledge of the facts and events, but rather according to the reality confronting the authority at the time of making its decision. Nevertheless, not to be wise after the event is no justification for folly before the event. Since we are concerned here with the evaluation of a future happening, relevance attaches to the circumstances surrounding the holding of the demonstration and procession, to the message it is intended to convey, the manner of its conveyance, and to the possible reaction of the crowd. A demonstration is not something detached from reality, it is rather a phenomenon of life taking place at a particular place and time. It is true that the ideology which the demonstration or procession seeks to express is not per se of concern to the authorities "the police are not in charge of ideology" (H.C. 148/79 (1) at 179). But how the message is conveyed, the possibilities of its influencing the spectators and the measure of hostility it is calculated to arouse in the crowd are all considerations to be duly weighed, for they have a direct bearing on the threat to public-security. Accordingly, the views of the demonstrators are not in themselves of interest to the authorities, but are important only for estimating the probability of the danger erupting.

            Freedom of expression or demonstration does not mean freedom merely to say only what others want to hear. Freedom of procession is not the preserve of flower-garlanded children marching along a city street, but it also confers the right on people who do not hold the accepted views to march, and whose very marching arouses irritation and anger (see Terminiello v. City of Chicago (1949) [34], at 4). The right is available to marchers in both categories, and is not tied to the measure of approval or anger aroused. Yet importance does attach to such responses when one is evaluating the likelihood that the procession and demonstration will result in a breach of the public security.

           

17. If, despite the adoption of all reasonable police measures, there is still a "probability" of harm to public security, the District Commander has the authority to forbid the demonstration or procession. It is to be noted, however, that the enjoinder of a demonstration or procession is a measure of last resort, to be adopted in the face of anticipated danger. Before its adoption, the use of less drastic measures has to be considered. These may enable the demonstration or procession to be held, even if not as originally planned but with changes as regards its place, time and scope. In this manner it will be possible to maintain, if only in limited measure, the freedom of demonstration and procession, while at the same time protecting the public security interest. Indeed, when the lawful denial or curtailment of a basic human right is at stake, it is incumbent on the Executive to choose - from the range of means available for the protection of public security - such restrictive measures that least impair the basic right. Among the drastic measures, that which is the least drastic should be chosen. (See note: "Less Drastic Means and the First Amendment, "78 Yale L.J. (1969) 464). It is possible, of course, that any measure less than a total enjoinder may be ineffective in the face of a probable threat to public security. In such event there is no alternative but to adopt this stringent measure. But where other means may prove effective, they must be employed.

 

Judicial Review

18. I have so far confined myself to the normative framework within which the District Commander's discretion may be exercised. It is now necessary to examine the normative discretionary framework for the exercise of judicial review. This framework is not peculiar to the law of demonstration and procession, but is rather the regular framework set by the doctrine of judicial review. This doctrine holds that "the court, when exercising judicial review, does not assume the identity of the functionary the lawfulness of whose conduct is being challenged, but each retains its own identity, and the court examines whether the functionary acted as one in his position should properly have done." (H.C. 329/81 [19], at 334). Accordingly, the court will not assume the role of a super-police commander, but neither will it put the discretion of the police above all else. The court scrutinizes administrative discretion according to criteria of fairness, reasonableness, bias, discrimination, relevancy of considerations and the like. Thus we have ruled as follows in the context of the Police Commander's discretion under sections 83 and 84 of the Police Ordinance (New Version): "If the second respondent's considerations are affected by lack of good faith, by arbitrariness, discrimination or unreasonableness - we shall not hesitate to intervene" (H.C. 148/79 [1], at 178).

 

19. In exercising judicial review, the court will examine the lawfulness of the police commander's decision in relation to the existence of a "probable" danger to the public security (see Kol Ha'am [3] at 823). The court will ask itself - as it has in other similar cases (cf. H.C. 389/80 [20]; H.C. 1/81 [21]; H.C. 243/82 [11] - whether the facts as known to the District Police Commander, would entitle a reasonable police commander to infer the existence of a "probable danger" to public security. This examination is no different from any other made by the court using the test of reasonableness. In this way, for instance in H.C. 644/81 [18], this court examined whether various articles published in a daily newspaper posed a probable danger to public security. A similar examination was made by this court in H.C. 243/82 [11], in the context of prohibiting the telecasting of certain material. The same test has to be used when ascertaining the "probability" of harm to public security in the context of the police commander's exercise of his discretion.

 

From the General to the Specific

20. The District Police Commander concluded, in the matter before us, that there was "serious apprehension over a grave threat to public order and security." This threat, in his opinion, would continue to exist even after allocation of the forces necessary for safeguarding the demonstration and procession.

            We enquired as to the grounds for such concern, and were informed that it resulted from an evaluation of the events that had transpired on the occasion of the first demonstration and procession, held a month earlier. Here the District Commander erred, in our opinion. Apprehension and estimations are not enough - unless they are founded on facts and point to a "probability." In the matter before us the only facts adduced were the events of the past. These create an apprehension, but no more, and do not establish any probability. Upon a reasonable evaluation made with prudent foresight, the above facts cannot be said to establish any substantial likelihood of danger, and do not go beyond mere conjecture and speculation. These do not suffice. A reasonable police commander could not have inferred, on the factual constellation known to him, that there existed any probability or substantial likelihood of harm to public security. Once we have reached this conclusion there is no longer need for us to consider whether the police commander had properly discharged his duty when he offered to licence a meeting at the Rose Garden, opposite the Prime Minister's office. That inquiry would only have been necessary had we thought that holding the procession along the original route entailed a probability of harm to public security. In any event, the need to consider alternative routes of procession falls away, once we have concluded that the planned procession poses no danger warranting its enjoinder. Yet I must add with regret that a number of suggestions which we made in the course of the hearing - relating to alternative routes promising a more effective deployment of the public forces and thus reducing the fear of possible violence on the part of the crowd - were not acceptable to the Respondent, despite the willingness of the Petitioners to accept them. It is difficult to fathom the Respondent's rejection of these alternative proposals, which could have reduced the risk of possible danger significantly, even on the premises and assumptions of the police themselves.

            For the above reasons we have decided to make the order absolute in the sense that the Respondent is to give the Petitioners a licence to hold a demonstration as requested by them.

           

Judgment given on May 13, 1984.

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